Novgorod liberty brought a lot of worries and troubles to the Moscow princes, but only Ivan the Third managed to completely put an end to the obstinacy and rebelliousness of the Novgorodians.

So at the end of the spring of 1471, the time of exhortations ended for Ivan. He declares war on Novgorod, enlisting the help of the Tver residents, and also rallying with the Vyatka and Pskov squads. He also takes with him the deacon-clerk, who was well versed in various annals and, if necessary, able to cite as an example the old treaties that were concluded between Moscow and Novgorod, as well as the facts of all Novgorod betrayals.

As the main reason for the implementation of the military campaign, Ivan the Third announces the salvation of Orthodoxy from impending disaster. To force the Novgorodians not to fall away from antiquity and follow the oath were secondary goals.

Immediately, several detachments moved west from Moscow. All governors receive an order without mercy to completely devastate the Novgorod lands, sparing no one. Warriors go to the lands of the Dvina region.

These hostilities were accompanied by all the horrors that were characteristic of that period of time. Along the way, the troops were ruined and everything was burned. This was done for the most part in order to instill horror and fear approaching Novgorod to its inhabitants.

The bulk of the troops, led by Ivan the Third himself, set off from Moscow at the end of June, joining various detachments along the way. Nobody dared to help Novgorod. Pskov was on the side of the Moscow princes, and King Casimir refused to fulfill his direct obligations.

In a hurry, the Novgorodians began to build up their combat power. Craftsmen, potters, carpenters and various workers were put under arms. So it was possible to gather a forty thousandth army, commanded by Dmitry Boretsky.

He leads the Novgorod soldiers to meet the Pskovites, but along the way his army is defeated by the governor of Ivan the Third, Danila Kholmsky, who has four thousand soldiers in the detachment.

Despite the large numerical advantage, twelve thousand soldiers died, and one and a half were captured (together with Boretsky).

By order of Ivan the Third, Boretsky and three boyars are beheaded, and the rest of the captives are sent to different cities in dungeons.

At the next Veche, the adherents of Moscow gain the upper hand and the ambassadors of Novgorod ask for peace from Ivan the Third.

Ivan 3 was appointed by fate to restore autocracy in Rus', did not suddenly accept this great deed and did not consider all means permitted.

Karamzin N.M.

The reign of Ivan 3 lasted from 1462 to 1505. This time entered the history of Russia as the beginning of the unification of the lands of specific Rus' around Moscow, which created the foundations of a single state. It was also Ivan 3 who was the ruler under whom Rus' got rid of the Tatar-Mongol yoke, which lasted almost 2 centuries.

Ivan 3 began his reign in 1462 at the age of 22. The throne passed to him according to the will from Vasily 2.

State administration

Beginning in 1485, Ivan III proclaimed himself the sovereign of all Rus'. From this moment begins a unified policy aimed at strengthening the international position of the country. As for internal control, it is difficult to call the power of the prince absolute. The general scheme of governing Moscow and the entire state under Ivan 3 is presented below.

The prince, of course, ascended above everyone, but the church and the boyar duma were quite a bit inferior in importance. It suffices to note that:

• The power of the prince does not extend to church lands and boyar estates.
• The church and the boyars have the right to mint their own coin.

Thanks to the Sudebnik of 1497, the feeding system takes root in Rus', when princely officials receive broad powers in terms of local government.

Under Ivan 3, a system of transfer of power was first implemented, when the prince appointed himself a successor. It was also during this era that the first Orders began to take shape. The order of the Treasury and the Palace were founded, which were in charge of the receipt of taxes and the distribution of land to the nobles for service.

Unification of Rus' around Moscow

Conquest of Novgorod

Novgorod during the period of Ivan 3 coming to power retained the principle of governance through veche. Veche chose the posadnik, who determined the policy of Veliky Novgorod. In 1471, the struggle between the boyar groups "Lithuania" and "Moscow" intensified. This was ordered to the massacre at the veche, as a result of which the Lithuanian boyars won the victory, led by Marfa Boretskaya, the wife of the retired posadnik. Immediately after this, Marfa signed the vassal oath of Novgorod to Lithuania. Ivan 3 immediately sent a letter to the city, demanding to recognize the supremacy of Moscow in the city, but the Novgorod veche was against it. This meant war.

In the summer of 1471, Ivan 3 sent troops to Novgorod. The battle took place near the Shelon River, where the Novgorodians were defeated. On July 14, a battle took place near the walls of Novgorod, where the Muscovites won, and the Novgorodians lost about 12 thousand people killed. Moscow strengthened its positions in the city, but kept self-government for Novgorodians. In 1478, when it became obvious that Novgorod did not stop trying to go under the rule of Lithuania, Ivan 3 deprived the city of any self-government, finally subordinating it to Moscow.

Novgorod was now ruled by the Moscow governor, and the famous bell, symbolizing the freedom of the Novgorodians, was sent to Moscow.

Accession of Tver, Vyatka and Yaroslavl

Prince Mikhail Borisovich of Tver, wishing to preserve the independence of his principality, married the granddaughter of the Grand Duke of Lithuania, Kazemir 4. This did not stop Ivan 3, who in 1485 started the war. The situation for Mikhail was complicated by the fact that many Tver boyars had already switched to the service of the Moscow prince. Soon the siege of Tver began, and Mikhail fled to Lithuania. After that, Tver surrendered without resistance. Ivan 3 left his son Ivan to manage the city. So there was a subordination of Tver to Moscow.

Yaroslavl during the reign of Ivan 3 formally retained its independence, but it was a gesture of goodwill from Ivan 3 himself. Yaroslavl was completely dependent on Moscow, and its independence was expressed only in the fact that local princes had the right to inherit power in the city. The wife of the Yaroslavl prince was the sister of Ivan 3, Anna, which is why he allowed her husband and sons to inherit power and rule independently. Although all important decisions were made in Moscow.

Vyatka had a control system similar to Novgorod. In 1489, Tver submitted to the rule of Ivan III, passing into the control of Moscow along with the ancient city of Arsk. After that, Moscow strengthened as a single center for the unification of Russian lands into a single state.

Foreign policy

The foreign policy of Ivan 3 was expressed in three directions:

• East - liberation from the yoke and the solution of the problem of the Kazan Khanate.
• Southern - confrontation with the Crimean Khanate.
• Western - the solution of border issues with Lithuania.

East direction

The key task of the eastern direction is the deliverance of Rus' from the Tatar-Mongol yoke. The result was standing on the Ugra River in 1480, after which Rus' gained independence from the Horde. 240 years of the yoke were completed and the rise of the Muscovite state began.

Wives of Prince Ivan 3

Ivan 3 was married twice: the first wife was Princess Maria of Tver, the second wife was Sophia Paleolog from the family of Byzantine emperors. From his first marriage, the prince had a son - Ivan Molodoy.

Sophia (Zoya) Palaiologos was the niece of the Byzantine emperor Constantine 11, but after the fall of Constantinople, she moved to Rome, where she lived under the auspices of the pope. For Ivan III, this was a great option for marriage, after the death of Princess Mary. This marriage made it possible to unite the ruling dynasties of Russia and Byzantium.

In January 1472, an embassy was sent to Rome for the bride, headed by Prince Ivan Fryazin. The Pope agreed to send Palaiologos to Russia under 2 conditions:

1. Russia will persuade the Golden Horde to war with Turkey.
2. Russia in one form or another will accept Catholicism.

The ambassadors accepted all the conditions, and Sophia Paleolog went to Moscow. On November 12, 1472, she entered the capital. It is noteworthy that at the entrance to the city, traffic was stopped for several days. This was due to the fact that Catholic priests were at the head of the delegation. Ivan 3 considered worship of someone else's faith a sign of disrespect for his own, so he demanded that the Catholic priests hide the crosses and move deeper into the column. Only after meeting these requirements, the movement continued.

succession to the throne

In 1498, the first dispute over the succession to the throne arose. Part of the boyars demanded that his grandson Dmitry become the heir of Ivan 3. It was the son of Ivan the Young and Elena Voloshanka. Ivan Young was the son of Ivan 3 from his marriage to Princess Mary. Another group of boyars spoke out for Vasily, the son of Ivan 3 and Sophia Paleolog.

