They settled in Eastern Karelia and in the Tver region. The departed Russian and Orthodox Karelians were replaced by Swedes, Lutheran Finns and German colonists.

Withdrawal of Finland from Russia

The national movement for the independence of Finland developed during the First World War with the support of Kaiser Germany, which supported many of the anti-government movements of the Entente countries, seeking to weaken the enemies from within.

Having granted independence to Finland, the Bolsheviks did not interfere in its internal affairs for a long time. The revolution of January 28, 1918 did not move them to active actions. First of all, the Council of People's Commissars, not without reason, feared the intervention of the Germans, and the Finnish revolutionaries themselves did not inspire confidence in them. Most of the Red Finns, strictly speaking, were not red either. As in the later Bavarian and Hungarian Soviet republics, the leadership of the FSSR was dominated by pink Social Democrats, whom the Bolsheviks strongly disliked. In turn, the Finnish left was not eager to give up independence and did not carry out significant expropriations of bourgeois property.

In a conversation with the mayor of Stockholm, Liidhagen, Lenin called the Finnish Social Democrats traitors to the revolution, and the Council of People's Commissars officially declared that: "Russia will remain neutral and not interfere in the internal affairs of Finland."

But in early February, a group of 84 officers arrived from Sweden, who formed the headquarters of the Finnish army, planned operations and organized communications.

On February 23, 1918, Mannerheim made a statement known as the sword oath, stating that he "would not sheathe his sword until East Karelia was liberated from the Bolsheviks".

On February 25, 1918, about two thousand Finnish rangers (elite units of lightly armed infantry from among the Finnish separatists who were trained in Germany) returned from the Baltic states, who fought there on the side of Germany, about two thousand Finnish rangers, which meant that the white army received commanders and teachers of military affairs. The army of the White Finns consisted mainly of poorly trained individual peasants, as well as officials and other civilians.

In Petrograd, Mannerheim's words about Eastern Karelia were taken into account and radically changed the attitude towards the FSSR. Already on March 1, 1918, Soviet Russia concluded an agreement on friendship and fraternity with her and provided her with military assistance.

Representatives of Finland in Berlin, having received an offer to ask to send a German military group to the country, accepted it, and the 15,000th German division of Rüdiger von der Goltz, which landed in the rear of the Reds, entered the civil war in Finland.

Mannerheim strongly objected to German intervention, believing that he could handle it himself. If the Finnish government did not overcome the resistance of its commander-in-chief, the Red Finns, who had a fair advantage in numbers and weapons, could have won. Moreover, Soviet Russia took their side, whose intervention provoked Mannerheim's statement about East Karelia and Germany's military assistance.

Germany planned to turn Finland into a protectorate. The German prince Friedrich Karl of Hesse-Kassel, brother-in-law of Kaiser Wilhelm II, was to become the King of Finland. Friedrich Karl of Hesse-Kassel was indeed elected King of Finland on October 9, 1918 (at that time the Finnish Social Democratic Party, which aspired to proclaim Finland a republic, was expelled from parliament), however, due to the defeat of Germany in the First World War, it was already 14 December 1918, he was forced to abdicate. Finland was proclaimed a republic.

1918-1922

Relations between the newly formed Soviet Russia and Finland in the first years after secession were uneven and ambivalent. The question of Finland's official recognition of Soviet Russia for a long time remained "suspended in the air." On the one hand, Finland turned out to be a haven for anti-Soviet forces fighting for the return of power, and recognition of the new Russia would be perceived by these forces as a betrayal. On the other hand, Russia was the only state that recognized an independent Finland; everyone else continued to consider Finland only as part of the Russian Empire, seized by turmoil.

By the end of May 1918, the pro-German Finnish government had already taken control of the entire territory of the former Grand Duchy of Finland. Eastern Karelia turned out to be the theater of long-term, then fading, then flaring up hostilities. Back in January 1918, at a congress in the village of Ukhta (now the village of Kalevala in Karelia), a resolution was adopted on the need to create the Karelian Republic, at the same time, armed detachments of Finnish nationalists invaded Russian territory and occupied a number of areas in Eastern Karelia.

