The collapse of the white movement in the South. Evacuation Novorossiysk

By the time the front withdrew beyond the Kuban, the question of the future prospects of the army was becoming extremely serious. In accordance with my decision - in case of failure on the line of the Kuban River to withdraw troops to the Crimea - a number of measures were taken: the new main base in Feodosia was intensively supplied; since January, it was begun to organize food bases on the Black Sea coast, including floating ones - for ports to which troops could withdraw; the unloading of Novorossiysk from the refugee element, the sick and the wounded, was hastily completed by evacuating them abroad. According to the conditions of the tonnage and the morale of the troops, their simultaneous, systematic evacuation through the port of Novorossiysk was unthinkable: there was no hope for the possibility of loading all the people, not to mention the artillery, wagon train, horses and supplies that had to be abandoned. Therefore, in order to preserve the combat readiness of the troops, their organization and materiel, I also planned another route - through Taman. Even in the directive of March 4, when retreating across the Kuban River, the Volunteer Corps was entrusted, in addition to defending its lower reaches, to cover part of the forces of the Taman Peninsula near Temryuk. The reconnaissance of the route between Anapa and the Tamanskaya station gave quite favorable results; the peninsula, enclosed by water barriers, provided great convenience for defense; the whole way there was under the cover of ship artillery, the width of the Kerch Strait is very small, and the transport flotilla of the Kerch port is quite powerful and could be easily reinforced. I ordered the transport vehicles to be rushed to Kerch.

At the same time, it was ordered to prepare riding horses for the operational part of the Headquarters, with which I planned to go to Anapa and then follow the coastal road to Taman with the troops. On March 5, I informed General Sidorin, who had arrived at Headquarters, about my assumptions, and he treated them with doubt. According to his report, the Don units have lost their combat effectiveness and obedience and are unlikely to agree to go to the Crimea. But in Georgy-Afipskaya, where the Don headquarters was located, a series of meetings took place, and the Don faction of the Supreme Circle, as I already mentioned, invalidated the decision to break with the commander-in-chief, and the meeting of the Don commanders eventually joined in the decision to lead troops to Taman. Although the transition to Taman was supposed only in the future, and the directive of the Stavka demanded that the line of the Kuban River be held for the time being, the 4th Don Corps, which was stationed across the river above Yekaterinodar, immediately withdrew and began to withdraw to the west. On March 7, I gave my last directive in the Caucasian theater: the Kuban army, which had already abandoned the line of the Belaya River, to hold on to the Kurga River; The Don Army and the Volunteer Corps to defend the line of the Kuban River from the mouth of the Kurga to the Akhtanizovsky Estuary; The volunteer corps now part of the forces, bypassing in a roundabout way, occupy the Taman Peninsula and cover the northern road from Temryuk from the Reds (during the retreat beyond the Kuban, the corps did not cover it). None of the armies followed the directive. The Kuban troops, completely disorganized, were in full retreat, making their way through the mountain roads to Tuapse. Not only operational, but also political contact was lost with them: the Kuban Rada and the ataman, on the basis of the latest decision of the Supreme Circle, in addition to senior military commanders who remained loyal to the commander in chief, encouraged the troops to break with the Headquarters. The Bolsheviks, with negligible forces, easily crossed the Kuban and, encountering almost no resistance, reached its left bank near Yekaterinodar, cutting the front of the Don army. The corps of General Starikov, detached from it to the east, went to join the Kuban. Two other Don corps, almost without stopping, moved in discordant crowds in the direction of Novorossiysk. Many Cossacks threw down their weapons or went over to the whole regiments; everything was confused, mixed up, all communication between the headquarters and the troops was lost, and the train of the commander of the Don Army, already powerless to control the troops, daily in danger of being captured, slowly made its way to the west through a sea of ​​people, horses and wagons.

That mistrust and that hostile feeling, which, due to the previous events, lay between the volunteers and the Cossacks, now flared up with particular force. The moving Cossack avalanche, threatening to flood the entire rear of the Volunteer Corps and cut it off from Novorossiysk, caused great excitement in its ranks. Sometimes it erupted in very sharp forms. I remember how the chief of staff of the Volunteer Corps, General Dostovalov, during one of the meetings on the Stavka train, said: - The only troops willing and able to continue the fight are the Volunteer Corps. Therefore, he must be provided with all the necessary means of transport, regardless of anyone's claims and without stopping, if necessary, before using weapons. I abruptly stopped the speaker. The movement to Taman with the prospect of new battles in the cramped space of the peninsula, together with the wavering Cossack mass, confused the volunteers. Novorossiysk port attracted irresistibly, and it turned out to be impossible to overcome this desire. The corps greatly weakened its left flank, turning its main attention to the Crimean - Tonnelnaya, in the direction of the railway line to Novorossiysk. On March 10, they raised an uprising in Anapa and the Gostogaevskaya village and captured these points. The actions of our cavalry against were indecisive and ineffectual. On the same day, the Bolsheviks, having thrown back the weak part that covered the Varenikovskaya crossing, crossed the Kuban. In the afternoon, their cavalry units appeared at Gostogaevskaya, and in the evening, columns of enemy infantry were already moving from the crossing in the direction of Anapa. The repeated attack of the cavalry of Generals Barbovich, Chesnokov and Dyakov on Gostogaevskaya and Anapa on March 11 was even less vigorous and was not successful. The paths to Taman were cut off ... And on March 11, the Volunteer Corps, two Don divisions and the Kuban division that joined them, without a directive, under a light pressure of the enemy, concentrated in the area of ​​Krymskaya station, heading with all their solid mass to Novorossiysk. The catastrophe became inevitable and inevitable.

Novorossiysk of those days, to a large extent already unloaded from the refugee element, was a military camp and a rear nativity scene. Its streets were literally crowded with young and healthy deserter warriors. They went on a rampage, organized rallies reminiscent of the first months of the revolution, with the same elementary understanding of events, with the same demagogy and hysteria. Only the composition of the protesters was different: instead there were officers. Under the guise of lofty motives, they set about organizing, the hidden purpose of which was to seize ships if necessary ... And at the same time, the official stated with satisfaction: At first, due to the lack of a reliable garrison in Novorossiysk, it was difficult. I summoned volunteer officer units to the city and ordered the closure of all that arose on the basis of the collapse of the military, the establishment of field courts for their leaders and deserters, and the registration of those liable for military service. These measures, in connection with the limited number of ships in the Novorossiysk roadstead, have somewhat discharged the atmosphere. And typhus reigned in the city, mowed down death. On the 10th, I saw off the head of the Markov division, the bravest officer, Colonel Blaish, to the grave. The second Markovian left in recent weeks ... Recently in Bataysk, among a string of retreating convoys, I met a wagon, worn out in their mass, carrying a coffin with the body of General Timanovskiy, who had died of typhus. Iron Stepanych, an associate and friend of General Markov, a man of extraordinary, cold courage, who so many times led regiments to victory, despised death and was slain by it so at the wrong time ... Or on time? A wretched wagon with expensive luggage, covered with a tattered tarpaulin, is like a silent and impassive symbol. Stunned by defeat and poorly versed in the complex causes of his officer environment, he was agitated and loudly named the culprit. He was already named long ago - a man of duty and impeccable moral honesty, on whom the army and some public circles - some out of ignorance, others for tactical reasons - dumped the main burden of common sins. Chief of Staff of the Commander-in-Chief, General I.P. Romanovsky. At the beginning of March, Protopresbyter Father Georgy Shavelsky came to me and urged me to release Ivan Pavlovich from his post, assuring me that, due to the moods that had arisen in the officers, it was possible to kill him. Father George wrote to me about this episode later: Ivan Pavlovich listened calmly, as if impassively, and only asked me. Ivan Pavlovich lowered his head into his hands and fell silent. Indeed, what was not blamed on his poor head: he was considered a predator, when I know that in Yekaterinodar and Taganrog, in order to find means of subsistence, he had to sell his old things taken out of Petrograd; he was announced when he had always been the most faithful son of the Orthodox Church; he was accused of selfishness and arrogance when, for the sake of the cause, he tried to completely obscure his own self, and so on. I now begged Ivan Pavlovich to retire for a while, until the minds sobered up and anger subsided. He answered me that this was his greatest wish... You know how odious the name of Ivan Pavlovich was then in the army; perhaps you hear that his memory has not ceased to be vilified to this day. It is necessary to dispel the vile slander and the hatred associated with it, which pursued this pure man during his life, and did not leave him even after death. I would be ready, as his confessor, to whom he believed and to whom he opened his soul, to testify before the world that this soul was childishly pure, that he was strengthened in the feat that he carried, by faith in God, that he selflessly loved the Motherland, served to her only out of ardent, boundless love for her, that, not seeking his own, he forgot about himself, that he vividly felt human grief and suffering and always rushed to meet him. It was hard for me to talk with Ivan Pavlovich about these questions. We decided with him that it would not be long to be patient: after moving to the Crimea, he would leave his post. Several times, General Holman turned to me and to Quartermaster General Makhrov with a convincing request to move the train or to persuade General Romanovsky to go to an English ship, because. This intention, apparently, was close to being realized: on March 12, a person close to the Kornilov division appeared on my train and announced that a group of Kornilovites was going to kill General Romanovsky today; General Holman also came. In the presence of Ivan Pavlovich, he excitedly asked me again to the chief of staff to go to the English ship. "I won't do that," said Ivan Pavlovich. - If this is the case, I ask Your Excellency to relieve me of my post. I will take a gun and go as a volunteer to the Kornilov regiment; let them do what they want with me. I asked him to go at least to my car. He refused. Blind, cruel people, for what? The attitude of the British was still ambivalent. While the diplomatic mission of General Keyes was inventing new forms of government for the South, the head of the military mission, General Holman, put all his strength and soul into helping us. He personally took part with the British technical units in the battles on the Donetsk front; with all his energy he sought to strengthen and streamline material assistance; contributed to the organization of the Feodosia base - directly and influencing the French.

General Holman, by the power of British authority, supported the Southern government in its quarrel with the Cossacks and made attempts to influence the raising of the Cossack mood. He identified our interests with his own, warmly took our troubles to heart and worked without losing hope and energy until the last day, presenting a sharp contrast with many Russian leaders who had already lost their hearts. He also showed touching attention in his personal relations with me and the chief of staff. The atmosphere and, which has engulfed Novorossiysk in recent days, haunted Holman. It was useless to talk about this with us, but not a day passed that he did not come to the Quartermaster General with reproaches and advice on this matter. Together with him, he secretly took some precautions, and clearly showed attention to the commander-in-chief, presenting the English landing and ship crews to me for review. However, I still think to this day that all these precautions were unnecessary in relation to me personally. The south is in great trouble. The situation seemed hopeless and the end was near. London's policy changed accordingly. General Holman was still in office, but the name of his successor, General Percy, was already unofficially announced... London decided to speed things up. Obviously, such an order was morally unacceptable for General Holman, since one of the days closest to the evacuation, it was not he who came to me, but General Bridge with the following proposal from the British government: since, in the opinion of the latter, the situation is catastrophic and evacuation to the Crimea is unfeasible, then the British offer me their mediation to conclude a truce with the Bolsheviks ... I replied: never. This episode had its continuation a few months later. In August 1920, Lord Curzon's note to Chicherin dated April 1 was published in the newspaper. In it, after considerations about the aimlessness of further struggle, which Curzon declared. It is not known what was more surprising: the lies that Lord Curzon allowed, or the ease with which the British Foreign Office moved from real assistance to the White South to moral support for the Bolsheviks by officially condemning the White movement. In the same one, I immediately printed a refutation:

I categorically rejected the proposal (of the British military representative for a truce) and, although with the loss of materiel, transferred the army to the Crimea, where I immediately began to continue the struggle. As is known, the note of the British government on the beginning of peace negotiations with the Bolsheviks was no longer handed to me, but to my successor in command of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, General Wrangel. The negative answer of which was once published in the press.

My departure from the post of commander-in-chief was due to complex reasons, but had no connection with the policies of Lord Curzon. As before, so now I consider it inevitable and necessary to wage an armed struggle against the Bolsheviks until they are completely defeated. Otherwise, not only Russia, but the whole of Europe will turn into ruins.

To characterize General Holman, I can add: he asked me to clarify further that the one who proposed a truce with the Bolsheviks was not General Holman. I willingly fulfilled the desire of a man who, as he reported to Churchill, was ready. The armies rolled from the Kuban to Novorossiysk too quickly, and there were too few ships in the roadstead ... Steamboats, busy evacuating refugees and the wounded, stood idle in foreign ports for a long time according to quarantine rules and were very late. The headquarters and the commission of General Vyazmitinov, which was directly in charge of the evacuation, strained every effort to collect the ships, encountering great obstacles in this. Both Constantinople and Sevastopol showed unusual slowness under the pretext of a lack of coal, malfunction of mechanisms and other insurmountable circumstances. Having learned about the arrival of the commander-in-chief in the East, General Milne, and the English squadron, Admiral Seymour, in Novorossiysk, on March 11, I drove into the train of General Holman, where I also met both British commanders. Having outlined the general situation to them and pointed out the possibility of a catastrophic fall in the defense of Novorossiysk, I asked for assistance in the evacuation by the British fleet. Met sympathy and willingness. Admiral Seymour stated that, according to the technical conditions, he could take on board his ships no more than 5-6 thousand people. Then General Holman spoke in Russian and translated his phrase into English: - Be calm. Admiral is a kind and generous person. He will be able to cope with technical difficulties and will take a lot more. "I'll do my best," Seymour replied.