The Grand Duke suspected his wife that she wanted to poison Dmitry and his mother Elena. A conspiracy was announced and some people were executed. As a result, Ivan 3 became suspicious of his wife and son, so on February 4, 1498, Ivan 3 names Dmitry, who at that time was 15 years old, as his successor.

After that, there was a change in the mood of the Grand Duke. He decided to re-investigate the circumstances of the assassination attempt on Dmitry and Elena. As a result, Dmitry was already taken into custody, and Vasily was appointed prince of Novgorod and Pskov.

In 1503, Princess Sophia died, and the prince's health became noticeably worse. Therefore, he gathered the boyars and declared Vasily, the future Prince Vasily 3, his heir.

The results of the reign of Ivan 3

In 1505 Prince Ivan III dies. After himself, he leaves a great legacy and great deeds that were destined to be continued by his son Vasily. The results of the reign of Ivan 3 can be characterized as follows:

• Elimination of the reasons for the fragmentation of Rus' and the unification of the lands around Moscow.
• The beginning of the creation of a single state
• Ivan 3 was one of the strongest rulers of his era

Ivan 3 was not an educated person, in the classical sense of the word. He could not get enough education in childhood, but this was compensated by his natural ingenuity and quick wit. Many call him a cunning king, because he very often achieved the results he needed by cunning.

An important stage in the reign of Prince Ivan III was the marriage to Sophia Paleolog, as a result of which Russia became a strong power, and it began to be discussed throughout Europe. This, no doubt, gave impetus to the development of statehood in our country.

Key events of the reign of Ivan III:

• 1463 - annexation of Yaroslavl
• 1474 - annexation of the Rostov principality
• 1478 - annexation of Veliky Novgorod
• 1485 - annexation of the Tver principality
• Liberation of Rus' from the Horde yoke
• 1480 - standing on the Ugra
• 1497 - adoption of the code of law Ivan 3.

In 1462, his son and co-ruler Ivan III Vasilyevich (1462-1505) came to the throne. By that time he was 22 years old. He continued the policy of his parent, primarily in the affairs of the unification of the lands of Rus' around Moscow and the fight against the Horde. A cautious, prudent man, he slowly but surely pursued his course towards the conquest of the remaining independent principalities, the subordination of various rulers to his power, the return of the Russian lands occupied by Lithuania.

Unlike their predecessors Ivan III did not directly lead the troops on the battlefields, carried out the general strategic management of their actions, provided the regiments with everything necessary. And it gave very good results. Despite seeming slowness, when necessary, he showed determination and an iron will.

Disputes around the name of Ivan III began during his lifetime. There were people from church and court circles who were dissatisfied with his sometimes tough policy towards monasteries (at one time the prince wanted to take their lands away from them) or some boyars who criticized him, called the ruler indecisive, even cowardly (for example, during a clash with the Horde in 1480). These disputes were continued by historians of subsequent times. For all that, the life of Ivan III, and fate measured out more than six decades for him, was filled with stormy and important events that were of exceptional importance for the history of the Fatherland.

Already at the end of the reign of Vasily II, Moscow began to hamper the independence of the Lord Veliky Novgorod - his external relations were placed under the control of the Moscow government. But the Novgorod boyars, led by Marfa Boretskaya (Marfa Posadnitsa), the widow of the posadnik Isaac Boretsky, sought to preserve the independence of the republic. They were negotiating with Lithuania. Ivan III and the Moscow authorities regarded this as political and religious treason. The campaign against Novgorod by the Moscow army, the defeat of the Novgorodians on the Shelon River in 1471 and in the Dvina land led to the inclusion of the vast lands of the republic in the number of Moscow possessions. This act was finally consolidated during the campaign against Novgorod in 1477-1478. In 1472 became part of a single state "Great Perm"(upper reaches of the Kama), in 1489 - lands on the Ob and Vyatka (Khlynov) rivers.

Map. Campaigns of Ivan III

The annexation of the Novgorod lands predetermined the fate of the Tver principality. He was now surrounded on all sides by Moscow possessions. In 1485, the troops of Ivan III entered the Tver land, Prince Mikhail Borisovich fled to Lithuania. The Tverites kissed the cross to Prince Ivan Ivanovich Molodoy, the son of Ivan III and Maria Borisovna (sister of the last prince of Tver). He received from his father Tver in specific possession. In the same year, Ivan III took the official title "Grand Duke of All Rus'". This is how a single Russian state was born, and in the sources of that time the name appears for the first time "Russia" . The emblem of the state was a double-headed eagle borrowed from the Holy Roman (German) Empire.

Later, already under Vasily III, the son of Ivan III, the lands of the Pskov Republic were annexed (1510). This act was of a formal nature, since in fact Pskov was under the control of Moscow from the 1460s. In 1514, Smolensk with its lands was included in Russia, and even later, the Ryazan principality (1521), which also actually lost its independence at the end of the 15th century. This is how the territory of the united Russian state was formed.

True, within the state for a long time there were specific principalities of brothers, and then sons of Ivan III. But the grand dukes consistently restricted their rights (prohibiting the minting of their own coins, reducing judicial rights, etc.), and at the first opportunity they took these lands into their own hands.

Creation of a new management system. Moscow followed the path of centralization in all matters. Ivan III and his son Vasily III forced to pay taxes to the treasury of privately owned peasants, on a par with black-mossed (state) and palace peasants, limited the privileges of boyars, hierarchs, monasteries in judicial and tax matters.

Sudebnik 1497 - the first code of laws of united Russia- consolidated a single device and management in the state. The highest institution was the Boyar Duma - the council under the Grand Duke; its members managed certain branches of the state economy, acted as governors in regiments, governors in cities. Volosteli, from among "free people", exercised power in rural areas - volosts. The first orders appear - central government bodies, they were headed by boyars or clerks, whom the Grand Duke "ordered" to know certain things.

Sudebnik for the first time on a national scale he introduced a rule that limited the exit of peasants; their transfer from one owner to another was now allowed only once a year, during the week before and after the autumn St. George's Day (November 26), after the completion of field work. In addition, natives were obliged to pay the owner of the elderly - money for "yard"- outbuildings.

Sudebnik puts under the control of the center the local government in the person of feeders. Instead of squads, a single military organization is being created - the Moscow army, the basis of which is the noble landowners. At the request of the Grand Duke, they must come to the service with armed people from their serfs or peasants, depending on the size of the estate ( "horse, crowded and armed"). The number of landlords under Ivan III greatly increased due to lackeys, servants and others; they were given lands confiscated from the Novgorod and other boyars, from princes from the newly annexed regions.

Wars with Lithuania and the Livonian Order

Russian multinational state. The increased power of Rus' allowed its politicians to put on the agenda the return of Russian lands lost in the storms of foreign invasions and Horde domination. Since the end of the 1480s. begin "attacks" Russian detachments on the borderlands of Lithuania - the lands of the former Smolensk, Chernigov, Polotsk and other principalities. The princes of Vorotynsky, Belevsky and others from the so-called Verkhovsky principalities (in the upper reaches of the Oka), which were dependent on the Grand Duke of Lithuania, were transferred to the service of Moscow. Under the treaty of 1494, Vyazma was ceded to Russia. And during the Russian-Lithuanian war of 1500-1503. Moscow troops liberated many cities along the Desna River. The regiments of Prince Daniil Schenya, an outstanding Russian commander of that time, utterly defeated the troops of the Lithuanian hetman (commander-in-chief) Prince Konstantin Ostrozhsky on the Vedrosha River (July 14, 1500).

Map. War with Lithuania 1500-1503

On the side of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Alexander Kazimirovich, son-in-law of Ivan III (he was married to his daughter Elena, but this did not prevent the war), the Livonian Order came out. But the same Shchenya also won a brilliant victory here - he defeated the Livonians at Helmet near Derpt in 1501.