On March 15, 1918, the White Finns took Ukhta, and already on March 18, the Provisional Committee of Eastern Karelia, which arrived there from Helsinki, announced the annexation of Karelia to Finland.

In the spring of 1918, after the defeat of the Bolsheviks in Finland and the massive punitive actions that followed (up to 10,000 "enemies of the regime" were executed in Fort Ino alone on the direct order of Mannerheim), several thousand people who had combat experience and weapons moved from Finland to Russia , mainly in Karelia. Under the pretext of a possible attack by them on the northern part of Finland, the Finns preferred to strike first, and from March 1918 several Finnish detachments invaded East Karelia. The Finnish government did not officially recognize the invading troops as its own, it was believed that only volunteers who were not controlled by the central government were fighting in Karelia. Although back in winter, in February, Mannerheim made a statement known as the sword oath, promising to "liberate" East Karelia.

On May 5, 1918, without declaring war, the Finnish regular units, under the pretext of pursuing the retreating "Red Finns", launched an attack on Petrograd from Sestroretsk and along the Finland Railway, but by May 7 they were stopped by units of the Red Guard and driven back beyond the border of the Vyborg province. After this failure, on 15 May the government of Finland officially declared war on the Russian SFSR and formed the puppet Olonets government. On May 22, at a meeting of the Finnish Sejm, deputy Rafael Voldemar Erich (future prime minister) stated:

“Finland will sue Russia for damages caused by the war. These losses can be covered only accession to Finland of Eastern Karelia and the Murmansk coast.

The day after this speech, Germany officially offered its services as an intermediary between the Bolsheviks and the Finnish government of Mannerheim, on May 25, People's Commissar Chicherin announced the consent of the Soviet side.

Until mid-1919, Finland was used to form anti-Bolshevik troops. In January 1919, the "Russian Political Committee" was created in Helsingfors under the chairmanship of the cadet Kartashev. The oilman Stepan Georgievich Lianozov, who took over the financial affairs of the committee, received about 2 million marks from Finnish banks for the needs of the future northwestern government. The organizer of military activity was Yudenich, who planned the creation of a unified North-Western Front against the Bolsheviks, based on the Baltic self-proclaimed states and Finland, with the financial and military assistance of the British. Yudenich was supported by Mannerheim.

1922-1938

Non-aggression pact between Finland and the Soviet Union (1932)

Relations between Finland and the USSR during the period between the two world wars remained cold and tense. In 1932, the activities of the Communist Party were banned in Finland. After the Nazis came to power in Germany, the Finns maintained friendly relations with Germany. Nazi Germany initially considered the USSR as a possible military adversary, as a result of which Finland was looked at mainly as a possible future military ally of Germany. In 1932, the USSR and Finland signed a non-aggression pact. In 1934, this agreement was extended for 10 years.

At the same time, in the early 1930s, Finland concluded secret agreements with the Baltic states and Poland on joint actions in the event of a war of one or more countries with the USSR.

Every year the position of the ruling circles of Finland in relation to the USSR became more and more hostile, on this occasion, on February 27, 1935, in a conversation with the Finnish envoy to the USSR A. S. Iryo-Koskinen, M. M. Litvinov noted that: “In no country The press does not wage such a systematic campaign against us as in Finland. In no neighboring country is there such open propaganda for attacking the USSR and seizing its territory as in Finland.

Yartsev's negotiations in 1938-1939

The negotiations were initiated by the USSR, initially they were conducted in a secret mode, which suited both sides: the Soviet Union preferred to officially maintain a "free hand" in the face of an unclear prospect in relations with Western countries, and for Finnish officials, the announcement of the fact of negotiations was inconvenient from the point of view of view of domestic politics, since the population of Finland was generally negative about the USSR.