The admiral, with his cordial attitude towards the fate of the white army, justified the characterization given to him by Holman. His promise could be trusted, and this help greatly eased our plight. Meanwhile the ships were arriving. There was a hope that in the next 4-8 days we will be able to raise all the troops who want to continue the fight on the territory of Crimea. The Vyazmitinov Commission assigned the first four transports to units of the Volunteer Corps, one ship for the Kuban, the rest were intended for the Don Army. On the morning of March 12, General Sidorin came to me. He was depressed and looked at the position of his army completely hopeless. Everything fell apart, everything flowed wherever they looked, no one wanted to fight anymore, obviously they would not go to the Crimea. The Don commander was mainly preoccupied with the fate of the Don officers, lost in the agitated mass of Cossacks. They were in mortal danger if they surrendered to the Bolsheviks. Sidorin determined their number at 5 thousand. I assured him that all the officers who could get to Novorossiysk would be put on ships. But as the wave of the Don people rolled up to Novorossiysk, the situation became more and more clear, and moreover, in a sense unexpected for Sidorin: the hesitation gradually dissipated, and the entire Don army rushed to the ships. For what - it is unlikely that they were then aware of a clear account. Under the pressure of demands addressed to him from all sides, General Sidorin changed his tactics and, in turn, turned to the Headquarters with a demand for ships for all units in sizes that were clearly unfeasible, just as the planned evacuation of troops unwilling to fight, led by commanders who ceased to obey, is generally impossible. Meanwhile, Novorossiysk, overcrowded beyond all measure, had become literally impassable, flooded with human waves, hummed like a devastated beehive. There was a struggle for - a struggle for salvation ... Many human dramas played out on the city's haystacks in these terrible days. A lot of bestial feeling poured out in the face of impending danger, when naked passions drowned out conscience and man became a fierce enemy. On March 13, General Kutepov, appointed chief of defense of Novorossiysk, came to me and reported that the morale of the troops, their extremely nervous mood did not make it possible to stay longer in the city, that it was necessary to leave it at night ... The ships continued to arrive, but there were still not enough to lift everyone. General Sidorin again made a sharp demand for transport. I offered him three solutions:

1. To occupy the nearest approaches to Novorossiysk with the preserved Don troops in order to win two days, in which, undoubtedly, the missing transport will arrive. Sidorin did not want or could not do this. In the same way, he refused to put in position even a training brigade that had retained its combat capability.

2. Personally lead your units along the coast road to Gelendzhik-Tuapse (the path was blocked by about 4 thousand deserters), where the approaching steamships could be turned off and new ones sent after unloading them in the Crimean ports. Sidorin did not want to do this.

3. Finally, it was possible to surrender to the will of fate, counting on those transports that would arrive that day and on the night of the 14th, as well as on the help of English ships promised by Admiral Seymour.

General Sidorin stopped at this decision, and then told the press to his subordinate commanders about what the high command had done. This version, accompanied by fictitious details, was very convenient, shifting the entire odium, all personal sins and the consequences of the collapse of the Cossack army onto someone else's head. On the evening of the 13th, the headquarters of the commander-in-chief, the headquarters of the Don army and the Don ataman were put on the ship. After that, I, General Romanovsky and several ranks of the headquarters, switched to the Russian destroyer. The landing of the troops continued all night. Part of the volunteers and several regiments of the Don, who did not get on the ships, went along the coast road to Gelendzhik. It's been a sleepless night. Beginning to light up. A terrible picture. I went up to the bridge of the destroyer, which was standing at the pier. The bay is empty. On the outer roadstead there were several English ships, even further away one could see the already obscure silhouettes of transports carrying the Russian army to the last piece of their native land, to an unknown future ... Two French destroyers stood peacefully in the bay, apparently not knowing the situation. We approached them. My request was conveyed to the mouthpiece: - Novorossiysk has been evacuated.

The Commander-in-Chief asks you to take on board as many people as possible from among the people remaining on the shore. The destroyers quickly withdrew and went to the outer roadstead ... (Later they took part in rescuing people walking along the coastal road south of Novorossiysk.) There was only one in the bay. People crowded on the shore near the piers. People sat on their belongings, broke cans of canned food, warmed them up, warmed themselves by the fires that were built right there. These are those who have abandoned their weapons - those who have not looked for a way out. The majority have a calm, dull indifference - from everything experienced, from fatigue, from spiritual prostration. From time to time, the cries of individuals were heard from the crowd, asking to be taken on board. Who are they, how to rescue them from the crowd squeezing them? .. Some officer from the northern pier loudly called for help, then rushed into the water and swam to the destroyer. They lowered the boat and raised it safely. Suddenly we notice - some kind of military unit is lined up on the pier. The eyes of people with hope and prayer are fixed on our destroyer. I order you to come to the shore. A crowd poured in ... - The destroyer takes only armed teams ... We loaded as many people as possible and left the bay. On the road, not far from the shore, in the open sea, a huge barge swayed on a fresh wave, brought out and left there by some kind of steamer. Entirely, to the crush, to insanity packed with people. They took her in tow and brought her to the English battleship. Admiral Seymour kept his promise: the English ships took much more than was promised. The outlines of Novorossiysk still stood out sharply and distinctly. What was happening there?.. Some destroyer suddenly turned back and flew at full speed to the piers. Guns thumped, machine guns crackled: the destroyer entered the battle with the advanced units of the Bolsheviks, who had already occupied the city. It was on which General Kutepov, having received information that the 3rd Drozdovsky regiment, which was covering the landing, had not yet been loaded, went to the rescue. Then everything was quiet. The contours of the city, coast and mountains were enveloped in mist, going into the distance ... into the past. So hard, so painful.

The fate of the troops remaining in the North Caucasus and the Caspian flotilla

The recently formidable Armed Forces of the South have disintegrated. The units that moved along the seashore to Gelendzhik, at the first collision with a detachment of deserters who occupied Kabardinskaya, could not stand it, rallied and dispersed. A small part of them was picked up by the courts, the rest went into the mountains or were handed over to the Bolsheviks. Parts of the Kuban Army and the 4th Don Corps, which had come out in the mountains to the Black Sea coast, settled down between Tuapse and Sochi, deprived of food and fodder, in an extremely difficult situation. The hopes of the Kuban people for and for the help of the Georgians did not come true. The Kuban Rada, the government and Ataman Bukretov, who sought command of the troops (the command was united in the hands of the commander of the Kuban Corps, General Pisarev, to whom the 4th Don Corps was also subordinate), demanded a complete break with and were inclined to conclude peace with the Bolsheviks; military commanders categorically opposed this. This strife and the complete disorganization of the upper classes brought even greater confusion to the Cossack masses, who were finally confused in search of a way out and ways to salvation. Information about the disintegration, fluctuations and clashes in the units gathered on the Black Sea coast came to Feodosia and caused painful doubts: what to do with them next? These doubts worried Headquarters and were shared by Cossack circles. The rate indicated to transport only armed and willing to fight. The Don rulers looked more pessimistic: at their stormy meeting in Feodosia, it was decided to refrain from transporting Don people to the Crimea for the time being. The motives for this decision were: on the one hand, the collapse of parts, on the other, fear for the strength of the Crimea.

Such an uncertain position of the Don-Kuban corps on the coast lasted for about a month after my departure, ending tragically: the Kuban ataman Bukretov, through General Morozov, concluded an agreement with the Soviet command on the surrender of the army to the Bolsheviks and himself disappeared into Georgia. Most of the troops really surrendered, the smaller one managed to cross over to the Crimea (according to the Headquarters of General Wrangel, out of 27 thousand, about 12 thousand were transported). In early March, the exodus from the North Caucasus began. Troops and refugees were drawn to Vladikavkaz, from where on the 10th of March they crossed to Georgia along the Georgian Military Highway. The troops and refugees disarmed by the Georgians (about 7 thousand troops, 3-5 thousand refugees) were later interned in the Poti camp. Even further east, along the coast of the Caspian Sea, the Astrakhan detachment of General Dratsenko retreated to Petrovsk. On March 16, this detachment boarded ships in Petrovsk and, together with the Caspian flotilla, went to Baku. General Dratsenko and the commander of the flotilla, Admiral Sergeev, concluded a condition with the Azerbaijani government, by virtue of which, at the cost of transferring weapons and materiel to Azerbaijan, the troops were allowed to pass to Poti. The military flotilla, without raising the Azerbaijani flag and maintaining its internal control, took over the coastal defense. But when the ships began to enter the harbor, the deceit was revealed: the Azerbaijani government stated that the person who signed the agreement did not have the authority to do so, and demanded unconditional surrender. On this basis, excitement began in the fleet; Admiral Sergeev, who went to Batum to get in touch with the Stavka from there, was declared deposed by the officers, and the ships under the command of the captain of the 2nd rank Bushen left for Anzeli with the aim of surrendering there under the protection of the British. The British command, not wanting a clash with the Bolsheviks, suggested that the crews of the ships be considered internees and ordered the removal of parts of guns and machines. And when the Bolsheviks next made a sudden landing, the strong English detachment occupying Anzeli turned into a hasty retreat; our naval teams were forced to join the British. One of the participants in this retreat, a Russian officer, later wrote about the feeling of some moral satisfaction that they experienced when they saw how. The state formation of the South collapsed, and its fragments, scattered far away, rolled from the Caspian Sea to the Black Sea, carrying away human waves.

The stronghold that covered the ephemeral, tirelessly undermining forces of the South from the north collapsed, and all their weakness and lack of viability was strikingly clearly revealed ... It fell in a few days, lasted no more than a week, and Azerbaijan was soon swept away. The turn of the Georgian Republic came, the existence of which, for reasons of common policy, was allowed by the Soviet government for some more time. All that was left of the Armed Forces of the South was concentrated on the small Crimean peninsula. The army, which came under my direct command, was reduced to three corps (Crimean, Volunteer, Donskoy), the Consolidated Cavalry Division and the Consolidated Kuban Brigade. All other units, teams, headquarters and institutions that had gathered in the Crimea from all over the former territory of the South were to be disbanded, and all of their combat-ready personnel went to staff the active troops. The Crimean corps, with a strength of about 5,000, still covered the isthmus. The Kerch region was protected from landing from the side of Taman by a combined detachment of 11/2 thousand (combined Kuban brigade, Consolidated Alekseevskaya brigade, Kornilov cadet school). All other parts were located in reserve, on vacation: the Volunteer Corps in the Sevastopol-Simferopol region, the Donets - in the vicinity of Evpatoria. I temporarily placed my headquarters in quiet Feodosia, far from Sevastopol, seething with passions. The immediate task assigned to the army was to defend the Crimea. The army numbered 35-40 thousand fighters in its ranks, was armed with 100 guns and up to 500 machine guns. But she was morally shaken, and the troops that arrived from Novorossiysk were deprived of materiel, horses, carts and artillery. Volunteers came fully armed, brought with them all the machine guns and even a few guns; Donets arrived unarmed. From the very first day, hasty work began on the reorganization, staffing and supply of units. Some rest calmed nervous nerves to the extreme. Until then, for a year and a half, units were scattered along the front over vast distances, almost without leaving the battlefield. Now the concentrated location of large military formations opened up the possibility of direct and close influence of senior commanders on the troops.

The enemy occupied the northern exits from the Crimean isthmuses along the Genichesk - Chongarsky bridge - Sivash-Perekop line. His forces were small (5-6 thousand), and the presence in the rear of the detachments of Makhno and other rebel bands held back his offensive impulse. From the side of the Taman Peninsula, the Bolsheviks did not show any activity. The movement of the main forces of the South to the shores of the Black Sea was regarded by the Soviet command as the last act of struggle. Information about the state of our troops, about the rebellions raised by the troops and commanders, very exaggerated, strengthened the Bolsheviks in the conviction that the White Army, pinned to the sea, was waiting for inevitable and final death. Therefore, the operation of transferring significant forces to the Crimea, the readiness and ability to continue the fight there, came as a complete surprise to the Soviet command. Not enough attention was paid to the Crimea, and the Soviet government paid dearly for this oversight. It was necessary to streamline and reorganize the civil administration, which was too cumbersome for the Crimea. Melnikov, having arrived in Sevastopol, immediately fell into an atmosphere of deep and organic hostility, which paralyzed all his activities. The government - in its genesis, as created as a result of an agreement with the Supreme Circle - for this reason alone was odious and caused great irritation, ready to pour into wild forms. Therefore, in order to prevent undesirable excesses, I decided to abolish the government even before I left. On March 16, I ordered the abolition of the Council of Ministers. In return, M. V. Bernatsky was instructed to organize it.

The order confirmed that This order, unexpected for them, made a very painful impression on the members of the government ... I do not justify the form, but the essence of the reorganization was dictated by the obvious necessity and personal safety of the ministers. On the same day, on the 16th, members of the government left Sevastopol on a steamboat provided to them and, before leaving for Constantinople, stopped at Feodosia to say goodbye to me. After a short word from N. M. Melnikov, N. V. Tchaikovsky turned to me: - Let me ask you, general, what prompted you to carry out a coup d'état? I was surprised by such a formulation of the question - after the break with the Supreme Circle and, most importantly, after the catastrophic one that erupted over the entire white South ... - What a coup! I appointed you and I relieved you of your duties - that's all. After that, F.S. Sushkov pointed out: in the few days of his stay in the Crimea, the government, according to him, deserved recognition not only from public circles, but also from the military environment. So everything foreshadowed the possibility of his fruitful work ... - Unfortunately, I have completely opposite information. You don't seem to know what's going on around you. In any case, in a few days everything that happened will become clear to you ... General Holman, the unfailing well-wisher of the army, left his post. In his farewell speech, he said: Under the new policy of London, General Holman would really be out of place. I also parted with my faithful friend IP Romanovsky. Releasing him from the post of chief of staff, I wrote in the order: History will brand with contempt those who, out of selfish motives, weaved a web of vile slander around his honest and pure name. May God give you strength, dear Ivan Pavlovich, to continue the hard work of state building in a healthier environment.