Under an agreement with Lithuania in 1503, the lands along the Desna and Sozh, in the upper reaches of the Drepr and Western Dvina, with Chernigov, Novgorod-Seversky, Starodub, Gomel, Bryansk, etc., passed to Russia. A few years later, Alexander Kazimirovich began a new war (1507 -1508) against Moscow in alliance with Livonia and the Crimea. But he did not succeed and was forced to recognize the previous acquisitions of Russia.

Ally attacks Lithuania the Crimean Khan to the Russian lands became a pretext for new campaigns of Vasily III to the west (1512-1514). As a result, their Moscow regiments captured Smolensk.

Russian people could be proud of what was done in the glorious decades of the late 15th and early 16th centuries. 16th century author reflected the feelings of his contemporaries in this way: “Our great Russian land freed itself from the yoke ... and began to renew itself, as if it had passed from winter to a quiet spring. She again achieved her ancient majesty, piety and tranquility, as under the first prince Vladimir.

The process, the formation of a single state contributed to the consolidation of the Russian people, the beginning of the formation of the Great Russian people. Its territorial base was the lands of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality, once inhabited by the Vyatichi and Krivichi, and the Novgorod-Pskov land, where Novgorod Slovenes and Krivichi lived. The growth of economic and political ties, common tasks in the struggle for national independence with the Horde, Lithuania and other opponents, historical traditions coming from the times of pre-Mongol Rus, the desire for unity became the driving factors for their unification within the framework of one nationality - the Great Russian. At the same time, other parts of the former united Old Russian nationality began to separate from it. In the west and southwest, as a result of the Horde invasions and seizures of Lithuanian, Polish, Hungarian rulers, the Ukrainian (Little Russian) and Belarusian nationalities are being formed.

As part of Russia from the moment of its inception, in addition to Russians, other nationalities also lived. Some of them were still part of Ancient Rus'. Such are the Ugro-Finnish tribes (Merya, Meshchora, Korela, Chud, Izhora, etc.). Komizyryans, Komi-Permyaks, Nenets lived in the far north ( Samoyeds) and others.

In the XIV-XV centuries. all the northern peoples became subjects of Moscow, and its merchants and industrial people rushed there. The furs obtained by them dispersed throughout Rus' and the neighboring countries. In Perm, Stefan of Perm, who settled in Ust-Vym, preached among the Komi the teachings of Christ. It became the center of the Perm diocese, which he headed (1383). Stefan created a special alphabet for the Komi. The diocese was a kind of semi-independent vassal of Moscow. Its rulers occupied rich and vast lands along Vychegda.

During the campaign of 1483, the governors Ivan III came to "Yugra on the Great River Ob". They defeated the local prince Asyka on the Pelym River, then the Yugra princes on the Ob. Campaign 1499-1500 Governor Prince Semyon Kurbsky led to the annexation of Yugra, located in Western Siberia, to Russia.

Ivan the Third and the rulers of Moscow Rus who lived before him were dissatisfied with the freedom of Novgorod and its inhabitants. Many princes of Moscow tried to overcome the recalcitrant city, but only Ivan the Great succeeded.
May 1471 was marked by Ivan the Third's declaration of war on Novgorod. The Prince of Moscow needed help, and he asked for it from Tver, Pskov and Vyatka. Vyatka and Pskov boyars were to send squads to Novgorod. Ivan III himself went to this city with a clerk-chronicler, who studied the history of agreements between Novgorodians and Muscovites, as well as multiple betrayals of Novgorod.

What was the main reason for the successful campaign of the ruler of Moscow Rus' against Veliky Novgorod? The answer is quite simple: the religion of Rus' - Orthodoxy - was under threat. The desire to force the inhabitants of Novgorod to be true to history and follow the oath is already so, on trifles, so that there are more reasons.
And Muscovites went to Novgorod. The order was cruel: it was necessary to devastate the lands of Veliky Novgorod without forgiveness, without mercy, to kill the innocent and the guilty, for everyone was guilty of disobedience. The military army went to the Dvina region, to the camp of the obstinate Novgorodians.

The campaign began in May, and its peak fell on the summer, which turned out to be very dry and hot. The swamps that saved Veliky Novgorod from attacks dried up, the people of Ivan the Great could pass without fear of drowning.
As the king punished, the warriors behaved terribly - they did not spare anyone: they killed many prisoners, leaving mountains of corpses behind them, and the remaining prisoners were released. But it was not just that they let them go: they would cut off a leg or an arm (or something else) and let them go: let them frighten the Novgorodians with their appearance, for the punishment for obstinacy will be cruel!

The main troops, led by Ivan the Third, set off from Moscow only at the very end of July, in order to follow, so to speak, along the beaten path. During the entire journey, numerous detachments, including the Pskov one, poured into their army. Veliky Novgorod's hopes for salvation were fading with every minute: the Polish King Casimir the Fourth never sent his detachments to help the Novgorodians.

Veliky Novgorod tried to gather as many soldiers as possible into his army, but they were nowhere to be found. All carpenters and artisans, potters and laborers. They were forced to go to this war, but no one could fight: someone mounted a horse for the first time, someone saw a weapon for the first time. There was a brutal reprisal against those who evaded military duty: they were beaten, robbed, drowned in the Volkhv River. In total, it turned out to recruit about forty thousand people. The head of this incomprehensible detachment was the posadnik Dmitry Boretsky.

Dmitry went with his army to Ivan the Third, but could not reach. On his way he met the brave and courageous governor Daniil Kholmsky, who had only four thousand soldiers, but brave and skillful. It was he who defeated the Novgorodians with his detachment: twelve thousand soldiers of Boretsky died, more than a thousand were captured. Including Boretsky himself.

The order of Ivan the Great did not spare these people: they were all sent to dungeons in different cities of Mother Rus', and the posadnik Dmitry was cut off a violent head. Novgorodians were defeated, and his ambassadors went to ask the prince of Moscow to spare Veliky Novgorod

4.2. "Crusade" campaign of the Grand Duke Ivan III to Novgorod

Four days after the death of Vladyka Jonah, “prince Mikhailo Olelkovich of the princes of Kiev and the queen of the rouca of Novogorodtsi came to the table, and with him a lot of praise from people; and their Novogorodtsy priash honestly. The former service prince of Novgorod, Vasily Gorbaty-Suzdalsky, went to Zavolochye together with the Novgorod governor Vasily Nikiforovich. Perhaps this trip should be regarded as a military-defensive event, since the Novgorodians expected a war with the Grand Duke and attended to the strengthening of their Dvina possessions.

It is possible that Bishop Jonah objected to the union with Lithuania until his last days. But in itself, the invitation of Prince Michael cannot be regarded as an open “transfer” of the lord and Novgorodians to the Grand Duke of Lithuania and the Polish King Casimir. The invitation of service princes from Lithuania was in the order of things for Novgorod. Moreover, two years later, the contract with the Germans, concluded in 1448 in Narva for twenty-five years, expired. In 1470, a commercial blockade of Novgorod by the Hansa began, therefore, the Novgorodians could be afraid of a war with the Germans and invite Prince Mikhail Olelkovich for their protection.

Soon after the arrival of Prince Mikhail, the election of the bishop took place in Novgorod: “The posadniks of Novogorodsk and the thousand and all Veliky Novgorod, oh St. Sophea, placing a veche before St. Sopheus, and laying 3 lots on the throne, oh St. the vladychna of the housekeeper, and the third Fefilaktov from Vezhishchi, the protodeacon and sacristy vladychna, and more importantly: which lot the house of St. And he chose the wisdom of God and Sophia the wisdom of God as a lieutenant to his throne, and to the Great New Ugorod, the Most Reverend Archbishop, and left on the throne the lots of Fifilaktov, the protodeacon and the sacristan vladychna; and the whole of Veliky Novgorod tymy hours drove to Vezhishcha, leading and and taking into the lord’s court in the canopy honestly, and calling him and His Grace Archbishop.