Moscow negotiations on the territory of Finland

On October 5, 1939, Finnish representatives were invited to Moscow for talks "on specific political issues." The negotiations were held in three stages: October 12-14, November 3-4, and November 9. For the first time, Finland was represented by an envoy, State Councilor J. K. Paasikivi, Finnish Ambassador to Moscow Aarno Koskinen, Foreign Ministry official Johan Nykopp and Colonel Aladar Paasonen. On the second and third trips, Finance Minister Tanner was authorized to negotiate along with Paasikivi. State Councilor R. Hakkarainen was added on the third trip.

The latest version of the agreement, presented by the Soviet side to the Finnish delegation in Moscow, looked like this:

1. Finland transfers part of the Karelian Isthmus to the USSR.
2. Finland agrees to lease the Hanko peninsula to the USSR for a period of 30 years for the construction of a naval base and the deployment of a 4,000-strong military contingent there for its defense.
3. The Soviet navy is provided with ports on the Hanko peninsula in Hanko itself and in Lappohya
4. Finland transfers the islands of Gogland, Laavansaari (now Powerful), Tytyarsaari (Fin.), Seiskari to the USSR.
5. The existing Soviet-Finnish non-aggression pact is supplemented by an article on mutual obligations not to join groups and coalitions of states hostile to one side or the other.
6. Both states are disarming their fortifications on the Karelian Isthmus.
7. The USSR transfers to Finland the territory in Karelia with a total area twice the amount received by Finland (5,529 km²).
8. The USSR undertakes not to object to the arming of the Åland Islands by Finland's own forces.

The USSR proposed an exchange of territories, in which Finland would receive more extensive territories in Eastern Karelia in Reboly and in Porajärvi. These were the territories that declared independence and tried to join Finland in -1920, but according to the Tartu Peace Treaty, they remained with Soviet Russia. The Council of State did not agree to a deal, as public opinion and parliament were against it. The Soviet Union was offered only the territories closest to Leningrad in Terioki and Kuokkala, deepened into Soviet territory. Negotiations ended on November 9, 1939.

Earlier, a similar proposal was made to the Baltic countries and they agreed to provide the USSR with military bases on their territory. Finland chose something else: on October 10, soldiers were called up from the reserve for unscheduled exercises, which meant full mobilization.

Both on its own initiative and at the insistence of Great Britain, France and the United States, Finland took the most uncompromising position. Among the allies, Great Britain was especially zealous, recommending not to stop even before the war - British politicians expected that the complication of Soviet-Finnish relations would lead to a confrontation between the USSR and Germany, which Western policy had been aimed at since the Munich Agreement. Simultaneously with provoking Finland, Great Britain informally assured the Soviet Union that it would not intervene in the event of a Soviet-Finnish war. Supported by Great Britain, France and the United States, Finnish politicians were fully confident that the USSR would not decide on a military solution to the issue and, given Finland's rather tough position, would sooner or later agree to concessions.

The Finnish military highly valued their defensive capabilities and believed that the Red Army was not strong enough and organized enough to enter the war. In Western countries, the opinion prevailed that the Red Army was a mass of apolitical people who were completely unwilling to fight, who were literally driven into battle at gunpoint by political officers. The politicians counted on the help of the allies (Great Britain, France, the USA, Germany and the Scandinavian countries), they were sure that the USSR was only waging a “war of nerves”, and after all the formidable statements, it would soften the demands. The confidence of the Finns was so great that in late October - early November, plans for demobilization were already being developed. The Soviet government, confident in its army, considering Finland obviously the weakest and knowing that the Western powers, already drawn into the world war, would not go further than verbal condemnation, expected to intimidate the Finns with the threat of war or, in extreme cases, conduct a short victorious war and achieve their goal by force. . The concentration of troops on the border was completed by the end of November. The stumbling block was the issue of a military base on the Hanko Peninsula, since the positions of the parties were tough and diametrically opposed: the USSR did not want to give up the demand, and Finland categorically did not want to agree to it. The proposal for an exchange of territories was also met negatively: although it was proposed to exchange the Karelian Isthmus for twice the territory rich in forests, the Karelian Isthmus was well developed and used for agricultural purposes, and the territory offered in exchange had practically no infrastructure. In addition, the cession of even part of the Karelian Isthmus reduced the defensive capabilities of the Mannerheim Line. The Soviet proposals were not accepted by the Finnish delegation even after Molotov's statement was published by the Pravda newspaper in late October, which stated, in part, that the Soviet Union might use force if Finland did not soften its position.