In place of General Romanovsky, I appointed General Makhrov, who was in the position of Quartermaster General, as Chief of Staff. Holman, who planned to leave for Constantinople the next day, suggested that Ivan Pavlovich go with him. The threads that connected with the past were torn, it became empty around ... Late in the evening of the 19th, General Kutepov arrived in Feodosia on an important matter. He reported: To this I answered him that he was mistaken about the mood of my corps. I will not participate in any conference without the permission of the Commander-in-Chief, and, attaching great importance to everything that he told me, I consider it necessary to immediately report all this to General Denikin. After these words of mine, I got up and left. Having stepped out onto the platform, I boarded the train and ordered to be taken to Feodosia. What I heard did not surprise me. General Slashchov did this work not for the first day and not in one direction, but in four at once. He sent messengers to Baron Wrangel, persuading him (that is, Wrangel and Slashchov), and, through Duke S. Leuchtenberg, got in touch with naval officer circles on this issue. In his relations with the right, mainly with the public, he tried to direct its choice in his personal favor. At the same time, through General Borovsky, he got in touch with Generals Sidorin, Pokrovsky, Yuzefovich and agreed with them on the day and place of the meeting to eliminate the commander in chief. In whose favor - was silent, since the first two were Wrangel's antagonists and also had no desire to lead themselves to Slashchov. Finally, at the same time, almost daily, Slashchov telegraphed to the Headquarters with a request to allow him to come to me for a report and expressed that he was not allowed to visit. General Sidorin intensely looked at and telegraphed to the Don ataman that this view was shared. He decided and demanded the immediate arrival of the ataman and the government in Evpatoria (Sidorin's telegram to General Bogaevsky dated March 18).

I already knew about the role that Bishop Benjamin, who led the opposition of the extreme right, played in the rising turmoil, but to what extent his zeal reached, I became aware only a few years later ... The next day after arriving in Sevastopol, the bishop appeared to the chairman his. About this visit, N. M. Melnikov says: it is necessary to force General Denikin to lay down power and transfer it to General Wrangel, because only he, in the opinion of the bishop and his friends, can save the Motherland under these conditions. The Bishop added that, in fact, everything was already ready for them to carry out the intended change, and that he considered it his duty to apply to me on this matter only in order not to bring unnecessary temptation to the masses and to provide legal props. under the enterprise, for if he approves the planned change, everything will go smoothly ... Bishop Benjamin added that, whether he agrees or disagrees, the matter will be done anyway ... This invitation to take part in the coup, made by the bishop, was like this unexpectedly for me, who then saw the conspirator in a cassock for the first time, and I was so indignant that, rising, I stopped the bishop's further outpourings. Bishop Veniamin then visited the Minister of the Interior, W. F. Seeler, who also inspired the idea of ​​the need for a coup for an hour and a half. , and this now fully ripened impulse should not be interfered with. It is necessary to promote this in every possible way - it will also be pleasing to God. Everything is ready: both General Wrangel and the entire party of patriotic-minded real sons of their homeland, which is in connection with General Wrangel, are ready for this. Moreover, General Wrangel is that dictator by the grace of God, from whose hands the anointed will receive power and the kingdom ...

The bishop was so carried away by supporting the conversation that he stopped maintaining restraint and simple caution and reached the point where he was ready to immediately wait for immediate decisions from the government (from a note by V. F. Seeler). Sidorin, Slashchov, Veniamin ... All this, in essence, was of little interest to me. I asked General Kutepov about the mood of the volunteer units. He replied that one division was quite strong, the mood in the other was satisfactory, and in two it was unfavorable. Criticizing our failures, the troops mainly blame General Romanovsky for them. Kutepov expressed his opinion that it was necessary to take hasty measures against the meeting that was about to take place, and that it would be best to summon the senior commanders to me so that they themselves would report to me on the mood of the troops. I looked at the matter differently: the time has come to carry out my decision. Enough. On the same night, together with the chief of staff, General Makhrov, I drew up a secret telegram - an order to assemble the chiefs on March 21 in Sevastopol for the Military Council chaired by General Dragomirov. Among the participants, I included those who were out of work, the contenders for power known to me and the most active representatives of the opposition. The council was to include: the commanders of the Volunteer (Kutepov) and Crimean (Slashchov) corps and their division chiefs. Of the commanders of brigades and regiments - half (from the Crimean Corps, due to the combat situation, the norm may be less). Should also arrive: the commandants of the fortresses, the commander of the fleet, his chief of staff, the heads of the naval departments, four senior commanders of the fleet.

From the Don Corps - Generals Sidorin, Kelchevsky and six persons in the composition of generals and regimental commanders. From the headquarters of the commander-in-chief - the chief of staff, the general on duty, the head of the Military Directorate and personally the generals: Wrangel, Bogaevsky, Ulagai, Schilling, Pokrovsky, Borovsky, Efimov, Yuzefovich and Toporkov. I addressed a letter to the Chairman of the Military Council (March 20, No. 145/m): For three years of Russian unrest, I fought, giving it all my strength and carrying power like a heavy cross sent down by fate. God did not bless the troops led by me with success. And although I have not lost faith in the viability of the army and in its historical vocation, the internal connection between the leader and the army has been broken. And I can't take it anymore. I propose to the Military Council to elect a worthy one, to whom I will successively transfer power and command. Respectful A. Denikin. The next two or three days were spent in conversations with people loyal to me who came to prevent my departure. They tormented my soul, but they could not change my decision. The military council met, and on the morning of the 22nd I received a telegram from General Dragomirov: Dragomirov. I considered it impossible to change my mind and make the fate of the South dependent on temporary, changing, as it seemed to me, moods. I answered General Dragomirov: I repeat that the number of representatives is completely indifferent. But, if the Don people consider it necessary, allow the number of members in accordance with their organization. On the same day I received in reply a telegram from General Dragomirov. I ordered to find out whether General Wrangel was at this meeting and whether he knew about this decision, and, having received an affirmative answer, I gave my last order to the Armed Forces of the South: Lieutenant General Baron Wrangel is appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. 2. To all who walked honestly with me in a difficult struggle - a deep bow. Lord, give victory to the army and save Russia. General Denikin. Military council. My departure. Constantinople Drama. About what happened at the Military Council, I learned only a long time later. I think that at that time both General Kutepov and I did not quite correctly assess the volunteer mood. I will give a description of these events, compiled by one of the participants and confirmed by other members of the council (from a note by General Polzikov): note by General Kutepov :). General Kutepov, leaving the meeting with General Vitkovsky, ordered to gather in the palace for the Military Council appointed in the evening of that day 11/2 hours earlier in order to arrange a preliminary meeting of the senior commanders of the Volunteer Corps before the start of the Military Council. By the way, I will say that since it was alarming in the air, it was decided to take some measures, which were expressed as follows: reinforced patrols were assigned from our regiments and the artillery brigade, especially in the streets adjacent to the palace. At the places of quartering, duty units were appointed, who were supposed to be awake in full readiness and had fast runners in the palace. Teams of machine gunners stood at the main entrance of the palace. The same teams were secretly placed inside neighboring courtyards. An officer company was secretly housed in the courtyard of the palace. At a preliminary meeting chaired by General Kutepov, all the chiefs unanimously expressed the idea that it was unacceptable for General Denikin to leave his post, insisted on expressing full confidence in him and on taking all measures to beg him not to leave his post.

It was decided to exert appropriate influence on the other members of the Military Council, so that the Military Council would ask and even beg General Denikin not to leave his post. General Kutepov sat sad, as if depressed, and repeatedly announced the firm decision of General Denikin. Accustomed to seeing General Kutepov as an energetic, persistent and resolute boss, we were puzzled by his passivity. Rumors about his disagreements with General Denikin and Fr. It was completely improbable, but nevertheless there was no explanation for the silent, passive, and therefore incomprehensible behavior of General Kutepov. None of us realized then how hard it was for him. We could not understand that he really knew the firm and adamant decision of General Denikin, we did not understand that General Kutepov, always honest and direct, knew that he could not give us hope, and, experiencing much sharper and deeper everything that we were worried, could not tell us anything other than about the firm decision of General Denikin to leave his post (note by General Kutepov:). It was decided, in the event of General Denikin's intransigence, to express his full confidence in him and ask him to appoint himself a deputy, whose recognition, of course, would be obligatory for everyone. Opening the meeting, General Dragomirov read the order of the commander-in-chief on the appointment of the Military Council. Then the verification of those present at the meeting was carried out and their right to participate in it was established. Immediately after the completion of the verification, General Slashchov announced that his corps was at the front, and therefore he could not send to the meeting all the senior commanders who had the right to take part in it. General Dragomirov announced that this was provided for and stipulated in the order of the commander in chief. General Slashchov continued to insist that his corps did not have enough representatives at the meeting to identify the desires and decide the corps, that this was an injustice in relation to the valiant corps, which had defended the last piece of white Russian land for the longest time, and so on. General Dragomirov again stated that he had no right to change the order of the commander-in-chief, that a fair representation was appointed for all units, that the number of those present from a certain military unit was not significant, since there was still a representation from him, and in particular, regarding 2 th corps, it is clear that his voice will be sufficiently strong in the face of the corps commander and representatives present from the corps. General Slashchov again, with great excitement, tried to prove the unfavorable and circumvented position of his corps, while the 1st Corps had an abundant presence of its representatives at the meeting. General Kutepov stated that he agreed to reduce the number of representatives from his corps if their presence caused such a protest about a violation of justice. General Dragomirov again stated that he did not see a violation of justice in relation to any of the military units, he did not dare to change the order of the commander-in-chief, and he stopped further discussion of the issue of representation at a meeting of the Military Council. Following this, General Dragomirov announced that, in pursuance of the order of the commander in chief, it was necessary to elect a deputy for him. General Slashchov was the first to ask for the floor and spoke at great length about the need to establish order. In addition to General Slashchov, as I recall, General Makhrov and Vyazmitinov also spoke, declaring that they were well aware of General Denikin's adamant decision to step down from power. General Slashchov spoke several times. He spoke about the inadmissibility of elections, referring to the assimilation of the Red Army, after the elders set an example.