At first glance, the procedure for electing a lord remained unchanged, as in former times. But let's pay attention to the candidates - all three applicants for the post of archbishop were the closest confidants of the former bishop. One is a confessor, the second is a key keeper, the third is a protodeacon and a sacristan. Consequently, the Novgorod "council of gentlemen" could expect that any of the candidates would continue the political line of Archbishop Jonah, not only in foreign policy, but also in internal republican affairs.

The typographical chronicle calls Theophilus a “newly tonsured monk”: “Nougorodtsy elected a certain newly tonsured monk to rule over him, who was a deacon to him at the time of Archbishop Jonah and called him a father in his place.”

That is, Theophilus only shortly before his election took vows in the Vezhishchi monastery. Naturally, being a simple monk, and before that a deacon, that is, belonging to the lower strata of the clergy, the newly elected Vladyka hurried to strengthen his position by an early appointment. Theophilus clearly adhered to the former course towards peaceful relations with Moscow. The Moscow chronicle reports that the Novgorodians sent to the Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich “their ambassador Nikita Larionov to beat his forehead and be afraid to ask that the betrothed black Theophilus be granted, commanded to be with him in Moscow and put him instructed his father, Metropolitan Philip, to be the archbishop of Veliky Novgorod and Pskov , as if before this it was under the former great princes.

Despite the loyal tone of the Moscow author of these lines, one can still conclude that supporters of peaceful relations with Moscow were in power in Novgorod during this period. However, there was no longer unity among the rulers of the Republic of Hagia Sophia, the great boyars were divided into supporters and opponents of the Moscow grand ducal power.

Novgorod sources confirm that the Novgorodians really sent an ambassador to Ivan Vasilyevich for "dangerous letters" so that "their named Theophilus be put on the dominion of Veliky Novgorod and Pskov, and in a white hood, and leave all voluntarily." The white klobuk of the archbishop, especially highlighted by the chronicler, apparently emphasized the previous conquests of the Novgorod church, reminded of its special position in the Russian metropolis.

The Grand Duke gave the Novgorod ambassador a benevolent answer: “What my father, Veliky Novgorod, sent me to beat with a brow that the god of their father took, and our pilgrim Archbishop Jonah, and they chose for themselves, according to their custom, by lot, the monk Theophilus, and their language , the great prince, I welcome, and that named Theophilus. And I command him to be with him in Moscow and with his father, Metropolitan Philip, to become the archbishop of Novgorod and Pskov without any hooks, but according to the old custom, as was the case with my father, Grand Duke Vasily, and with my grandfather, and with my great-grandfather, and before the former all the great princes, their own family of Esma, Volodimersky, and Novgorod the Great, and all Russia.

Attention is drawn to the repeated repetition in Moscow sources of one main idea: Novgorod is the “fatherland” of the Grand Dukes of Vladimir, to whose family Prince Ivan III belongs. Consequently, all actions of Ivan Vasilyevich in relation to his "fatherland" are legitimate and aimed at preserving the sacred "antiquity".

The Metropolitan on his behalf also gave a letter to the Novgorod ambassadors, in which he wrote: “To come to the priestly monk Theophilus, appointed to rule, voluntarily according to the old fee, and whoever will come with him mayors, or thousands, or boyars, or whoever will be with him, and drive off voluntarily, according to God's will, their path is clear without any word and without any fear and without translation.

Upon the return of the ambassador to Novgorod, "multiply those who are there are better people, their posadnitsa, and thousands, and the life of the people tell about this for the sake of the past, and Theophilus them." That is, the authorities of Novgorod again showed loyalty to the Grand Duke. The benevolent attitude of Moscow sources towards Theophilus testifies that Prince Ivan Vasilyevich and Metropolitan Philip clearly expected to find support in the new archbishop for carrying out their policy in Novgorod.

The boyars Isakovs, who allegedly acted together with Prince Mikhail Olelkovich of Lithuania, are named in the “Words of the Chosen” as the main rebels of the Novgorodians against the Prince of Moscow. In reality, the Lithuanian party in Novgorod was much larger, it included many "great" boyars (Loshinsky, Ofonasov, Esipov, etc.), as well as the "Moscow party" (Ovinov, Nikiforovs, Klementevs, Tucha, etc. .). In order to evaluate the arguments of both Novgorod parties, let us analyze in more detail the political situation during this period.

In Lithuania at that time the power of the monarch was limited. The Russian lands, subject to the authority of the Grand Duke of Lithuania, had significant autonomy. Consequently, political unification with Lithuania was more beneficial for Novgorod than recognition of the power of the Grand Duke of Moscow, who pursued a policy of centralization and sought to become an autocratic sovereign over the entire territory subordinate to him. However, from an economic point of view, Novgorod was more closely connected with Moscow than with Lithuania. It was through Novgorod that the "Nizovsky lands" received Western European goods. In addition, the main route to the East along the Volga was controlled by Moscow, and Novgorod merchants could receive Eastern goods, which were of great value in the West, mainly through Muscovy. As for the Baltic trade, the Western Russian and Lithuanian cities had their own outlets to the Baltic and were in a certain respect the rivals of Novgorod.

Relations between Lithuania and Novgorod were also complicated by the religious problem. The unification with Lithuania meant for Novgorod the simultaneous unification with Poland, the stronghold of Catholicism in Eastern Europe. Between 1447 and 1567 the Polish-Lithuanian Union existed only at the level of rulers. With few exceptions, Poland and Lithuania elected the same person to their own thrones, who was called "King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania." In domestic policy, Lithuania was an independent state, but Lithuanian foreign policy took into account Polish interests.

According to the terms of the first agreement on the unification of Poland and Lithuania (1385), Roman Catholicism officially became the state religion of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and only Catholics could have political rights. As a result, Lithuanians were converted to Roman Catholicism. The Western Russian nobility, however, resisted any attempt to convert themselves to the Roman Catholic faith or to abolish their former political status. In 1432, the Grand Duke of Lithuania had to make concessions to his Russian subjects and cancel the article that deprived them of political rights. Thus, the existence of the Orthodox Church in Lithuania received indirect recognition. The execution of the Orthodox Metropolitan Gerasim in 1435 was due to political, not religious considerations.

The Grand Duke of Lithuania and King of Poland Casimir was a supporter of the Union of Florence. He once recognized the power of Metropolitan of All Rus' Isidore over the Western Russian Church. Later, Casimir received Metropolitan Gregory, a disciple of Isidore, approved by the pope. However, Western Russian Orthodox bishops reluctantly agreed to cooperate with Gregory. One of them even refused to recognize Gregory and fled to Muscovy. In fact, none of the Western Russian bishops accepted the union wholeheartedly, and the communities were directly against it. After ten years of unsuccessful attempts to root the idea of ​​union among his flock, Gregory finally gave in and in 1469 sent an envoy to Constantinople, asking for the blessing of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. This did not raise objections from King Casimir. The Russian Orthodox Church was divided into two halves: the autocephalous Moscow Church and the Kiev diocese of the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

Thus, King Casimir was loyal to Orthodoxy. However, the position of the Russians in the Principality of Lithuania was difficult. Numerically, Russians made up the majority of the population of the Grand Duchy. Politically, however, their position was weakened after the unification of Lithuania with Poland and the conversion of Lithuanians to Roman Catholicism. Despite the "Privilei" of 1432, only a few Russians were admitted to any high post in the state. Orthodox bishops were not members of the Rada (an advisory body to the Grand Duke), although Roman Catholic bishops played an important role in the Rada.

At the beginning of his reign, in 1441, Casimir recognized his uncle Svidrigailo, popular among the Russian population of Lithuania, as the prince of Volyn, and his cousin Alexander (Olelko) as the prince of Kiev. These concessions were the result of Casimir's weak position on the throne and the existence of pretenders to the throne. Later, Casimir and the Lithuanian magnates tried to prevent the rise of the Russian movement in the Grand Duchy, which created opposition to Casimir from many defenders of Russian rights.