It was not possible to reach an agreement, on November 13 the negotiations were interrupted and the Finnish delegation left Moscow. According to some accounts, Molotov commented on the Finns' departure with the words: “The politicians did everything they could. Now it's up to the military."

Territories ceded by Finland to the USSR, as well as leased by the USSR under the Moscow Treaty of 1940.

Current state

After the Russian Federation gained independence on 06/12/1944 and its withdrawal from the USSR, on January 20, 1992, Finland concluded with Russia the "Treaty between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland on the basics of relations." Modern relations between Russia and Finland are in the nature of economic cooperation. The state border has not been defined and so far passes through the frontier of the former USSR. In the post-Soviet period, the Russian-speaking diaspora (Russians in Finland) has significantly increased in the country, reaching an estimated 50 thousand people in 2007 (about 1% of the country's population). Also, about 100,000 Finns and more than 200,000 Russians make visits (mainly tourist and also economic) a year across the Russian-Finnish border. At the same time, there are problems and contradictions in relations between the two countries. During the years of the so-called "Finlandization", the Finnish economy "got used" to a certain profile of cooperation with the USSR, which exported cheap raw materials to the country (oil, timber, etc.), and in return received finished products with a high added value (paper, petrochemicals, etc.). ). But since the late 1990s, with the support of the government of the Russian Federation, the Russian economy has taken a course towards a consistent departure from a primitive export and raw material base in order to weaken the country's dependence on world oil prices and increase its competitiveness through the development of high-quality industries. The Finnish economy turned out to be unprepared for such a development of events, which caused repeated friction with the Finnish side, which is striving to maintain the status quo. In parallel, with the development of private property institutions in the Russian Federation, the question arose about the property of the Finns deported from the territories of Karelia, transferred to the USSR under the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Also, due to limited resources, Finland considers the Russian decision to expand the border zone between Russia and Finland six times from 5 to 30 km problematic for itself.

see also

Notes

1. Map of Sweden 1323 http://www.zum.de/whkmla/histatlas/scandinavia/sw1323.gif
2. Sipols V. Ya. "The diplomatic struggle on the eve of the Second World War" - M .: International relations, 1979.
3. (fin.) Jakobson, Max Diplomaattien talvisota. - Helsinki: WSOY, 2002. - P. 9. - ISBN 9789510356739
4. Jakobsson 2002: p.7.
5. Jakobsson 2002: p.28
6. (fin.) Mannerheim, C.G.E. & Virkkunen, Sakari Suomen Marsalkan muistelmat. - Suuri suomalainen kirjakerho, 1995. - P. 172. - ISBN 951-643-469-X
7. Mannerheim-Virkkunen 1995: 172.
8. (fin.) Tanner, Vaino Neuvotteluvaihe // Olin ulkoministerinä talvisodan aikana. - Helsinki: Kustannusosakeyhtiö Tammi, 1979. - P. 44, 57, 84. - ISBN 951-30-4813-6
9. (fin.) Leskinen, Jari & Juutilainen, Antti (toim.) Talvisodan pikkujättiläinen. - Porvoo: WSOY, 1999. - ISBN 951-0-23536-9
10. (fin.) Siilasvuo, Ensio (toim.) Talvisodan kronikka. - Jyväskylä: Gummerus, 1989. - ISBN 951-20-3446-8
11. 1989
12. (fin.) Haataja, Lauri Kun kansa kokosi itsensä. - Tammi, 1989. - ISBN 951-30-9170-8

Links

• About relations with Russia on the official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland

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In connection with the appearance of the scandalous board to Marshal Mannerheim in St. Petersburg, I increasingly encounter speculation on the topic of Soviet-Finnish relations. Mainly:
- Claims against Lenin for giving Finland its independence
- Claims against Stalin for the fact that the war provoked a negative attitude towards the USSR among the Finns, and this, they say, pushed them to cooperate with Hitler. If you know history well, then these claims are simply ridiculous. Nevertheless, they are voiced with enviable regularity. I think it’s worth once qualitatively dismantling how reality differs from myths.