General Toporkov spoke ardently, straightforwardly, sincerely, honestly and well. So far no one has spoken from the side of the Volunteer Corps. General Dragomirov ordered to distribute paper and pencils for the closed appointment of the Deputy Commander-in-Chief. Then the captain of the 1st rank (Chief of Staff of the Black Sea Fleet Ryabinin, who later went over to the Bolsheviks) asked for the floor, beginning with the words: , made a pathetic speech about the need to fulfill the order of the commander-in-chief and name his deputy, which, according to the ranks of the Black Sea Fleet, General Wrangel . The name of General Wrangel was officially named at a meeting of the council, but in private conversations it was already mentioned. At that time, a private discussion was going on around General Vitkovsky, who, after the order of General Dragomirov to hand out the paper, asked for a word through General Kutepov (General Kutepov’s note:) and energetically and persistently declared that he and the ranks of the Drozdov division find it impossible for themselves to take part in the elections and categorically refuse it. After the words of General Vitkovsky, the heads of the Kornilov, Markov and Alekseevsky divisions and other parts of the Volunteer Corps immediately joined his statement. Representatives from the divisions supported their superiors by standing up at their announcement. General Dragomirov sternly drew attention to the inadmissibility of such a statement, since it constitutes a failure to comply with the order of the commander in chief. Then General Witkowski objected that we have always carried out the orders of the commander-in-chief and will continue to do so now, that we completely trust him, and if the commander-in-chief decided to resign, then we obey his decision and his appointment of a deputy. But first it is necessary to express confidence in the commander-in-chief and ask him to remain in power and immediately bring to his attention about such a decision of the Military Council. After these words, one of the ranks of the Volunteer Corps shouted. Friendly and loud for a long time announced the building of the palace. After it ended and everyone sat down in their seats, General Dragomirov again tried to prove the need to fulfill the order of the commander in chief, which the Military Council could not change. Then General Witkovsky and other ranks of the Volunteer Corps argued for the need to report by direct wire to General Denikin about the mood of the Military Council, about expressing confidence in him and asking him to remain in power. General Dragomirov objected to all these arguments and did not agree with them. Everyone was pretty tired, and therefore many others willingly joined our request - to take a short break, and, to our pleasure, General Dragomirov agreed to this, announcing a break. Now we (the Volunteer Corps) occupied one of the secluded and downstairs rooms and decided to send an urgent telegram from us to General Denikin, in which we express our full confidence and gratitude to him and ask him to remain in power. Into the room we had occupied came some chiefs who did not belong to the Volunteer Corps, but who fully shared our views. I do not remember who composed the telegram, in general it was composed collectively (the text of the telegram:). The telegram was immediately sent to the city telegraph office with one of our contacts with the order to ensure its immediate dispatch to General Denikin. The telegram was received, but was not sent in a timely manner, because, as it turned out later, the wire with the Headquarters was busy and there was an order from General Dragomirov not to transmit any telegrams without his permission. Upon the resumption of the meeting of the Military Council, General Dragomirov agreed to send a telegram to General Denikin and asked him to compose the text of it. To a request addressed to General Dragomirov to speak with General Denikin immediately by direct wire in order to end the meeting of the Military Council after that, General Dragomirov categorically refused. The next day, the meeting did not start for a long time, and we, in bewilderment and with various assumptions, walked along the corridors, went into the large meeting room, but constantly saw the doors to the room of senior commanders tightly closed; entry into this room without the permission of General Dragomirov was not allowed. Repeatedly tried to find out when the meeting of the council will begin and whether it will take place at all. The answers were the most vague and uncertain. It was not possible to call General Kutepov from the room of senior commanders. General Witkowski was not allowed into this room. There was no information about the answer of General Denikin to the telegram sent to him the day before. The impression was that the Military Council consisted of the highest commanders, and the rest were ignored. The complete suspense and uncertainty of the situation that had arisen and the absence of at least any explanations greatly unnerved and caused dissatisfaction with General Dragomirov, whose stubbornness at the previous meeting gave rise to many enemies against him. Therefore, after some time, the mood turned from nervous into definitely hostile towards the room of senior commanders. But it was soon dispelled by the unexpected arrival of a group of new officers who accompanied several English officers. The afternoon session was not open, and General Denikin's answer was not announced to us. We were told that a delegation from the British had arrived, that the proposals made by them were so unusual and important that they completely obscured the sharpness of the events experienced, and therefore the top leaders would discuss the British proposals, and the meeting of the council was scheduled for 8 o'clock in the evening of the same day. There was also a rumor that General Wrangel had arrived in Sevastopol, who would attend the evening meeting of the Military Council. When we arrived at this meeting and, in anticipation of its opening, wandered through the corridors and rooms of the palace, after a while we noticed the presence of General Wrangel, who nervously walked along the corridor near the large hall. The doors to the chiefs' room were still closed, and a meeting was in progress. Several times General Wrangel was invited there, and after a short time he came out even more excited. As it turned out, General Wrangel brought with him to Sevastopol an English ultimatum addressed to me, but handed to him on March 20 in Constantinople; in its note, the British government proposed to enter into negotiations with the Soviet government through him. In the event that this proposal was rejected, England threatened to stop any further assistance. For unknown reasons, this ultimatum was not communicated to me in Feodosia, and I learned about it only abroad. About what happened at the meeting - senior commanders, up to and including corps commanders, General Bogaevsky writes: In addition, there was no one who could at that time become General Denikin's successor without objections from anyone. No names were called. The next day, General Dragomirov called the meeting again and read the reply telegram from General Denikin, who nevertheless ordered the elections to be held. Despite this, many protested against this, and all the firmness and perseverance of General Dragomirov was needed so that the meeting would not take the form of a rally and pass quietly (note by General Bogaevsky) ... and another - from all the rest. The first was to nominate a successor, the second to support or reject the elected person. I was among the senior leaders. We sat in a large corner office, the rest - in the hall. Our meeting has dragged on. Still arguing and couldn't settle on anyone's name. From the hall, where the tired and hungry chiefs of military units had been languishing for several hours, there were more than once sent with a request, what did we decide? It was necessary to finish somehow, it was no longer possible to postpone it for another day: this would inevitably immediately undermine the authority of the future commander in chief. Then I made a speech in which, outlining the situation and the need to end the matter at all costs, I named General Wrangel as the new commander-in-chief. There were no objections, and, as it seemed to me then, not out of sympathy for him, but simply because it was necessary to elect someone and put an end to the difficult question. At that time, hardly anyone thought about continuing the fight against the Reds outside the Crimea: they had to sit out, put themselves in order and go abroad if they failed to keep the Crimea. It was believed that Wrangel could handle this. He was invited to our office (he had just arrived from Constantinople), and here the chairman gave him something like an exam: , if he becomes at the head of the army, not everyone in the meeting was satisfied. General Wrangel was asked to retire temporarily, with which he apparently remained very dissatisfied, and again they began to discuss his candidacy. Finally, it was decided to stop at it. He was summoned again, and General Dragomirov announced our decision to him. General Wrangel accepted this outwardly calmly, but many of us - and, probably, he too - still had doubts whether General Denikin would approve our choice. We did not know the details, but everyone knew that there were bad relations between them and the blame for them did not fall on General Denikin ... By agreeing to our choice, General Wrangel surprised us all with his decisive demand - to give him a subscription that the condition his acceptance of the post of commander-in-chief will not go on the offensive against the Bolsheviks, but only the withdrawal of the army with honor from the difficult situation that has arisen. To our question, why this subscription, General Wrangel replied that he wanted everyone - and above all his own son - not to reproach him in the future for not fulfilling his duty. All this was not entirely clear to us - such foresight, but in view of the insistent demand of General Wrangel - almost under the threat of refusal of choice - a subscription was given (the text of this act: Under these conditions, the meeting expressed a desire to ask the commander-in-chief to appoint General Wrangel as his deputy , so that, having assumed the main command, he would achieve immunity to all persons who fought against the Bolsheviks, and would create the most favorable conditions for the personnel of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, precisely for those who do not find it possible for themselves to accept security from the Soviet government. I got acquainted with the content of this act only abroad). After that, a telegram was sent to General Denikin. The meeting is over. General Dragomirov read the text of the telegram he had sent the day before to General Denikin. Many of us noticed that the content of the telegram was not quite the same as it had been read to us the day before in its final form. Then General Dragomirov read General Denikin's response to her with the appointment of General Wrangel as his deputy. After reading this order, General Dragomirov proclaimed in honor of the commander-in-chief, General Wrangel (from a note by General Polzikov). Evening March 22. A painful farewell to my closest collaborators at Headquarters and the officers of the convoy. Then he went downstairs - to the premises of the security officer company, which consisted of old volunteers, most of them wounded in battles; I was connected with many of them by the memory of the painful days of the first campaigns. They are agitated, muffled sobs are heard ... A deep excitement seized me too; a heavy lump in her throat made it difficult to speak. They ask: - Why? - It's hard to talk about it now. Someday you will know and understand ... We went with General Romanovsky to the English mission, from where, together with Holman, to the pier. Guards of honor and representatives of foreign missions. Brief farewell. Switched to the English destroyer. The officers who accompanied us, including the former adjutants of General Romanovsky, went on another destroyer - a French one, which arrived in Constantinople 6 hours later than us. A fatal accident ... When we went to sea, it was already night. Only bright lights, thickly dotting the darkness, still marked the shore of the abandoned Russian land. They dim and fade. Russia, my Motherland. In Constantinople, on the pier, we were met by our military agent, our General Agapeev, and an English officer. The Englishman reports something to Holman with an alarming look. The latter says to me: - Your Excellency, let's go straight to the English ship ... The British suspected. Did ours know? I turned to Agapeev: - You will not be embarrassed by our stay at the embassy ... in relation to the premises? - Not at all. - And in ... political terms? - No, pardon ... We said goodbye to Holman and went to the Russian embassy house, partly turned into a refugee hostel. My family is there. A diplomatic representative appeared. I go out to him in the corridor. He apologizes that due to cramped conditions he cannot provide us with premises. I cut off the conversation: we do not need his hospitality ... Returning to the room, I wanted to talk with Ivan Pavlovich about leaving this inhospitable shelter at once. But General Romanovsky was not there. The adjutants had not arrived yet, and he himself went through the enfilade of the embassy halls to the vestibule to order the car. The door opened, and Colonel Engelhardt, pale as death, appeared in it: - Your Excellency, General Romanovsky has been killed. This blow finished me off. Consciousness clouded, and the forces left me - for the first time in my life. I know the moral murderers of Romanovsky well. The physical killer, who wore the uniform of a Russian officer, fled. I don’t know if he is alive, or if the rumor is telling the truth, that in order to hide the traces of the crime, he was drowned in the Bosphorus. General Holman, shocked by the event, unable to forgive himself for not protecting Romanovsky, not insisting on our moving directly to the English ship, sent an English detachment to the embassy to protect the former Russian commander in chief ... Fate was pleased to lead through this test. Then, however, nothing could worry me anymore. Soul dead. Small room, almost closet. In it is a coffin with expensive ashes. The face is sad and calm. That evening, with the family and children of General Kornilov, I transferred to an English hospital ship, and the next day on a dreadnought we left the hateful shores of the Bosporus, carrying inescapable sorrow in our souls.

With this name, the final act of the tragic cooperation of the Cossacks with the unsuccessful commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia, General Denikin, entered the Cossack history. In the sad March days of 1920, the generals of the Dobroarmia showed neither coordination of actions, nor perseverance in the defense of the approaches to Novorossiysk, nor restraint and a fair distribution of transport tonnage during evacuation to the Crimea. Gene. Denikin arrived in Novorossiysk with his headquarters before anyone else, but did not create a coherent plan for the defense of the city there, did not prepare enough transport ships to transport all troops to the Crimea. At the same time, the Volunteer Corps (the remnants of the Dobrarmiya), led by its commander, General Kutepov, refused to obey the orders of the commander-in-chief, hastened to retreat to the port and took possession of almost all the ships there. At the same time, the volunteers showed the usual stamina and acted certainly more energetically than the disciplined Cossacks, who were accustomed to a fair order and were in no hurry to the piers. As a result, only a few of them ended up in the Crimea. Chairman of the Don Government and a great admirer of Gen. Denikin N.M. Melnikov nevertheless admitted that “During the Novorossiysk Kutepovskaya evacuation, three-quarters of the Don army were abandoned, not to mention the colossal mass of refugees.” “Cossack officers were not allowed on ships captured by volunteers; barricades were erected near the ships, guarded by guards with machine guns.” “As it turned out at: a meeting on March 15 in Feodosia, about 10,000 of all Dontsov were taken out of Novorossiysk, and about 10,000 volunteers at the front, about 55,000 were taken out - all volunteer institutions with all their personnel and property were also taken out” (N.M. Melnikov, Novorossiysk catastrophe, Native Land No. 35). To these words it should be added that the gene itself. Denikin promptly embarked with headquarters on an English destroyer and safely departed for the Crimea, worrying little about the fate of those very Cossacks, from whom for two years he demanded obedience and the implementation of not always wise orders and measures. Up to 40 thousand combatant Cossacks retreated to Novorossiysk, with volunteers - 50 thousand. This army, armed with artillery, armored trains and small arms defense, would be quite enough for the long-term protection of the small Novorossiysk bridgehead surrounded by mountains. All it needed was good guidance. And just like that, he wasn't there. Head of the Don Rear Guard Consolidated Partisan Division, Gen. PCS. Colonel Yatsevich reported to the Commander of the Donarmia: “The hasty, shameful additional loading on March 13 was not caused by the real situation at the front, which was obvious to me, as the last one to withdraw. No significant forces "came". But the squabble at the top volunteers among people who believed in their calling to lead the great cause of "saving Russia", as well as the shameful observance of the private benefits of the Volunteer Corps, to the detriment of the interests of the Cossacks, to the detriment of the interests of further struggle, betrayed tens of thousands of Cossacks and Kalmyks into the hands of the Bolsheviks. . All of them had to endure the terrible days of captivity. Some were shot, some were tortured in the dungeons of the Cheka, many were put behind a wire to die on a starvation ration, and the happiest were immediately mobilized, put in their ranks and sent to the Polish front to "defend the Motherland" the same one and indivisible, but now not " white" and "red".

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Catastrophe

From the book People of the former empire [collection] author Ismagilov Anvar Aidarovich

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The collapse of the "white" movement in the South and the evacuation of Novorossiysk. part 63

(Continued. Previous chapter:)

It is important to note that almost until the very end of 1919, many “whites” in the South of Russia still believed in their imminent victory and, in the hope of future bullies, looted, actively engaged in real estate trading, speculation and even buying up land!
Here is what Lieutenant S. Mamontov recalls about this:
“One of the trains derailed and blocked the tracks.
- There, across the river, there are a lot of trains, and everything, everything is thrown into them.
I went to Colonel Shapilovsky.
- Well then. Take two wagons and some soldiers and go see if you can find something useful for the battery.
Ensigns Astafiev and Forberg joined me. Already on the way we met several Cossacks.
One of them held under his arm a large bundle of uncut "kerenok" - sheets of 800 and 1600 rubles - and distributed these sheets to those he met. I refused the list, but Astafiev, Forberg and the soldiers grabbed them.
All our expectations were exceeded. The compositions stood one to one and ad infinitum. All filled with different goods. I even got confused. What to take?
Cossacks and private individuals were already darting between the carriages.
First they loaded the linen into the wagons. But then there was a wagon with artillery harness. Part of the linen was thrown off and the harness was loaded. Suddenly they found new artillery clamps. They scratched behind the ear, threw out the rest of the linen and loaded the collars. There was no more room in the wagons. But suddenly they found saddles, and even new ones. Meeting. Saddles must be taken in any case. We throw out part of the harness and load the saddles. It seemed that you will not find the best, you can return ...
The wagons with the soldiers remained, and Astafyev and I walked along the wagons. One contains some boxes. I tore off the board and gasped. The boxes contained blue cloth robes and black ones. And every cavalryman dreamed of blue pants, but it was impossible to get blue cloth. I quickly covered the torn board so that the wandering Cossacks would not see it, and whispered to Astafyev:
- Run, bring carts, and most importantly - people.
He ran.

But the Cossacks, attracted by some predatory scent, rushed into the car. I had to lie down on the boxes to protect them from being plundered. Luckily, our soldiers showed up and we literally tore out a few crates. With pain in their hearts, they threw out several saddles and loaded boxes.
It was getting dark and we were pretty tired. Let's go home. Despite the darkness, they collected the entire battery and fairly distributed the booty among all the officers and soldiers, with the obligatory condition to sew blue pants for everyone right there in Kupyansk, and not send the booty to the Kuban, as is customary among the Cossacks ...

Astafiev found a lot of money in the compositions, and Forberg a bag with diamonds. Contrary to custom, they did not share, but kept. But Astafyev lost everything at cards, and Forberg bought plots in Sochi, and then shot himself.
The next day, with many wagons and soldiers, they went to pick up what they had thrown away and look for something else. But this turned out to be naivete on our part. Crowds of robbers snooped around, and only the most uninteresting remained in the trains, that no one took.

I think that, of course, it was hardly possible to “find” a bag with diamonds in an abandoned train, but on the sly “borrow” it from one of the local refugees or passengers - easily.

But, in any case, the very fact that the resourceful ensign Forberg, who “found” the diamonds, bought land plots in Sochi with them, and even in the fall of 1919, speaks volumes.
Then he apparently realized what a fool he was and shot himself.

General N.N. acted much smarter and more far-sighted. Yudenich.
On May 31, 1917, General N.N. Yudenich was dismissed from his post as commander-in-chief of the Caucasian Front by the military and naval minister of "democratic" Russia A.F. Kerensky.
One of his biographers tells what happened next:
“Together with his wife, Nikolai Nikolaevich moved from Tiflis to Petrograd, where he settled on Kamennoostrovsky Prospekt, in the temporarily empty apartment of his good friend Vice Admiral A.A. Khomenko.
When the general came to the bank to withdraw a small amount from his account, the manager recognized the Erzurum hero and advised him to take all the funds in cash, as well as urgently sell the house in Tiflis and land in Kislovodsk. The general followed the unexpected advice of an outsider and soon became convinced that he was right: the Yudenich family lived on the proceeds for several more years.
(Vyacheslav Bondarenko. "Heroes of the First World War." Moscow, Young Guard. 2013)
(However, we will talk about N.N. Yudenich's commercial talents later, but for now let's return to the main topic of this chapter).