Despite all the difficulties in Novgorod-Lithuanian relations, supporters of the deposition of Novgorod to Lithuania prepared a draft treaty with the Polish king and the great Lithuanian prince Casimir, in which the entire “council of lords” of Novgorod was listed by name, headed by the appointed lord Theophilus. The treaty specifically stipulated the guaranteed protection of Novgorod by the king against the Moscow prince.

There was no betrayal of Orthodoxy in the agreement with Casimir. On the contrary, the Novgorodians in every possible way stipulated the preservation of Orthodoxy on their land: “Keep you, honest king, your governor on Gorodische from our faith from the Greek, from the Orthodox Christians”; “And you, honest king, do not take away our Greek Orthodox faith from us. And where we, Veliky Novgorod, will be pleased in our Orthodox christianity, that we will put the lord of our own free will. And you, honest king, do not build Roman churches in Veliky Novgorod, neither in the suburbs of Novogorodtsky, nor throughout the whole land of Novogorodtsky.

It is not clear how Prince Mikhail Olelkovich, who was not on friendly terms with Kazimir, reacted to the treaty. However, it is obvious that the prince did not take root in Novgorod, and did not want to defend the republic torn by internal contradictions. On March 15, 1471, having learned about the death of his elder brother, the prince of Kyiv, Mikhail Olelkovich left Novgorod. And along the way he plundered the Novgorod lands. This suggests that the prince and his squad were not provided with the promised funds for their maintenance.

As for Vladyka Theophilus, he apparently approved the treaty only on the condition that the text of the document would include a clause stating that the Archbishop of Novgorod would be ordained wherever he wished (“wherever we… would be pleased in our Orthodox Christian community” ). Thus, Theophilus still did not consider it possible to be supplied by the former Uniate Gregory and stipulated for himself the possibility of being placed with the Moscow Metropolitan. If Theophilus had completely joined the Lithuanian party, there would not have been a scandal with Pimen soon. The former lord's key keeper, who did not pass the elections, openly declared that "although send me to Kyiv, and there will be food for your delivery."

For the first time, Pimen appeared on the pages of the chronicle in 1463, when “signing the church of St. Nicholas on Ostrovka, by command and diligence and faith, hedgehog to St. Nicholas, the rob of God Pumin, the housekeeper of the vlodychny Archbishop Jonah, but unsuccessfully write for the sake of winter.” In 1468, Pimen ordered a rewriting of the Gospel, about which a record was preserved in the manuscript: “The book of this holy Euangelia was written in Veliky Novgorod under the Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich and under the archbishop of Veliky Novograd and Pskov, Bishop Jonah, by the command of the servant of God, the monk Pimin, the mistress of the bread maker” . In 1469, Pimen remained to replace Jonah in Novgorod during the archbishop's trip to Pskov: "And in the house, Pumin is the key-keeper for all things."

That is, Pimen already had experience in administrative work, and there were supporters in the city. And yet, what happened was an unheard-of scandal for Novgorod - with the lord chosen by an "honest lot" alive, the Lithuanian boyar party put forward its own candidate, ready to go to be appointed to Metropolitan Gregory. Consequently, the rulers of Novgorod were already disrespectful of the former customs of the republic and, for the sake of their political interests, were ready to neglect even the choice of the patron saint of the city - Sophia. Filofei was Sophia's chosen one, but this did not stop the Lithuanian party.

According to the Words of the Chosen, Pimen was connected with Marfa Boretskaya, even gave her money to bribe Novgorodians in order to gain enough supporters for himself. But as a result of the clash of two political interests, the advantage turned out to be on the side of the moderate party, which was inclined to compromise with the Moscow prince. “After a few days, Veliky Novgorod, the housekeeper, the mistress of Pimin, the great, having been greatly dishonored, having exhausted himself on the fortress, and every time they robbed him, and finally sold him for 1000 roubles; and as in a parable, he says: honor does not stand in one place, in the wisdom of the prudent he seeks, but he cannot stay on the proud and insane.

Officially, Pimen was accused of embezzling the sovereign's treasury - "he carried the treasury ... to himself." But it is obvious that there were also purely political reasons for the punishment of the “proud and insane” applicant for the archbishopric.

However, Theophilus and his supporters did not achieve a complete victory. The "Lithuanian Party" did not give up - "and many were embarrassed by the people with their temptation." Vladyka Theophilos was never able to go to Moscow to be ordained. Metropolitan Philip on this occasion reproached the Novgorodians: “You packed that great cause ... church and zemstvo, you laid it down, but you didn’t go to my master ... the Grand Duke and to me, according to those dangerous letters.”

Consequently, the betrothed bishop had “dangerous letters”, but the trip did not take place for some reason.

In Moscow at that time they could still hope that Theophilus would calm the Novgorodians, convince them to submit to the Grand Duke of Moscow. However, the authority of the lord at the end of the XV century. was no longer the same as in the XIV-first half of the XV century. Yes, and Theophilus by nature was clearly not a political leader, like the archbishops Vasily Kalika or Alexy. Despite the repeated orders of the betrothed lord "as if to stop from such an evil undertaking", the Novgorodians "will not listen to his words."

In desperation, Theophilus "he himself many times attempted on these, so that from them he would descend into a monastery, into his cell." But Vladyka was needed as a banner of the Republic of Hagia Sophia, especially for those Novgorodians who adhered to the side of the Grand Duke. Theophilus was not allowed to enter the monastery.

There is no doubt that in Pskov they knew about the turmoil in Novgorod. The unstable position of the newly elected archbishop led to the fact that in Pskov the secular authorities began to independently resolve church affairs, without turning to the new bishop. The Pskov chronicle speaks of another church “disorder” that took place in the city. Some monks “having renounced the world even in the world, and having come into the world” began to raise the people to the main cathedral of Pskov - the Holy Trinity, “torturing from it the waters and the land given as a heritage of God to the house of the Holy Trinity, and the world covered with false words, and rkya tako : there is no sin in that for you, if you take away that land and water from the house of the Holy Trinity, give me a monastery, otherwise I know the language. And the posadniks and the whole of Pskov, the month of April on the 7th week of color, give them at the veche that land and water from the house of the Holy Trinity, Matoutin’s land, his great-grandfather Nezhyatino, a tribute to the former Pskov old posadnik.

But before the veche had time to disperse, as “it caught fire in Pskov behind the wall of the same Matoute yard; and be a great flame and heat, showing the beginning of our fearlessness, God's help always extinguished. And that Matuta, before that, passed away in 4 months ... "

One can only guess who set fire to Matutin's yard so timely. We are more interested in the very fact of the seizure and transfer of church lands by decision of the city council.

Archbishop Theophilus at that time was not up to the problems of the Pskov church. On March 22, 1471, Metropolitan Philip sent a letter to Novgorod, in which he reproached Theophilus for not informing his immediate superiors about the Novgorod turmoil: ". The Metropolitan warned Novgorodians against the danger of “Latin delusions”, because of which, allegedly, Constantinople perished, and Novgorod the same fate awaits: “Now I hear in your children, in Novgorodians, and in many of your young people who have not yet they got used to the good old days ... and even now those senseless dei, rummaging in the hosts, may be sharpened for many aspirations and for great earthly discord, no silence, wanting to introduce a great rebellion and schism in the holy church of God, but leaving prodoxy and great antiquity, and proceed to Latin ... And you, sons, Orthodox old posadniki of Novgorod and thousands, and boyars, and merchants, and the whole of Veliky Novgorod, living in Orthodoxy, take care of it yourself, but punish the old young ones, and dashing out of the evil undertaking. Philip urged the Novgorodians to humble themselves "under the strong hand of the faithful and pious Russian lands, the sovereign of the Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich of all Rus', your stepfather and grandfather."

The Novgorodians did not heed the persuasion - "the scriptures did not listen, but remained, according to the word, like an asp is deaf, plugging their ears," the author of the "Words of the Chosen Ones" writes indignantly.