About what happened in the autumn of 1919 in Novorossiysk, G.Ya. William:
“The main street in Novorossiysk is Serebryakovskaya. Approximately in the middle of this best, but nevertheless rather awkward and unattractive street, there was a lively coffee house called "Makhno's cafe." Here was the headquarters of the speculators, the so-called "black horde".
The horde was really black: in spirit and color.... Stylish brunettes: Constantinople Greeks, who swooped into the south engulfed in civil war, like crows on carrion, Jews - prevailed; although, of course, there was no shortage of representatives of the Slavic race ... "

Note that, according to G.Ya. William among the speculators of the "white" Novorossiysk "Jews prevailed."
To be honest, it surprised me quite a bit. I assumed that, given the high level of anti-Semitism among the white officers and the active use of anti-Jewish propaganda by Denikin's OSVAG, the role of Jewish businessmen in the "white" rear was not so conspicuous.
However, there is no reason not to trust this testimony of G.Ya. William (who was by no means an anti-Semite).
Let's continue his story:

“In the “Makhno cafe” prices were set for currency, for goods, values, and it replaced the stock exchange to such an extent that banks reckoned with it; and in local newspapers, in the reference department, quotes were printed under the general heading "cafe" (!!!).
Just as in the old days, it was printed: “stock exchange”.
In a vast, dirty hall, with a large stove in the middle, with stunted palm trees as the only decoration, there were many shabby tables, bare, littered with crumbs, drenched in coffee. The coffee shop was poorly lit. The electricity often did not burn, and then, by the light of the stearin cinders stuck in the bottles, she got the ominous appearance of a cave with feasting robbers. Greedy, restless, sparkling glances, sharp movements of southerners, rags and chic costumes - all this further increased the illusion. A blue veil of tobacco smoke and kitchen fumes always waved in the air, and always, especially in bad weather, there was such a crowd and crush, there were such queues around the tables, waiting for the last piece to be swallowed, that it was unpleasant to be with Makhno idle.

Tables were served by chic waiters, often glittering with jewels that they got from God knows where and at what cost. Working at "Makhno" without a salary, it seems, even paying for lunch and tea, these young ladies earned fabulous money.
The heroes of the home front, who fought at the tables from morning to night - and, by the way, inflicting much more damage on the volunteers than the Bolsheviks - were generous. The city was on a diet; for many, simple bread and a piece of bacon were considered a luxury; ordering with aplomb a portion of sausages with cabbage worth big money, the horde “kept style” and, wanting to show off the breadth of nature, threw large Don credit cards “for tea” to the “young ladies”. Grave hyenas, vultures of various sizes felt here, at Makhno, the minions of happiness and showed it without hesitation.
"Yurko and Panika" - the common name of speculators - determined the exchange rate of Russian and foreign currencies, bought up gold and jewelry, bought up all sugar, all available bread, textiles, bills of sale for houses and estates, shares of railways and joint-stock companies. Here it was possible to purchase a permit for import and export, a reserved seat to Rostov, a ticket for a cabin on a steamer, a separate carriage and a whole train specially designed for military cargo to the front. Here they traded medicines and consignments of equipment, in the fruitless expectation of which the volunteers froze near Orel and Kharkov in whole divisions.
In warm, fine weather, the "black horde" poured out of the cafe on Serebryakovskaya. Almost opposite, in a large gloomy four-story building, was the commandant's office. During the daytime, another crowd gathered on the sidewalk opposite the control: sunburnt, badly dressed, armed to the teeth officers who came on business and on a visit from the front. These destitute, exhausted marching and fighting life; Exhausted by longing for hungry wives and children, people with undisguised sharp hatred glanced at the other side of the street, where predatory, well-fed figures were rushing around like mad. Occasionally a casual remark was heard:
- Eh, I would put on both sides of Serebryakovskaya on the battery, and buckshot! ..
Or:
- In checkers to them, marauders! ..
From this, of course, one should not conclude that among the "black horde" there were no people with officer and general shoulder straps, with metal wreaths on the St. George ribbon for the famous "ice" campaign; people with golden weapons and on crutches.
Everyone was speculating in Novorossiysk: telephone ladies and engineers, charitable ladies and port workers, high school students and policemen, priests and “trading bodies”. The old men and children, the invalids on crutches and the seven-pound moneybags speculated; The last beggar and the first rich man.
Even representatives of the highest civil and military administration speculated. One day the secretary of a senior volunteer dignitary, a venerable general with Vladimir around his neck, came to our office.
“I have the most exciting news,” he said, sitting down at the table. - Only, please - not for publication! .. Today, on behalf of the general, I drew up a draft order for the eviction from the city of all persons who are not in the state or in the public service, who arrived after such and such a date. His Excellency made a significant amendment to the project - one can directly say that he created a new object for speculation! ..
The general sighed and hopelessly drooped his beautiful graying head.
- My project had in mind Exclusively speculators: after all, there is nothing to breathe from them! And what do you think? The general allowed the residence of servants of persons in the service. Judge for yourselves, what will be the sale and purchase of all sorts of cooks, lackeys and other positions now ?! And without this bacchanalia is complete.
The general was right: everything that was done against speculation turned fatally in its favor. I don't know if the places in the cemetery were speculated; but tickets to the number baths were speculated, and very profitable.

During the day, crowds of foreign sailors and soldiers roamed the city. They bartered for pounds and francs, buying Teke and Persian carpets, spread by Armenians for sale right on the pavement. They sold shoes, underwear, canned milk and jerseys, fabrics and biscuits, greedily buying up gold things from hands and in stores. The officers who received bread from the commissariat sent their batmen to the line near the bakeries, themselves, with revolvers in their hands, demanded that they sell bread without a queue, seize it all, in a herd, and sell it through the same merchants at exorbitant prices.
They speculated with warrants for the requisition of houses and apartments, they speculated with rooms. Newsboy boys, among whom there were many children of intelligent parents, earned hundreds of rubles a day from newspaper speculation, and this money was immediately drunk away and lost at cards and toss.

Such a “feast during the plague” took place in the rear of the White Army in the South of Russia, literally on the eve of its collapse.
And this collapse was not far off.
A series of "evacuations" of large cities began, traditionally accompanied by panic, looting and confusion. "Mutual bitterness, enmity, betrayal reigned."
That's what G.Ya. William recalled this:

“The evacuation of Taganrog captured me in Yekaterinodar. Panic and confusion began there. Government quarters seized the city's main street, Krasnaya. Entire stores were thrown out.
At this very time the head of the garrison issued an order forbidding requisitions. And the institutions themselves did not know where they were going, where they would stay. Dual power was already beginning to operate after the forced reconciliation with the Kuban government. Yes, in fact, not dual power, but anarchy, military terror and bureaucratic anarchy. The townsfolk froze in fear, burning with hatred for the volunteers. They saw this and, clutching their weapons in despair, trembled.
Mutual bitterness, enmity, betrayal reigned. The results of arbitrariness and predation had an effect. Railway authorities sold trains to government agencies.
The machinists carried only for money and alcohol, or with revolvers put to their temples. Endless lines of pedestrians and carriages, cars and riders stretched along the impassable dirt of the roads - to the "Big Water", to Novorossiysk.
At st. Yekaterinodar, I met Denikin, the general on duty at the headquarters. He had just got out of the car in which the headquarters arrived - with ladies, with children, with dogs.
I asked where he was going. The duty general replied:
- I don't know myself
It became clear to me that it was all over.”

Well, since the general on duty at Denikin's headquarters himself did not really know where he was going, what can we say about other, less informed military leaders, or ordinary inhabitants.
By the way, now for some reason it is believed that Denikin was a kind of “good grandfather” and in his armies in the Civil year there was almost democracy, and law and order reigned in the rear.
(In this, he is often contrasted with the “dictator” Kolchak, who generally “didn’t get along” with the “red bastard” and those who did not support his “white” army enough).

And here is what G.Ya. William:

“When I returned, General Korvin-Krukovsky was raging in Novorossiysk, endowed with unlimited powers by General Denikin, soundly drunk, foul-mouthed, he was terrible. The units retreating to Novorossiysk were detained by frightened officers near the village of Krymskaya and lived on robberies. Thank God that Korvin-Krukovsky had a sober adjutant, a humane and intelligent person, and that the dictator who had not slept was soon guessed to be removed.
Something unimaginable was going on near Bolshaya Vody. The streets of Novorossiysk were crowded with officers with rifles, revolvers, and hand grenades. Their confusion and fear, however, were such that if there hadn’t been a handful of English troops and an English battleship behind the pier in the city, some dozen thugs “would have seized power without resistance. And this is despite the fact that guard officers' companies with songs walked through the streets at night ...

No one knew where the front was. The rumors were the most incredible.
They were waiting for the landing of 50,000 Serbian troops and complained about the French, who allegedly did not let them in. They were waiting for the Greens to take the city. In the event of a catastrophe, the officers decided to seize the ships that were in the port by force of arms and kill all the civilians who wanted to escape with them. It was dangerous to go outside; an order was issued to mobilize all men under 54 to dig trenches, and the police used it in their own way. People were seized and forced to pay off. The head of the guard, the same one who captured the office of the military governor in the very office, and only the head of the office saved him, grabbed his hand and dragged him into his office, where he sat out.

I was interested in the figure of the aforementioned "relentlessly drunk" General Korvin-Krukovsky.
It would seem, why did good grandfather Denikin give such an eternally drunk and swearing "commander" the key post of military commander of Novorossiysk ?! Maybe by mistake, Anton Ivanovich simply did not know the "moral and business qualities" of this commander ?!
As it turns out, he knew, and perfectly well. True, in his multi-volume memoirs, he did not pedal their acquaintance too much.

As it turns out, Alexei Vladimirovich Korvin-Krukovsky (1872-1943) was commissioned to the rank of colonel back in February 1915. From 1915 he commanded the 6th Finnish Regiment. In July 1917, he "became famous" as the commander of a punitive detachment that suppressed the protests of soldiers in Tsaritsyn against their sending to the front.
In the Volunteer Army Korvin-Krukovsky from December (!) 1917.
From that moment until November 1918, he held the most important position of commandant of the headquarters of the Volunteer Army.
Interestingly, he was awarded the rank of Major General in January (!!!) 1918. (It would be interesting to know by whom? Most likely, Kolnilov, or Alekseev personally. There was no other legal authority at the head of the emerging "white" movement at that time).
So A.I. Denikin, of course, knew Major General A.V. Korvin-Krukovsky from the very beginning of the "white" movement and appreciated his "talents".
At the beginning of 1919, Korvin-Krukovsky ingloriously commanded the Crimean Infantry Division, in this post he even managed to announce mobilization in the Crimea, which was then canceled by the Crimean regional government.
Then (from May to December 1919) General Korvin-Krukovsky was "in the reserve of ranks."
From this quiet swamp, he was nominated for the post of military commandant of Novorossiysk, which he held from December 1919 to April 1920.
(After the completion of the evacuation of Novorossiysk, he was a general on duty at the headquarters of the Russian army of Wrangel, (from April to November 1920), then in exile, he lived in Belgrade).
To put it bluntly, it didn’t matter with the “cadres” in Denikin’s army, if such “perpetually drunk” generals were appointed to key positions.
There is nothing surprising in the fact that the evacuation of Novorossiysk became, under the leadership of such leaders, one of the most shameful disasters of Denikin's army - no.

Let's see how these events were described by their direct participant, lieutenant S. Mamontov:
"Novorossiysk...
At one name I shudder. A huge bay, a cement plant, mountains without any vegetation and a strong north-east wind. Everything is grey, the color of cement.
In this port of the Black Sea, our retreat from Orel ended through the entire south of European Russia. It had long been known that our troops could only evacuate from this port in the Caucasus to move to the Crimea, which was still holding out. The rest of Russia was lost to us.
They knew it... and yet the vast hangars were filled with unexported goods. Nothing was prepared for evacuation.
A dozen steamboats, already stuffed to overflowing with private property, logistics, and refugees. The infirmaries are overflowing with the wounded and sick, without any hope of leaving.
Treason? No I do not think so. General Denikin was a good general, but apparently a bad organizer. He did not cope with the evacuation. On paper reports, everything was probably fine.
Exhausted, tired and morally undermined, the army dragged itself with such difficulty to Novorossiysk in order to see overflowing ships and wharfs clogged with people. How many of us came? Nobody knew for sure. Maybe a hundred thousand, maybe twenty.
The Russian units are better preserved than the Cossacks. Most of the Cossacks lost their units, discipline and fighting efficiency. Therefore, our division was placed on the front on the hills around the city.

Hangars were set on fire in the evening. We watched this great fire from the mountain. A pillar of fire, a mile in diameter, rose straight up to the sky. At the level of the peaks of the mountains, the smoke caught by the northeast broke at a right angle and went into the sea. The sight is amazing, but creepy. The hangars burned for several days.
At first we had confidence in the organization of the evacuation. Then there were doubts and soon the conviction that no one was in charge of the evacuation.

During these few days that we were in Novorossiysk, the ships could easily make two voyages and, having unloaded the refugees in Kerch, return for us. No, for some reason they all stood motionless, overloaded with people. Why? We decided to go and see for ourselves…
The vast piers were literally crammed with wagons, horses and people. Getting to the steamers was unthinkable. Nobody ordered. The steamboats, as far as one could see from afar, were packed with people back to back. We were very worried.
Driving past burning hangars behind a concrete wall, I decided to see what was there ...
There were wagon trains. One of the first wagons had English uniforms. At this time gunshots were heard.
We marauders were in a panic. I grabbed a pack of English trousers and climbed back. There was a push on the wall and I almost released my prey.
It turned out that the largest English ship, the "Emperor of India", fired from the bay in the direction of Tonnelnaya, 18 miles away. Fired the largest guns, probably sixteen inches. The breaks were barely audible. We immediately took off our old and lousy pants and put on new ones. The rest I distributed to the people of my tools.
I went to Shapilovsky, where I found Kolzakov and other colonels. I told what we saw in the port.
- The ships are full, there is no more room. Nobody is in charge. If we want to board transports, we must rely only on ourselves and we must act immediately. If we wait for orders, we risk staying with the Reds.
My words clearly disturbed the colonels, which I was pleased with. Now they will do something rather than sit back and wait for someone to pick them up and put them on the boat.
We ate canned “corned beef”, which someone got the same way I got my pants. They washed it down with wonderful wine taken in Abrau-Dyurso. The commissariat prepared nothing for our parish. It abandoned everything and fled to the ships. It was with such parasites that the transports were filled. And we, the army, have no place!
Finally, in the morning, on the third day, the division went to the port. The road went past the infirmary.
Wounded officers on crutches begged us to take them with us, not to leave them red. We passed in silence, looking down and turning away. We were very ashamed, but we ourselves were not sure whether we could get on the steamers.
So much time has passed and the wounded officers have not been evacuated! An unforgivable sin…”

Some points of this story by Lieutenant Mamontov need to be commented on.
- note that it was clear to everyone that the evacuation of the defeated remnants of the "white" troops of the South of Russia to the Crimea could be made from the only major port that remained in the hands of Denikin: Novorossiysk. But for the ORGANIZATION of this very evacuation, NOTHING was really done.
(As it turned out, commanding a punitive detachment, or wiping your pants in the "reserve of ranks" was much more difficult than organizing the evacuation).
But the “whites” then had the most favorable conditions for it: they had absolute dominance on the Black Sea, having many dozens of combat and transport ships, which were supported by the Entente warships, which were in charge there, as if at home.

The most powerful English dreadnought "Emperor of India" mentioned by Lieutenant Mamontov, after all, not only at the request of the "white" command fired at the positions of the "red" troops from its 16 dm guns, but also transported units and leadership of the "white" army, generally acted in its interests .
(For example, it was on it that the British brought to the Crimea, in 1920, Baron Wrangel.
On another English dreadnought "Marlboro", back in April 1919, the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger) went into emigration forever.
Warships of the English, French, Goic and Romanian fleets participated in the evacuation of the White troops from Odessa in January 1920 (we will talk about this shameful deed in the next chapter).

At the same time, there was no particular military pressure from the “red” troops on the receding remnants of the “white” units.
The main role was played by demoralization and "loss of heart" and discipline among the bulk of the "white" troops.
Here is what A.I. himself wrote about this. Denikin in his memoirs:

“In terms of the tonnage and the morale of the troops, their simultaneous, systematic evacuation through the port of Novorossiysk was unthinkable: there was no hope for the possibility of loading all the people, not to mention the artillery, wagon train, horses and supplies that were to be abandoned. Therefore, in order to preserve the combat effectiveness of the troops, their organization and materiel, I also planned another route - through Taman.

Even in the directive of March 4, when retreating across the Kuban River, the Volunteer Corps was entrusted, in addition to defending its lower reaches, to cover part of the forces of the Taman Peninsula near Temryuk. The reconnaissance of the route between Anapa and the Tamanskaya station gave quite favorable results; the peninsula, enclosed by water barriers, provided great convenience for defense; the whole way there was under the cover of ship artillery, the width of the Kerch Strait is very small, and the transport flotilla of the Kerch port is quite powerful and could be easily reinforced. I ordered the vehicles to be rushed to Kerch...
On March 7, I gave my last directive in the Caucasian theater: the Kuban army, which had already abandoned the line of the Belaya River, to hold on to the Kurga River; The Don Army and the Volunteer Corps to defend the line of the Kuban River from the mouth of the Kurga to the Akhtanizovsky Estuary; The Volunteer Corps now part of the forces, bypassing in a roundabout way, take the Taman Peninsula and cover the northern road from Temryuk from the Reds.

None of the armies followed the directive...

The Bolsheviks, with negligible forces, easily crossed the Kuban and, encountering almost no resistance, reached its left bank near Yekaterinodar, cutting the front of the Don army.
The corps of General Starikov, detached from it to the east, went to join the Kuban. Two other Don corps, almost without stopping, moved in discordant crowds in the direction of Novorossiysk.
Many Cossacks abandoned their weapons or whole regiments went over to the “greens”; everything got mixed up, mixed up, all communication between the headquarters and the troops was lost, and the train of the commander of the Don Army, already powerless to control the troops, daily in danger of being captured, slowly made its way to the west through a sea of ​​people, horses and wagons.

I emphasize once again that THIS assessment of the state of the “white” troops and the complete loss of control over them is given not by some “Jewish propagandist of Trotsky”, but by General A.I. Denikin, personally.

In general, nothing but their own carelessness prevented the “whites” from taking into account the lessons of the shameful and catastrophic evacuation of Odessa (in January 1920) and preparing in advance for the planned and organized evacuation of their troops from Novorossiysk;
- The distance by sea from Novorossiysk to the ports of Crimea is quite small. With a competent organization of the evacuation, each ship could make several trips back and forth, and not hang around for a long time (it is not known why) in the roadstead of Novorossiysk.
- The first on the ships (both during the evacuation of Odessa and Novorossiysk) were the quartermasters, headquarters and authorities, who, as a result, safely sailed away from there, leaving their troops and even WOUNDED officers to their fate. Nothing more shameful for the reputation of these "nobles" and it is impossible to think of;

General A.I. Denikin, in his memoirs, was also forced to admit the unimaginable chaos and shame that occurred during the evacuation of Novorossiysk:
“Novorossiysk of those days, largely already unloaded from the refugee element, was a military camp and a rear nativity scene. Its streets were literally crowded with young and healthy deserter warriors. They went on a rampage, organized rallies reminiscent of the first months of the revolution, with the same elementary understanding of events, with the same demagogy and hysteria. Only the composition of the protesters was different: instead of "comrade soldiers" there were officers. Under the guise of lofty motives, they set about organizing "military societies", the hidden purpose of which was to seize, if necessary, ships ...
On the morning of March 12, General Sidorin came to me. He was depressed and looked at the position of his army completely hopeless. Everything fell apart, everything flowed wherever they looked, no one wanted to fight anymore, obviously they would not go to the Crimea. The Don commander was mainly preoccupied with the fate of the Don officers, lost in the agitated mass of Cossacks. They were in mortal danger if they surrendered to the Bolsheviks. Sidorin determined their number at 5 thousand. I assured him that all the officers who could get to Novorossiysk would be put on ships.

But as the wave of the Don people rolled up to Novorossiysk, the situation became more and more clear, and moreover, in a sense unexpected for Sidorin: the hesitation gradually dissipated, and the entire Don army rushed to the ships. For what - it is unlikely that they were then aware of a clear account. Under the pressure of demands addressed to him from all sides, General Sidorin changed his tactics and, in turn, turned to the Headquarters with a demand for ships for all units in sizes that were clearly unfeasible, just as the planned evacuation of troops unwilling to fight, led by commanders who ceased to obey, is generally impossible.

Meanwhile, Novorossiysk, overcrowded beyond all measure, had become literally impassable, flooded with human waves, hummed like a devastated beehive. There was a struggle for a "place on the ship" - a struggle for salvation ... Many human dramas played out on the haystones of the city in these terrible days.
A lot of bestial feeling poured out in the face of impending danger, when naked passions drowned out conscience and man became a fierce enemy.

The decay and loss of combat effectiveness of the Cossack units were so obvious that they were not even put on guard around Novorossiysk.

No attempt was made to organize the defense of Novorossiysk (with the huge mass of troops accumulated there, if they had at least some combat capability, it would not be difficult to try to do this) was also made. Few people wanted to fight the "Reds" and die at the same time.
Over all, one desire pressed as soon as possible to sail to the Crimea, or to escape to Georgia;

Emigrant historian P.A. Varnek in his article "Off the coast of the Caucasus in 1920" noted that one of the reasons for the lack of "white" steamers to evacuate the army from Novorossiysk was the fact that in this (war) time they carried out commercial flights (!!!) plans and tasks of the allies from the Entente:

“It should be noted that at this time most of the large steamships and some of the transports, partly on the charter of the French and English governments, were beyond the straits and could not be returned in a short time.
The transports and steamships that were in the Crimea were sent to Novorossiysk, as well as four steamships mobilized from the naval base in Constantinople. Steamboats had to be supplied with coal and other materials, some of them should be freed from cargo, which was an obstacle to their quick arrival in Novorossiysk. Despite all the measures taken, the amount of concentrated tonnage did not allow immediately taking the entire mass of people who should have been evacuated, but at the suggestion of the naval command, the evacuation was to last several days, which would allow transports, due to the short distance to the port of unloading Feodosia (transition 12–15 hours), make two or more trips.
But it didn't really happen...
No measures were taken to create a temporary port defense around Novorossiysk, and in fact the rearguards retreated, dealing only with the Red cavalry.

During the loading, which took place in an atmosphere of panic and confusion, there were heartbreaking scenes.
One of them, most likely, was taken as the basis for the well-known footage of the loading of the battery of Lieutenant Brusentsov during the flight from the Crimea, filmed in the movie “Two Comrades Were Serving”.
See what Lieutenant S. Mamontov recalled about his evacuation from Novorossiysk:

“We waited at the pier near the steamer all day. Evening has come.
- I can't take anyone else. There is no place, - the captain shouted into the mouthpiece.
I have sixty artillerymen here,” Sapegin answered. - You will take them all, even if there is no place.
- Impossible. The ship will capsize. You see.
"You will take us all," Sapegin repeated very decisively. - And if there is no place, then I will create it.
He removed his carbine from behind his back. Now we all put down our saddles and, with carbines in our hands, grouped ourselves around Sapegin, who was standing on a pile of sacks. There was silence all around. The shutters were latched. The unfortunate cadet huddled in the gangway. What could he do?
- I'll give you three minutes to think. Then I will shoot, - Sapegin said very calmly, but firmly.
We would shoot. It was a matter of life and death. In addition, all sorts of rear men, egoists and cowards were crammed on the ship, because of which we lost the war. And this bastard wanted to leave, and leave us, the army! So no! Of course, if there were troops or wounded, they would not shoot, but these rear rats did not arouse any regret in us.
A painful moment of silence passed.
... Okay ... Let's take gunners, but without saddles and luggage.
In a good hour ... And look without betrayal. I will follow.
Gunners, throw your saddles into the sea... No hesitation. I order you... But keep the carbines - you may need them.
One by one we boarded the barge and then onto the steamer. Finally it was my turn. On the board I got to the barge, so full of people that I had to walk on the shoulders to get on the steamer. There they picked me up like a package and passed me to each other. The thought flashed: would they throw me into the sea? But no. I was lowered onto the deck at the opposite railing.
I grabbed it and could put one foot on the deck. There was no other place. Behind my shoulders was a carbine and on my shoulder were saddlebags, which I removed from the saddle. At that moment I was selfishly happy: saved!!! Or almost ... Of course, it is terrible that so many people cannot leave and end up with the Bolsheviks. The catastrophe of the white movement is irreparable. The loss of the battery, the Fool and my roots is a great misfortune ... But I am on a steamer, and this is the main thing ... I leaned on the railing and, squeezed by my neighbors, fell asleep soundly, standing on one leg.

Isn't it true that the scene is very reminiscent of the one that was filmed by the creators of the famous film?!
Only in real life everything was much more tragic, shameful and mediocre:

“A strong navy of the Western powers was in the bay. Several very large English ships, one French, one Italian and even one American. It seemed to us that under the protection of such a mighty fleet, nothing unpleasant could happen to us. This fleet, after all, has such powerful artillery, and in case of need it could freely take ten thousand people and even more ...
He took five or eight hundred men to keep up visibility and not make his light gray decks too dirty.
I slept soundly and without dreams all night. In the morning I was awakened by gunshots. Two red three-inch guns, apparently a platoon of a horse battery, were bombarding the bay. Of course, their attention was attracted by the largest dreadnought, to which their shells could not cause any harm. They were attracted by the light coloring and elegant forms of the "Emperor of India".
This was our luck, because for simple transports their shells would have been fatal. But we were dark, plain, and they did not pay attention to us.
The shells, falling into the water, raised high columns of water, as in old paintings. I watched this spectacle with interest, surprised as an artilleryman that they did not get into the ships. They must be terribly worried.
This shooting caused a short panic among the crowded people on our ship Ayu-Dag. But the commanding voice of the captain reassured her.
- I will order to throw overboard all who are worried. Stay still so that the boat does not capsize.
The deck was loaded beyond measure, and the hold was not enough.
Several shells fell in the vicinity of the Emperor of India and, to our amazement, the huge dreadnought smoked and took off running, dragging the entire navy with it.

We, of course, found specialists: - Wait, they are only moving away to open fire that will topple the mountains.
But the fleet simply and shamefully ran in front of two red three-inchers. Two years later, the same fleet also fled before the Turkish guns of Kemal Pasha.
This unexpected flight sowed panic among the transports. Everyone raised anchor. Two empty transports have just entered the bay. They also began to roll. A cry of desperation rose from the crowd on the wharfs. Like a living river, the crowd rushed along the bank in the direction of Tuapse. But already at the southern tip of the bay, a red machine gun began to chirp. The road to Tuapse was cut off. Rowing boats floated along the bay. Some daredevils tried to swim to the steamers.
Our ship "Ayu-Dag" ran like the others. He was towing a barge. The cable broke, and despite the screams of the people on the barge, he continued to flee.
I think it would be better for us if the international military fleet did not come to Novorossiysk at all. We relied too much on his protection, and his unexpected flight sowed panic among the steamers. The role of this mighty fleet remained a mystery to me. Why did he fire the day before without any apparent need at Tonnelnaya, and why did he not fire today when it was necessary? I can't believe the fleet was scared of two 3-inchers. Then why was he in Novorossiysk?
To run away at the first shot and destroy the legend of “the power of the West” among the Russian Reds and Whites, and among the Turks, and among many others, who used to believe in him?
A good salvo from this fleet could revive our hope, make the Bolsheviks think, and even change the course of history. But, passionately awaited by us, this volley did not follow.
Only one small black destroyer did not start to run. It was the only Russian warship. He went to the middle of the bay and silenced the red guns with his machine guns. Then he went south and fired on a red machine gun that blocked the road in Tuapse. He returned to the bay, stopped the empty fleeing steamers. He forced one empty to take some of the people from the overloaded steamer, sent the other to Tuapse. The captains followed his orders because he was very determined.
- Take the barge in tow, otherwise I'll torpedo you.
In a word, the captain of the destroyer brought some order to the general mess. I think he was the only one who didn't lose his head. Other bosses - and after all, they should have been decent - did not show themselves in any way.
We were very lucky - the sea was calm and none of the overloaded ships capsized.
Subsequently, the high command was accused of taking Russian units and refusing to take the Cossacks. This is not entirely fair. I do not think that there was an evil intention, but simply an inability. No one was in charge of the landing. Parts sat down on their own. Those parts that retained discipline could sink in because they represented strength. The Cossacks, in most cases, lost their formations, discipline and rallied. They clearly expressed hostility to the high command, and it is quite understandable that the command did not want to bring the infection into the Crimea.
Now this is indignantly denied by the Cossacks, but then it was just so.
In addition, not all Cossacks rallied, and there were quite a few Cossack units who moved to the Crimea ...
That is, I want to say that the non-protesting Cossacks were willingly taken, but they did not want to take the protesters and did the right thing.
There were quite a few line Kuban Cossacks in our battery, and they all moved to the Crimea and remained in the battery to the end.