Pskov, caught between two fires, tried to mediate between Moscow and Novgorod, but the Novgorod rulers refused to negotiate. Sovereign steward Rodion came to Pskov as an ambassador with a demand to act jointly against the Grand Duke. The arrogant tone of the Novgorod ambassador angered the Pskovites, especially those who had recently been robbed by the Novgorodians and were "sitting in the glands" in Novgorod. The Novgorod ambassador was insulted at the veche, his people and 35 rubles of silver were taken from him. But still, Pskov did not directly refuse Novgorod, the Pskovians answered evasively: “How will the great prince send you an important letter, then show us, and we, having guessed about it, will answer you.”

According to the Words of the Chosen, the Grand Duke still sent his ambassador to Novgorod, either hoping to resolve the matter by peace, or trying to gain time through negotiations to prepare for war. Most likely, the second, since the war was already inevitable. The determination of the Grand Duke in negotiations with Novgorod is explained by the changed position of the Moscow principality. The protracted war with Kazan (1467–1469) ended in a complete victory for Moscow, which naturally strengthened the confidence of the Moscow troops in their strength. From now on, the Grand Duke could, without fear of an attack from the eastern and southeastern borders, concentrate his main military forces in the northwestern direction.

In 1471, the Grand Duke of Moscow began a war against Novgorod under the pretext of the desire of the Novgorodians "for the king ... to give, and appoint an archbishop from his metropolitan ... a Latin one." Under the "Latin" metropolitan is meant the disciple of Isidore, Metropolitan Gregory. Let us note that although he had previously been an adherent of the union, by that time he had already renounced his former convictions and was ordained in Constantinople. So the pretext was clearly far-fetched.

The Moscow chroniclers justified the campaign of their prince with a “noble” desire to preserve Russian piety: “The men of Novgorod will not obey their sovereign, the Grand Duke, about the piety of great antiquity they speak. And for this sake, humble their glory, and the coldness of their faces covered them, for the light was left by the men of Novgorod and I am attached to the darkness of not seeing, recedingly clinging to Latyn ... "

The Grand Duke was well prepared for the campaign, not only militarily, but also ideologically. In the convoy of the Moscow army there was a clerk with special powers - Stepan the Bearded, who knows how to "speak the Russian chronicler", subtracting from them the "old betrayals" of the Novgorodians to the Grand Dukes. The “Words of the Chosen Ones” affirmed the idea of ​​​​the justice of Ivan III’s actions against the criminal Novgorodians: “They are Novgorod men and all their Novgorod land, being the sovereign fatherland of the Grand Duke John Vasilyevich of All Russia, and as if having forgotten their great antiquity, so in the beginning from the former sovereigns , the pious holy princes of the great, his forefathers, and his most honorable parents of the great princes, even from the holy ... Grand Duke Vladimir ... even to that prince and sovereign, Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich, all Ruskiya zelya ochich and grandfather.

Thus, the Moscow chroniclers asserted, Ivan III, who descended from the family of the great princes of “Volodimer and Novgorod the Great and all Russia”, had every right to regain his fatherland by force.

However, there were clearly not enough political reasons to legitimize the campaign against Novgorod, even the Moscow experts on “old times” understood this. That is why the main slogan of the war was put forward - the Grand Duke took up arms against Novgorod "not like against Christians, but like against a foreigner and an apostate of Orthodoxy."

Such an interpretation of events completely whitewashed any actions of the Grand Duke. The performance of Ivan III on Novgorod was preceded by magnificent church performances organized by Metropolitan Philip. The war with Novgorod, which began in June 1471, was accompanied by great religious excitement. It was a crusade, all participants of which were provided in advance with the kingdom of heaven and the forgiveness of all sins associated with the war. Metropolitan Philip's letters to the people of Novgorod, written during these events, were the "spiritual sword" that doubled the power of the iron sword.

“The great prince Ivan Vasilyevich, having received a blessing from his father, Metropolitan Philip, and from all the bishop of his land and from all the priest, comes from Moscow of the same month June 20, on Thursday, in memory of the holy father Methodius, and with him Tsarevich Daniyar and the rest of the howl of the great prince, his many princes and all the governors, armed with great force against the opposing ones, as before his great-grandfather, the faithful prince Dmitry Ivanovich was great on the godless Mamai and on that ungodly Tatar army, so is this faithful and great prince John on these apostate".

The Novgorod chronicle testifies to the completely non-Christian behavior of the Moscow troops during the war: “Take first Rous, and burn the holy churches, and burn all Rus.” But from the point of view of the Moscow chroniclers, the holy goal of the crusade of Ivan III justified all means: “The brothers of the Grand Duke, all with many people, each from his fatherland, went different roads to Novgorod, capturing and burning and taking people into captivity, as well as governors they created a grand prince, each was sent to his own place ... Pskovites with their land went to serve ... and on their way they began to rob and burn Novgorod places and flog people and lock them in mansions to burn.

The auto-da-fé organized by the Pskovites testify that they, too, dealt with the Novgorodians as heretics. Although the Pskov Second Chronicle writes briefly and pragmatically about the causes of the war: “Begin to look for ancient land and water and all duties on the Novgorodians, as went from the Grand Duke Yaroslav Volodimirovich, and although to take revenge on Veliky Novgorod the ancient evil spirits and many rudeness were from them the Grand Duke . About this, if you want to know more, the chronicler has passed Ruski, you will find all of these things.

Novgorodians were unable to organize a worthy rebuff to the Grand Duke and his allies. Here is how the Moscow chronicler writes about this: “Novgorod posadnitsy and thousands, merchants and lives of people, and masters of all kinds, simply say carpenters and potters, and others who were not born on a horse, and who never thought that raise your hands against the Grand Duke, they drove out all those traitors by force; and who would not want to go to that battle, and they themselves will plunder and beat those, and others into the Vlkhov river; they themselves said that there were forty thousand of them in that battle.

The execution of citizens who refused to participate in the Novgorod militia is natural in wartime conditions - this is the punishment of traitors who do not want to defend their state. Another thing is that the Novgorod authorities by that time had discredited themselves so much that many townspeople did not consider it possible to defend such a republic with such a Council of Masters. In addition, the Novgorodians for the most part simply forgot how to fight.

The outcome of the war was actually decided during the battle on Shelon. The Novgorodians themselves considered one of the reasons for the defeat to be the refusal of the sovereign banner to hit the Muscovites - “I don’t want to hit the prince’s army, saying:“ the lord did not order us to take our hands on the Grand Duke, the lord sent us to Pskovich "".

Such a strange order of Theophilus can be regarded as a frank betrayal of the republic. Apparently, the lord did not believe in the victory of Novgorod, torn apart by internal strife, and sought to show his loyalty to the Grand Duke. At the same time, the archbishop did not hide his antipathy towards Pskov.

Novgorodians sent for help to Lithuania, but their ambassador could not pass through the lands of the Order. The unification of Novgorod with the Polish-Lithuanian king was unprofitable for Livonia. Of exceptional interest for understanding the ongoing negotiations is the letter of the Livonian master Volthus von Gerze to the Grand Master dated August 13, 1471. The Livonian master reported that recently (obviously, after the Battle of Shelon, but even before the conclusion of the Korostyn peace) two Novgorod embassies visited Felipe one after the other , who announced all the "harassment" that the Novgorodians endure from the "Moscow King" and the Pskovites. They wished that the peace between Livonia, on the one hand, and Novgorod and Pskov, on the other, would be extended for 10 years, or for as long as the Order wanted, provided that Pskov was excluded from it. According to the master, the Novgorodians urged to deny peace to Pskov and keep the Pskovites at home, while they themselves wanted to be sufficiently prepared for the war with the “Moscow king”.

Volthus von Gerze expressed his attitude to the request of the Novgorodians as follows: “We think that for the good of our Order and Livonia they should not be left without help, because if Novgorod is subdued by the Moscow king and the Pskovites and subdued in such a way that the Moscow king will become, yes, keep God from this, the unlimited lord of Novgorod, then ... to the lord of the Riga archbishop, the lord bishop of Derpt and our Order in Livonia of water and land, which the Pskovites took away from us during the good peace and still retain for themselves, not only never return, but we should expect more and more attacks and harassment. It also seems to us that if they unite in this way, then we will fall into a difficult situation and will have to make peace with them according to their will and abandon everything that the Pskovites have taken from our Order and other masters, or wage war against all of them, which it will be very difficult for us.”

But the master considered it inexpedient to give the Novgorodians an immediate positive answer. Its ambassadors were sent to Novgorod, who were to receive confirmation of their request from the Novgorod authorities and invite them to send their representatives to the congress on the Narova River on September 8 for a final decision on the issue. The master, meanwhile, was going to discuss the proposal of the Novgorodians with the archbishop of Riga and the bishops of Derpt and Ezel, as well as with the chivalry of Harry and Virland. “If the Novgorodians agree,” the master wrote, “to confirm the proposed conditions by applying seals and kissing the cross, and if the named Livonian prelates and the chivalry of our Order in Garry and Virland approve them and advise them to do so, then we will not be able to evade and war will begin.” In conclusion, the Livonian master asked the Grand Master to send help - 300–400 horses and as many foot soldiers as possible. The order, thus, was preparing for war with Moscow and Pskov in order to prevent the subordination of Novgorod to the grand ducal power.

However, the formation of the Novgorod-Livonian military alliance directed against Moscow did not take place. Novgorod prepared for the siege, while turmoil continued inside the city - “there was a great rumor in Novgorod, and there was a lot of rebellion, and many lies were not idle ... And the people were divided: hoarfrost is hot for the prince, and hoarfrost is for the king for Lithuanian.”

Meanwhile, Casimir was in no hurry to help Novgorod. The direct route from Lithuania to Novgorod went through Pskov, and this city supported the Moscow prince in the war. Casimir had a choice - either to break through the Pskov lands with a fight, or to lead the army around Pskov, through the possessions of the Livonian knights. Casimir turned to the master of the Livonians for permission to let the Lithuanian troops pass, but the master, after a long delay, refused.

Meanwhile, in Novgorod, overflowing with refugees, there was not enough bread. The lack of reserves can be partly explained by the trade blockade by the Hansa. The troops of the Grand Duke continued to ravage the Novgorod volosts.

And Novgorod asked for peace - on August 11, 1471, a peace treaty was signed between Ivan III and the Novgorod government. In the Novgorod story about the campaign of Ivan III, the process of concluding a peace treaty is briefly described: and giving to the great prince Ivan Vasilyevich of Novgorod half a sixteen thousand rubles, and kissing the cross of Novgorod to the great prince, so that you don’t ask for the king of Novgorod and don’t accept eyes from Lithuania; but all this to God who allows sin for our sakes.

In the Moscow story about the campaign of Ivan III, the arrival of the Novgorod ambassadors and subsequent events are described in more detail. It is interesting that the reception of the Novgorodians by the Grand Duke was largely built on the model adopted by the Horde kings. “And on the same day, at the mouth of the Sholona, ​​in the courts of Lake Ilmen, Theophilus, named from the posadniks and with the thousands and with the living people from all over, and began to beat the forehead with the prince and boyars, and the governors of the Grand Duke, so that the brothers of the Grand Duke would grieve, and they they would grieve their brother the Grand Duke, and the boyars themselves would grieve. The boyars came with them, the brothers of the Grand Duke with their brows, the brothers of the Grand Duke ... and their boyars bish for them with their brows to the Grand Duke. The prince, dividing them greatly, ordered that the named black Theophilus, and the mayor, and the thousandth, and the rest, be in his eyes. They, having entered to the Grand Duke and began to beat with their foreheads about their crime, and that they raised their hand against him, so that the defender would grant, have mercy on them, would return their anger, not for the sake of beating them with their foreheads, but they would show their mercy and sinners, would not order more execute him, and plunder, and eat, and captivate. Having been merciful, the great prince showed his mercy to them and welcomed their petition, quench your anger, and at that hour commanded them to stop burning and captivating, let go of the captivity, which is there, and which was sent away and taken away, and give them back.

According to the “Words of the Chosen”, Metropolitan Philip at that time sent a letter to the Grand Duke “with much forgiveness and prayer and petition, grieving for the souls of many Orthodox people, even for the sake of Christian silence, writing about them: Veliky Novgorod, and you, lord and son, great prince, would have complained about them, had mercy on the Lord for the sake of the Lord, and if you had received their petition; but I bless you, my master and son.

The Metropolitan, interceding for the people of Novgorod, clearly took care that the Grand Duke "did not go too far" and did not push Novgorod to a real betrayal of Orthodoxy.

Peace cost Novgorod very dearly. In addition to 16 thousand rubles and gifts to relatives and boyars of the Grand Duke, the Novgorodians suffered incalculable losses - “all their land of Novgorod was fought and burned by a thunderstorm of the Sovereign Grand Duke, better beaten out by people, and etched all over and devastated, which had not happened to them for a century.”

Apparently, the atrocities committed against the Novgorodians by the troops of the Moscow prince shocked contemporaries so much that the author of the “Words of the Chosen Ones” had to justify Ivan Vasilyevich: “Otherwise, all the evil and destruction of them (Novgorodians. - OK.) it became to them from their own, for their slyness and untruth and for their retreat to Latinism, their deceivers of crafty people are traitors; and that their zemstvo misfortune and all human blood may be refined from God Almighty, according to the written word: Lord! Destroy those who start an army. And that is all on those heads on the unfaithful and on their souls, in this world and in the future, amen.

Cruelty is inherent in war. But usually, when describing wars with fellow believers, the chroniclers did not focus on such cruelties. The Moscow story about Ivan III's campaign against Novgorod describes a war with apostates, and therefore any actions against them are approved.

The campaign of the Grand Duke against Novgorod was a feudal expansion of a strong growing state against a weak neighbor. There would be no need for his contemporaries to justify the actions of the Grand Duke if his actions were legal according to the concepts of that time. However, Novgorod was not part of the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Novgorodians also defended their "old times", the privileges granted to them by the ancestors of the same Ivan III. Therefore, the main justification for the military campaign for contemporaries was the “falling away” of the Novgorodians from Orthodoxy.

The Moscow chronicler cared not only about the justification of the Grand Duke before his contemporaries, but also tried to whitewash his sovereign at the Last Judgment, accusing his Novgorod opponents of all terrible sins. The rumor about the campaign of the Moscow prince against the Novgorodians, as heretics who wanted to convert to Catholicism, spread beyond the borders of Rus'. Josaphat Barbaro in his notes “Journey to Tana” writes: “The Grand Duke [of Moscow] also conquered Novgorod ... This is a huge city, eight days away from Moscow in a north-western direction. It used to be ruled by the people, and the people lived there without any justice; among them were many heretics. Now they are gradually converting to the Catholic faith, although some believe and others do not; but they live by the law, and they have legal proceedings.”

The campaign of 1471 did not yet mean the complete destruction of all Novgorod orders. The Korostyn peace treaty of Veliky Novgorod with Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich (August 11, 1471, the Charter of Novgorod) stipulated the preservation of many Novgorodian liberties, including the right to elect a lord: “And for the rulers, Veliky Nvougorod, elect us ourselves according to our old days.” However, at the same time, it was specifically stipulated that “our master is placed in the house of the Most Pure and at the tomb of St. Peter the Wonderworker in Moscow with you, the Grand Dukes, and your father, the Metropolitan, who is your Metropolitan, the Grand Dukes will not; and for us, lords, other than the metropolitan of Moscow, should not be placed anywhere. That is, under the terms of the agreement, the subordinate position of the Novgorod church in relation to the Moscow metropolitan was fixed.

The Novgorod lord clearly participated in the compilation of the Novgorod peace charter. Theophilus was especially concerned about the preservation of the former duties: “And the duties to you, the great princes, and your father, the metropolitan, from the lord imati in the old days; and don't add too much. And in Volotsa and Vologda, the mistress of the church and the tithe and the duty of her own vedat in the old days.