Novorossiysk was a disaster for the white movement. We have lost a huge, fertile and densely populated territory, all the material and probably two-thirds of our army. How many officers left in the infirmaries shot themselves? How many were shot and how many drowned in the bay? In Novorossiysk, the results of a two-year glorious struggle perished.

The allied fleet was present at the same time as a spectator. Our army has never experienced such a catastrophe in battles with the Reds. And so, this catastrophe was caused to her by her own general staff. General Denikin had to relinquish command; General Wrangel took over.
We headed to the Crimea to continue the struggle with more experience and lesser illusions. This happened in late March or early April 1920.”

And here is how the emigrant historian P.A. described the evacuation of Novorossiysk in his article. Warneck:
“In fact, in view of the fact that the only road leading from the Kuban was clogged with convoys, artillery and countless carts of refugees, and along the railway for several kilometers from the station there were abandoned trains with quartermaster loads, armored trains and passenger cars, the departure of the units occurred very late . The connection between the troops and the command was broken and was only more or less carried out by mounted orderlies.
Most of the soldiers from the mobilized and former prisoners, not wanting to be evacuated, threw down their weapons and fled, but many others, afraid of being late for the ships, left their units and hurried to the port ...

On March 25, intensive loading began, but the combat units arrived only the next day. From each part, a guard was installed in advance at the base of the pier, which allowed only those that belonged to it to the transport assigned to it. But on the oil pier, at which the minesweeper No. 412, intended for the evacuation of teams of armored trains, stood guard, armed French sailors carried guards, and English soldiers checked the documents of British transports.
A dense crowd stood at the piers and tried in every possible way to break through to the steamers, and only the threat of the use of weapons could keep them. On the gangways of some steamers there was an incredible crush and fights, during which people fell into the water; in the struggle for a place, distraught people pushed the stretcher with the seriously wounded and the sister who tried to protect him ...

A few kilometers from the port, an ambulance train (probably more than one) got stuck, the personnel of which, leaving the seriously wounded, fled. The only exceptions were the two voluntarily remaining sisters.

Shocked by the defeat and the futility of all the bloody sacrifices and two years of effort and deprivation, some of the officers openly accused General A.I. Denikin and his staff of the ongoing tragedy.
One officer detachment came to the pier, at which the "Tsesarevich George" was moored; by this time, General A.I. Denikin and his staff had already switched to a cruiser.
The head of the arriving detachment said that he wanted to see the commander in chief. Fearing evil, the commander of the "George" Captain 2nd Rank M.V. Dombrovsky advised General A.I. Denikin to go from the other side to the destroyer "Captain Sakei", which he did, taking with him only a few people of his headquarters. "Captain Saken" immediately withdrew and anchored in the distance. It can be considered that from that moment the high command disintegrated, and any leadership of the evacuation ceased to exist.

In total, several dozen Entente warships arrived at the Novorossiysk port. The British fleet was represented by the dreadnought "Emperor of India", the cruiser "Calypso", the seaplane carrier "Pegasus" and five destroyers. France sent two armored cruisers, a gunboat and two destroyers. Americans - cruiser "Galveston" and two destroyers. The Italians - the cruiser "Etis", the Greeks - the destroyer "Iepaz".
They sometimes fired at the positions of the "red" troops, but could do little on the land front, where there was a complete disaster.

On the morning of March 27, 1920, everything was over in Novorossiysk.
P.A. Warnek described it this way:
“The port was empty, but on its eastern side, near the cement pier and in the area of ​​​​the eastern pier, there was a crowd of many thousands, mainly Cossacks, but also other military men, as well as refugees with women and children and their carts loaded with all sorts of belongings. There was a whole camp of Kalmyks, among which were camels. The entire port area was crowded with abandoned carts, cars, cannons and tanks, and there were thousands of abandoned horses, which, having got used to caring for them by people, for the most part remained in place. Making their way with difficulty through all this "porridge", most of the hussars reached the eastern pier a kilometer long and, in the hope that more steamers would come, made their way to its end. For the most part, the crowd on the shore was passively waiting for their fate, many women were crying, but it should be noted that there were also thousands of soldiers from the mobilized and former prisoners who had no desire to evacuate.
But there were cases when some desperate officers, preferring death to captivity, shot themselves. The more energetic ones searched the port for boats and abandoned small boats, and on them, sometimes without oars, rowing only with boards and hands, they went beyond the entrance beacons, where they were picked up by destroyers.
In the area of ​​the station and in the northern part of the port, the warehouses of the English base and the army were on fire, and there was a robbery of the abandoned property ...

By 15 o'clock, the red units completed the occupation of the entire port and city.
Having made the necessary regrouping of the evacuees, in particular, freeing the Russian destroyers from passengers and giving them oil from the Emperor of India, in the afternoon the English squadron, the French cruiser Waldeck Rousseau and other ships headed for the Crimean coast. After 14 hours, on the initiative of Captain 1st Rank Lebedev, Restless went to Tuapse in order to find out if any troops had broken through there. Probably, the cruiser Jules Michelet and the destroyer Algerien, who were destined to carry out the last act of the Novorossiysk evacuation, remained in the Novorossiysk Bay to repair the car at Ansen Roux.

The remaining scattered parts of the Whites (mainly Cossacks), who remained in the Tuapse-Sochi region during March-April 1920, made attempts to either evacuate to the Crimea or break into Georgia. Some people succeeded, some didn't. The main reason for the failures was also the loss of combat capability and controllability in these parts. The bulk of the Cossacks then concentrated in the Sochi region.
Even Ataman Shkuro personally tried to "inspire" them to further fight against the "Reds", but without much success.

Here is what P.A. wrote about this last act of the Novorossiysk tragedy. Warnek in his article "Off the coast of the Caucasus in 1920":
“The position of the Cossacks in the small territory remaining at their disposal continued to deteriorate. In this truly paradise garden, which is the Black Sea coast in spring, when all the trees are in bloom, there was always a lack of food, and the Cossacks only found food with difficulty and starved. In view of this, by order of the Constantinople naval base, the passenger steamer "St. Nikolai, having loaded 50 tons of flour, was sent to Sochi on April 24. There he took on board 1100 sick and 400 other passengers and delivered them to Yalta. Seeing the futility of his persuasion, General Shkuro with his convoy left Yalta on an English destroyer.
But the end was fast approaching. Having pressed the Cossacks, on April 29, the red units occupied Sochi, and the Kuban, hoping to be allowed into Georgia, withdrew to the neutral zone; pursuing them, on May 2, the Reds reached the border. At the neutral zone, opposite the Veseliy farm, the English battleship Iron Duke, the destroyer, the Beshtau steamer that came from the Crimea, and the irreplaceable Typhoon with its bolinder were anchored.
On the Iron Duke was General Shkuro, who once again tried to influence the Cossacks. As a result, up to three thousand Cossacks were loaded on the Beshtau and the bolinder taken in tow, among them a military school and many officers. The ship could not accommodate more, and by the evening of May 3, all the ships went to sea.
Ataman N.A. Bukretov, through the mediation of General N.A. Morozov, entered into negotiations with the local red command and concluded with him, subject to non-repression of those who surrendered, a surrender agreement, but this condition was subsequently not recognized by the highest authorities.
Deceived by their leaders, the Cossacks wanted to lynch them, but N. A. Bukretov, Ivanis and Timchenko fled to Georgia. A certain number of Cossacks nevertheless decided not to give up and scattered in the surrounding mountains.
During this time, a not entirely clear incident occurred in Novorossiysk. On April 21, the Italian cruiser Etna entered the port, the commander of which stated that he had arrived in order to begin negotiations on the resumption of political relations between Italy and the RSFSR. The commander did not have documents confirming this diplomatic mission, and the Soviet authorities came to the conclusion that the Etna had come for the purpose of reconnaissance in favor of the whites, and decided to detain the cruiser. But on April 28, in the evening, the Etna weighed anchor and headed out to sea. A field battery and an armored train opened fire on the cruiser, illuminating it with a searchlight; "Etna" began to respond from her guns and went to sea without damage ...

On May 3, the naval command was reorganized in Sevastopol.
General P.N. Wrangel, finding the activities of Vice Admiral A.M. Gerasimov’s lack of energy and, in particular, the fact that he allowed his chief of staff, Captain 2nd Rank Ryabinin, to speak openly to officers about the hopelessness of the situation in Crimea and the need to end the Civil War (!!!), dismissed the admiral from his post and appointed Vice Admiral M P. Sablina as commander of the fleet and at the same time head of the Naval Administration. The post of chief commander of ports and ships, which was previously held by Admiral M.P. Sablin, was abolished.

The next chapter will deal with the evacuation of Odessa in January 1920.

In the photo: the White Guard armored train "To Moscow" abandoned by the "whites" near Novorossiysk.

Thousands of officers, soldiers, Cossacks of the White Army and civilians were destroyed. In total, they managed to take out about 33 thousand people.

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Chronology of events

By March 11, 1920, the front line was only 40-50 kilometers from Novorossiysk. The Don and Kuban armies, by that time completely disorganized, retreated in great disorder. The defense was held only by the remnants of the Volunteer Army, by that time reduced to the Volunteer Corps, but they could hardly hold back the onslaught of the Red Army. The Cossacks failed to break through to Taman, and as a result, many of them ended up in Novorossiysk with the sole purpose of getting on the ships. In total, the grouping of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia in the Novorossiysk region on the eve of the evacuation was 25,200 bayonets and 26,700 cavalry. Meanwhile, there were not enough ships. Some of them were late due to stormy weather, some were unable to come to the rescue in time due to the quarantine established in foreign ports (all ships arriving from Russia with another batch of refugees were kept in quarantine for a long time due to a terrible typhoid epidemic, therefore they did not have time to make the required number of flights).

The command ordered the priority loading of the wounded and sick military personnel, but in fact it was not possible to transport the infirmaries, since there was no transport. Moreover, the military flocking to Novorossiysk began to arbitrarily occupy the ships, and the officials were more concerned about the export of property that could be sold at the end of the war.

On the night of March 26, in Novorossiysk, warehouses, oil tanks were burned and shells were blown up. The evacuation was carried out under the cover of the second battalion of the Royal Scottish Fusiliers (Royal Scots Fusiliers) and the Allied squadron under the command of Admiral Seymour, which shelled the mountains, preventing the Reds from approaching the city.

Officials involved in the evacuation

  • The last commandant of Novorossiysk (from February to March 1920) was Major General Korvin-Krukovsky, Alexey Vladimirovich.
  • The commission for organizing the evacuation was headed by General Kutepov.
  • At the last moment (after March 20), the head of the communications service, Major General M. M. Ermakov, dealt with the evacuation of troops to the Crimea.
  • The head of the Black Sea province and the department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the South Russian government was N. S. Karinsky.

Vessels involved in the evacuation

Russia

Italy

Great Britain

  • battleship "Emperor of India" (Emperor of India)
  • "Hannover" (Hannover) (was captured from the Germans after the First World War).
  • merchant steamer Bremerhaven (captured from the Germans after World War I).
  • cruiser "Calypso" (HMS Calypso (D61))
  • air transport "Pegasus" (HMS Pegasus  (1917))
  • 5 destroyers

France

  • dreadnought
  • armored cruiser Waldeck Russo
  • destroyer???
  • gunboat???

Greece

  • destroyer Ierax

USA

  • destroyer???
  • cruiser Galveston (USS Galveston (CL-19))

Dealing with prisoners

Covering the evacuation of the Volunteer Corps, the 3rd Kalmyk Don Regiment, consisting of the Salsk Kalmyk Cossacks, was left on the shore and, together with their families, following in the regiment's wagon train, was captured by the Reds. Captured Kalmyks were "passed" through the ranks, chopping every second with checkers. Many of the officers of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia who remained in Novorossiysk committed suicide, not wanting to be captured, and many of those who nevertheless were captured were executed. Here are typical memories of those events:

The moment of our captivity by the Bolsheviks defies description; some immediately preferred to end their lives. I remember the captain of the Drozdovsky regiment, who was standing not far from me with his wife and two children of three and five years old. Having crossed and kissed them, he shoots each of them in the ear, baptizes his wife, bids her farewell in tears; and now, shot, she falls, and the last bullet in herself ....

The road went past the infirmary. The wounded officers, on crutches, begged us to take them with us, not to leave them red. We passed in silence, looking down and turning away. We were very ashamed, but we ourselves were not sure whether we could get on the steamers.

While the all-great wandered around the Kuban villages, in Novorossiysk the “one-in-divisibles” made a safe nest for themselves.

In February, trains came here continuously. Everything that had to do with the great and indivisible was hastily evacuated to the very last stage.

The sea was blue here. Dozens of ships, Russian and foreign, in the event of a penalty in the Kuban, could instantly accommodate five to ten thousand patented patriots and take them away to distant lands and distant seas from the Bolsheviks.

Many migrated here directly from Rostov. Others - after a short stop in Ekaterinodar.

"Evening Time" by Boris Suvorin was right there and did not stop saving Russia.

"Smoking room is alive!" wrote the democratic "Morning of the South" in Yekaterinodar, dedicating an epigram to the resilient Russian:

Careless and fervent, Unaware of worries, Again Boris Suvorin publishes a newspaper.

Living in Novorossiysk, Saves Russia with a cry. Like the Capitoline Restless Goose of old.

Again he blazes with anger, And in a fighting pose Again he threatens the left of His front line.

Have mercy: should he grieve and grieve: He can also publish a newspaper in Istanbul.

Yes, I do not lose hope of publishing “Evening Time” in Constantinople as well, and I will not have anything against the cooperation of the author of this epigram with me, ”answered the inoffensive Suvorin son.

Around Novorossiysk, the power of Dobrovoliya has already fallen. Gangs of greens circled around the city, like hungry winter packs of wolves around a human dwelling.

On the night of February 21, all the prisoners, including four hundred people, left the prison for the mountains. The officer company ran on alarm and arrived at the prison, but found it empty.

If it weren't for the British, the greens would have been in charge of the city for a long time.

Only British dreadnoughts and a detachment of Scottish riflemen guarded the last point of Denikin's state in the Caucasus.

“In Novorossiysk, the last center of monarchism,” wrote Free Kuban back in January.

It would be more correct to say:

In Novorossiysk, as in a huge cesspool, all the filth of the white camp has gathered.

Legal deserters, charity acrobats, unemployed administrators, politicians and other rear punks "formed" "crusading units" to cash in on a profitable business and to justify their eternal stay in good cities at a good distance from the front.

“In order to strengthen our heroic army,” Vechernoe Vremya reported on January 10, “the formation of crusader detachments began in Novorossiysk. One of the leaders of this organization, Major General Maksimov, reports that six months ago a group of social and political figures founded the brotherhood of St. John the Warrior in Odessa, which initially staged an ideological struggle against the Bolsheviks. However, life soon suggested that ideological struggle alone, that is, agitation, was not enough, and that it was necessary to fight the Bolsheviks with weapons (!). A project arose to organize a detachment of crusaders, inspired not only by political, but also by religious ideals. The commander-in-chief agreed, the recording gave tangible results. The Crusaders are already a real force, which is growing stronger and stronger every day. In the near future, the crusaders will be reduced to a large combat unit and then go to the front with weapons in their hands and with a cross in their hearts. Our distinctive sign is an eight-pointed cross on the chest. The mood of the crusaders is complete selflessness and readiness to give everything for the sake of the motherland. In the consciousness of the feat ahead of them, the crusaders decided to impose a three-day fast on themselves, confess and partake of St. secrets. The first official appearance of the crusaders in the ranks of the troops is expected on January 12, when they will take part in the solemn procession on the occasion of the stay in Novorossiysk of the miraculous icon of the Mother of God of Kursk.

In the oath of the "crusaders" were significant words:

“I undertake not to appropriate anything with impunity from the spoils of war and to keep the weak in spirit from violence and robbery.”

Prince Pavel Dolgoruky also "formed".

“In Novorossiysk,” Vechernoe Vremya wrote on February 29, “a society has opened for the formation of combat detachments to send them to the front to replenish parts of the Volunteer Army. The task is to call on all Russian people who are capable of bearing weapons, in a terrible hour for Russia, not to shy away from duty and join the detachments. Membership fee - 100 rubles. Both men and women can be members. Chairman of the Board Prince. Pavel Dolgoruky. Comrades of the Chairman: Gen. Obruchev and Professor Makletsov. Board members N.F. Ezersky, P. P. Bogaevsky, V. I. Snegirev.

Boris Suvorin himself also made an attempt on the philistine's pocket; busy collecting donations for the "army", which fled, throwing their last trousers, and refusing to defend against the green carts with their own good.

But the fools in Novorossiysk have bred.

“No one donated anything,” the businessman complained sadly, “but in Yekaterinodar, a certain swindler who extorted money from merchants by means of a false circular, in which a threat was placed that, in case of non-payment of the required amount, the perpetrators would be brought to court-martial, managed collect about a million rubles.

Suvorin vainly referred to Ekaterinodar and the past.

Such "donations" were collected with great success right there in Novorossiysk by all sorts of "crusaders", ranks of combat detachments and other rescuers of the fatherland, who demonstrated their combat readiness in church processions.

“Yesterday afternoon,” the same Vechernoe Vremya wrote on March 10, “on Serebryakovskaya Street, several persons in officer uniforms approached groups of speculators and asked if they had currency. After an affirmative answer, persons in officer uniforms demanded to show the currency, and then ... calmly put it in their pocket, saying: "We will show you, such and such, how to speculate." Currency speculation, of course, cannot be called a worthy occupation, but robbery in broad daylight can hardly be called that name.

Denikin, without a twinge of conscience, called Novorossiysk a "rear den."

The Reds were already approaching the city, but the Suvorins did not lose heart. The great and indivisible one who fed them, it turns out, has not yet died. K. Ostrozhsky on March 10 firmly stated:

“Pessimists, whose number is increasing every day, are whispering at all crossroads: “You see! You see, the results are good.” But that's not a problem. The idea of ​​struggle is still not dead. As long as at least one person remains in Russia who does not want to submit to the dictatorship of the proletariat, the idea of ​​fighting violence has not died. It's too early to draw final results. The army is now passing its most difficult way of the cross. But a bright, joyful resurrection awaits her.”

Behind the complete impossibility of flattering themselves with victories over the Bolsheviks, the rear den boasted of successes in the war with the greens. The headquarters of the commander-in-chief, who moved here, on March 9 reported with the most serious look:

“Our detachment, continuing the offensive from Kabardinka (twenty miles from Novorossiysk) to Gelendzhik (thirty-five miles from the same city), fought all day with the greens, who occupied the heights, and by evening occupied Maryina Roscha. Captured prisoners. Continuing the offensive, our units knocked down the greens from the heights and drove them into the mountains.

The Greens, whom the Socialist-Revolutionaries so desired to make their army, could still be beaten by Denikin's men.

Finally, in Novorossiysk, the air began to clear.

As soon as the Reds bypassed Krymskaya, all sorts of “crusaders”, “formers”, generals from speculation, headquarters and chief hooligans, priests, robbers, ladies-patronesses, ladies-prostitutes poured onto the steamers prepared for them, dragging mountains of property acquired under the banner of Denikin. When the frantic stream of fugitives reached Novorossiysk, the city was already empty. Everything that had to do with Dobrovoliya either had already sailed to the shores of the Crimea and Constantinople, or was sitting on steamboats, admiring the tragedy, the first act of which took place on the morning of March 13th.

General Kelchevsky, Chief of Staff of the Don Army, who is also the Minister of War in the South Russian government, flew to Novorossiysk on an airplane to fuss about steamships for the Don people. Politics has already been forgotten. The Don wave rolled uncontrollably towards Novorossiysk. No force - neither Sidorin, nor the ataman, nor all three hundred members of the Circle - could turn her off the beaten path and direct her to the Sochi highway, bypassing Novorossiysk. Denikin promised...

When the great came to Novorossiysk, he was given ... one steamer!

Do not forget the morning of March 13 in life. Tens of thousands of people, horse and foot, blocked the port embankment, attacking the piers, near which the remnants of the great and indivisible were loaded. But the Don people everywhere saw in front of them volunteer machine guns or bayonets of Scottish shooters.

And more and more thousands came out of the mountains. People quickly jumped off the carts, threw all their possessions and rushed one by one to the piers.

In insane horror, others threw themselves into the water. The stubborn were thrown from the piers. Kornilovites drowned the Don colonel:

Selfish bastard! Get to the guard.

The All-Great, with the roar of the English cannons, frightening the Greens, rushed from side to side. They were looking for an ataman.

But he dug in at a cement plant, far from the city. Junkers of the Ataman School guarded his person from expressions of love by his subjects. The British secured a place for him on the steamer Baron Beck. Despair seized the crowds of red-lamps.

So what kind of bastards are we following? Where are they, leaders? What cracks did they crawl into?

It was the day of judgment. Great, terrible judgment. The Don Cossacks received retribution for that faith, for the blindness with which they fought “until victory”, following the call of ambitious generals and politicians who dug in behind the lines.

Denikin and Romanovsky did not trust the "democratically organized Cossacks" and were afraid to take them with them. The politicians of the All-Great have been breaking down for too long whether to lead their "people" to the general's Crimea or to "brotherly" Menshevik Georgia.

Satanel and General Kutepov. In the Kuban, he, the head of the "colored troops", had to obey the Don commander! He couldn't forget this.

Sitting on the steamers, Dobrovoliya enjoyed her terrible revenge. She settled accounts with the leaders and politicians of the Don Cossacks. The lower classes paid for the sins and mistakes of these latter.

Part of the Don people rushed on a disastrous campaign along the Sochi highway, along the seashore. A small number of them managed to submerge. Head of the British Mission, Gen. Holman, took pity on the great, allowing them to be taken to the English warships.

Where is this rubbish? Out! he shouted, noticing that sacks of banknotes were being dragged onto the ship.

About 100,000 people were taken prisoner by the Reds in Novorossiysk itself and 22,000 in Kabardinka. A huge percentage of the local captives were Donets.

I left miraculously.

I was wiped out by the crowd near the pier of the Russian Society of Shipping and Trade. Several times I flew into the sea, twice I was knocked down. Finally, having somehow reached the stone wall that bounds the embankment, I climbed on top of it and got out to the English warehouses.

There was no crowd. It was run by individuals. Who dragged a pile of overcoats or jackets. Who immediately changed clothes, throwing horrendous rags onto the asphalt floor and pulling out any shirt, any trousers from the bales.

A good uncle, the king of England, brought here a lot of rubbish left over from the world war in exchange for Kuban bread.

The English are already gone from here.

Having got out to the station, I trudged into the city, crossing hundreds of sidings and crawling under empty cars, near which heaps of all kinds of property were lying.

I walked parallel to the embankment, behind the crowd. Thousands of abandoned horses, languishing with thirst, roamed right there. Rushing from side to side, they crushed piles of all household rubbish left on the ground. Their hooves often trampled bowls and plates, priestly vestments and various religious objects. Saving skins, mad people left everything to the mercy of fate.

A dull indifference to my future fate had long since taken possession of me. Previous hardships, a series of sleepless nights, chronic hunger, complete physical exhaustion devalued life, and, like a hand, removed the feeling of fear of captivity.

Staggering from fatigue, I passed Serebryakovka and turned right along Velyaminovskaya Street. Having got out of the city, I found a separate house in which my old friend, the postal official N-s, lived, and, as soon as I entered the apartment, I thumped on the bed and fell into oblivion under the crackle of the English cannons.

Get up and run immediately.

A candle is dimly lit in the room. There is silence on the street.

What time is it now?

Eleven o'clock at night. Don't hesitate.

I look at my friend in amazement and cannot recognize his face. It is cold, cruel and unforgiving.

Get up and leave quickly.

The Bolsheviks enter the city. Go away, for God's sake.

But where?

Wherever you want, only from my apartment. They will find you here, and I will not do well.

Is it possible to be offended by the philistine cowardice of people who are not involved in civil strife? Everyone cherishes his own life, his own little well-being.

A sigh of relief escapes my friend as I rise from the couch.

Have a nice trip... I'm sorry I'm so...

But I'm already at the door. On the street. Alone in the darkness of the night.

One - as if outcast from all mankind.

Damp... Disgusting... The watery mist was cut only by the glow of a huge fire in the port. It was the warehouses of English good that they did not have time to load.

Stop! Who goes? - an energetic shout is heard almost above the ear.

This is an outpost of the Markovites. They guard the entrance to the city. I named myself. Missed.

A quarter later, another outpost. Here are the same Markovites, but they speak more rudely.

Back! We can't miss. No Pedestrians.

Luckily for me, an armored car made its way past the outpost along the street, heading towards the city piers near the pier. I darted to the side and slipped through.

The embankment is crowded with people. I don't dare to approach. Drive, I think they will. And suddenly they sang the Don "national" anthem in an undertone.

I was in a hurry.

What's the part here?

Markovsky regiment.

What are the Donets in the Markov regiment?

We've only been Markovites since noon. "Nibilized". They picked us up on the streets. They say: you must be taken into our hands, then you will become soldiers. We have a whole platoon of the Don, in the 2nd company.

Where is your ship?

Here near the pier. Steamboat "Margarita". The regiment has already boarded. The first battalion in the outpost. In two hours, the posts will be removed and with God on the road.

How would I, villagers, with you?

We'll be happy. After all, his colonel will be at hand. It's easier with yours. And then there is another brother.

The Cossacks told me where to find the regiment commander, Captain Marchenko. He was a lanky, very haughty young man.

I announce to you that from now on you are a soldier of the 1st Markov officer regiment. We need people.

Welcome to the line, ”he said to me and shouted to a handsome, intelligent officer who was standing nearby:

Captain Nizhevsky! You have mobilized Doners, I have now mobilized a commander for them.

Having listened to these speeches with great amazement, I started to hint about my inability to fit into the ranks and about my main profession, but Captain Marchenko promptly put me down:

Now there is no one to judge. Now we have to fight. Fight until victory.

And ordered to supply me with a rifle and cartridges.

That's good! - the Cossacks rejoiced when they learned that I had been “nibilized”. - Why do they, the bad ones, think that we will stay to serve them? God would give to get to some volosts, and there in no time we will evacuate from the white hats. Al can't? Are we the merry army of the Don?

In the company of good-natured "kozun" I kept the rest of the night on the street. They got me a mug, and a spoon, and an English bag, picking up this stuff somewhere nearby, right from the ground. And when, before dawn, the outposts were removed, I went up the gangplank with them to the deck of the Margarita and fit in the stern, from which two dozen machine guns looked at the city.

Same newspaper, no. 488, art. "Results" Ostrozhsky.

Gene. Keyes, Holman's assistant, announced in advance that the English ship's artillery would not allow anyone to interfere with the boarding of the ships of the army of Gen. Denikin.

All Don Cossacks wear red stripes on their trousers and trousers.

The further fate of the South Russian counter-revolutionary armies is described in the books of the same author: “Under the banner of Wrangel”, 1925, Leningrad, publishing house “Priboy”, and “In the country of little brothers”, 1923, Moscow, publishing house "Moscow Worker".