Mindful of Theophilus' unwavering loyalty, the Grand Duke accepted this condition. And soon, with the blessing of Theophilus, the Novgorodians at the veche signed a letter to the Dvina land on the addition of the kiss of the cross for the citizenship of Novgorod of a number of lands that were ceded into the possession of Grand Duke Ivan III. These were the lands seized by the Novgorodians in 1471 and sworn in to Novgorod. These lands were returned back to Moscow.

Upon the return of Ivan III to Moscow, “Crete his Metropolitan Philip from the crosses near the church, just from the bridge, descended from the big stone and curse of the square with the entire consecrated cathedral. And the people of Muscovy and many of them, far beyond the city, met him: on foot for 7 miles, and others closer, small and great, glorious, infamous, countless of them ... Velia was joy then in the city of Moscow.

In the same winter, Vladyka Theophilus, accompanied by the boyar embassy, ​​went to Moscow, where he was solemnly "ordained by the Most Reverend Metropolitan of All Rus' in Novgorod to the archbishopric ... and there were on his appointment ... Russian bishops, and archimandrites, and archpriests, and honest abbots, and all consecrated cathedral of the glorious city of Moscow. After his appointment, he beat the brow of the Grand Duke from himself and from all of Veliky Novgorod with the posadniks, and with the thousands, and with all those who came with him, about the prisoners, about Kazimir and about his other comrades. The great prince accepted their petition and let them all go with honor, and there were thirty of them all in Moscow. The archbishop himself was released on the twenty-third day of the same month.

Archbishop Theophilus returned to Novgorod on January 7, “and having gone out into the field a lot of priestly rank and a multitude of people, with a joyful foot, to meet Vladyka Theophilus, and there was great joy, and blessings and praying in Novgorod, every good thing was plentiful and bread was cheap.”

Peaceful life in Novgorod gradually improved. Bread fell in price after the extension in 1472 of peace with the Germans for another ten years. The trade blockade was lifted. Until 1480, there is no mention of conflicts between Novgorod and Livonia in the sources.

It is not known how his "pro-Moscow" behavior during the war affected Theophilus's authority. Undoubtedly, in Novgorod they understood that they needed such a lord for negotiations with the Grand Duke. But it is significant that both the Novgorod and Pskov chronicles report very sparingly on the activities of the lord after his return from Moscow.

From the surviving letters of 1471–1472. you can find out that Theophilus blessed the renewal of trade and judicial privileges for the Trinity-Sergius Monastery when traveling through the Dvina possessions of Novgorod. At the same time, the letter of commendation not only repeated the form adopted under Euthymius II, but was somewhat expanded, due to an increase in benefits.

In Pskov, Bishop Theophilus continued to be ignored. In the same year of 1471, "sing the brow of Pskov for the sadness of the brow of the Grand Duke and Metropolitan Philip about the 6th assembly." That is, with the important issue of creating the sixth council in the Pskov church organization, the Pskovites turned directly to the Grand Duke and Metropolitan, bypassing the archbishop.

In the following year, 1472, the united Orthodox-Catholic Church made another attempt to establish a union in Rus'. In St. Peter's Cathedral in Rome, the Latin rite marriage of the Greek princess Sophia Palaiologos, heiress of the Byzantine imperial house, took place through a proxy with Moscow Prince Ivan III. The motorcade of the Grand Duchess went to Moscow, accompanied by the papal legate, Bishop of Ajach Anthony Bonumbre.

The path of the Byzantine princess ran through Pskov and Novgorod. In Pskov, the bride of the Grand Duke was greeted with truly fabulous pomp: “Starting a bowl of honey to feed and gather fodder ... And the Pskov posadniks and boyars ... pouring out koubts and golden horns with honey and wine, and coming to her with a brow, hitting her. And she, having received from them in honor and in love, is great ... In the same way, before Pskov, she has a great honor: a priest against her with crosses and a mayor of Pskov who came out; she came out of the plantation on the Novogorodsk shore, and received a blessing from the priests, as well as a petition from the posadniks and from the whole of Pskov ... "

It is especially noted by the Pskov chronicler that there was a Catholic priest under Sophia: “His lord with her, not according to our rank, is clothed all over with a scarlet dress, he wears a scarlet koukol on himself, is entwined on his head with a deaf ear, like a captour Lithuanian, only the face of his nobility and perstatity having it on his hands, and without fail, as if no one could see his hand, and in that he blesses, and the cross before him and the crucifixion is tangible, as if all people can see the poured out to wear before him, on a high tree up on a mountain; having no worship of the holy icons, and having not crossed the cross on oneself, and in the house of the holy Trinity, only signing to the pure, and then at the command of the princess.

The Catholic rites of the Latin bishop caused surprise and some embarrassment in Pskov, but they did not outrage the people and the clergy. Pskov again, as in 1439, showed readiness to accept the union, if such was the decision of the Grand Duke.

How the Catholic bishop was treated in Veliky Novgorod, the chronicle is silent, it only briefly mentions that Sophia visited Novgorod “and received a blessing from Vladyka Theophilus and from the posadniks and from the thousands and from all of Veliky Novgorod honor and gift, and go rather to Moscow ".

It is known that Ivan III had an easy attitude to religion, and in the church he saw only an instrument for the realization of his plans. But Metropolitan Philip was not like that. When in Moscow they learned about the intentions of the bishop to enter the capital with the presentation of the legate cross, Philip categorically declared that in this case he would leave Moscow forever. Bonumbre was forced to abandon this ceremony. His further negotiations with Ivan III about an alliance against the Turks and church unity also did not bring results. Relations with the West came down to the fact that Ivan III later invited Italian architects to Moscow to build Kremlin churches and towers.

In 1473, after a grandiose fire that incinerated the metropolitan court in Moscow, Metropolitan Philip died. The head of the Russian Orthodox Church did not have time to finish the construction of the new Assumption Church he had begun. The Council of Russian Bishops, with the participation of the Grand Duke and his brothers, elected Bishop Gerontius of Kolomna as the new metropolitan.

It is only known about the activities of the Novgorod lord Theophilus in these years that in 1472 he went to Pskov “at the month of December at 9 ... to his entrance, and collecting, and Pskov blessed his children; and went to Novgorod in December, and seeing him off with honor.

In the surviving chronicle of the 1470s. Vladyka Theophilus is rarely mentioned at all, which allowed A. G. Bobrov, a researcher of the Novgorod chronicles, to suggest that “since 1470, the management of chronicles has been transferred to the hands of a magistrate. It is possible, of course, that the “sovereign chronicle” existed for the last years of Novgorod independence, but simply did not reach us.” It is interesting that the chronicler not only did not consider it necessary to mention the activities of Bishop Theophilus, but in those rare cases when it was simply impossible to mention him, he maintained an emphatically neutral tone, and in describing the Battle of Shelon even allowed himself to condemn the orders of the archbishop. Such an attitude of the chronicler towards a person who, according to Novgorod legislation, was the head of the republic, clearly demonstrates the attitude of Novgorodians versed in politics to their ruler.

Soon, new clashes between opponents and supporters of the Grand Duke of Moscow took place in Novgorod. In the autumn of 1475, the sedate posadnik Vasily Ananyin, accompanied by fourteen other boyars and their servants, organized an attack on the inhabitants of Slavkova and Nikitina streets. They were beaten, and some to death, many of the convicts, their property was looted - "they took a thousand rubles worth of human stomachs, and killed many people to death." Around the same time, the headman of Fedorovskaya Street Pamfil, accompanied by two boyars (belonging to the support group of the posadnik Ananyin), attacked the house of the Polinaryin boyars in the Plotnitsky end. The yard of the Polinaryin brothers was plundered: “They killed their people, and plundered their stomachs, and took 500 rubles.”

The affected Novgorodians sent complainants to Moscow to seek justice from Ivan III. The Grand Duke readily responded to complaints and went to Novgorod personally to administer his court there. The Pskov chronicles confirm that "the people of Novgorod, people of life and youth, themselves called him to ty councils, they were subjected to violence ... posadniks worked."

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