Let's remember the history of Finland before it was annexed to Russia.

Since the period of the classical Middle Ages (XI century onwards), Finland has been under the rule of Sweden. At that time it was called "a separate duchy of Finland". Despite the long history of coexistence within one state, Swedes and Finns are different peoples. They speak different languages, and the attempt of the Swedes to impose their own language on the Finns was not successful. The Finns were subject to Swedish laws, but the preservation of the language means at the same time the preservation of their culture and identity.

Finland became part of Russia in 1809. It was annexed by military means during the reign of Emperor Alexander I. Pay attention to one significant circumstance: Alexander I did not break Finland through the knee. He allowed the Finns to preserve their usual way of life. The Finns continued to live according to the laws adopted even before the arrival of the Russians. The Finns were endowed with very broad rights within the framework of autonomy. For example, the king did not have the right to legislate without the consent of the Finnish authorities. The Finns conducted office work in their own language (and not in Russian, as in other parts of the empire). The Finns had their own armed forces, and the king was rather limited in the possibility of using these forces outside of Finland. Finland seemed to have become part of the empire, but did not dissolve into it.

For 90 years after the conquest, Finland was in a special position. Only at the beginning of the 20th century, during the reign of Nicholas II, did the first attempts begin to integrate this country into the Russian Empire and put an end to its special rights. Two waves of "Russification" of Finland caused serious discontent and fierce resistance of the Finns. During this period, Finnish nationalists begin to fight (including by military means) for the proclamation of independence from the Russian Empire. The empire is forced to suppress separatist sentiments with harsh repressions.

The first wave of "Russification" ended in 1905 with the first Russian revolution. For the sake of maintaining public order, the monarchy was forced to make serious concessions. The Finns during this period managed to restore all their special rights. True, only for a few years, after which the second wave of "Russification" begins. She was defeated already after 1917 after the fall of the monarchy.

To appease the Finns, the Provisional Government in March 1917 returned to Finland all its special rights. But even such concessions could no longer contain separatist sentiments. The Finnish Senate starts demanding even more rights for Finnish autonomy. The interim government resisted, and, as a result, was forced to suppress Finland's attempts to move away from Russia by force. When the Provisional Government collapsed, the Finns immediately take full power in their own country into their own hands. The Finnish Senate is drafting a new constitution. In December 1917, he issues an appeal to Russia and foreign countries with a request to recognize the independence of Finland. Germany, France and Sweden immediately agree to support this appeal. The Council of People's Commissars also gives its answer to the appeal of the Finns. He issues a decree:

“In response to the appeal of the Finnish government to recognize the independence of the Republic of Finland, the Council of People's Commissars, in full agreement with the principles of the right of nations to self-determination, DECIDES:

Enter the Central Executive Committee with the proposal:
a) recognize the state independence of the Republic of Finland and
b) organize, in agreement with the Finnish government, a special commission of representatives of both sides to work out those practical measures that follow from the separation of Finland from Russia.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Vl. Ulyanov (Lenin)
People's Commissars: G.I. Petrovsky, I.Z. Steinberg, V.A. Karelin, L.D. Trotsky, I. Stalin, A.G. Schlichter
Managing Director of the Council of People's Commissars Vl. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary N. Gorbunov

Well, we see that the Finnish nationalists have achieved what they dreamed of - the independence of Finland. As a rule, anti-Sovietists confine themselves to fixing this fact, and to the fact that Vladimir Ilyich Lenin is responsible for this decision on the part of Russia. And they think that this can be put an end to.

But, firstly, we see that Finland has historically not been strongly attached to Russia. That is why it immediately separated from Russia as soon as the central government in the country weakened. Secondly, we see that the decision of the Council of People's Commissars is being taken in accordance with the right of nations to self-determination. But (!) what the anti-Sovietists are silent about: the right of the people to self-determination does not at all mean the Bolsheviks giving up the struggle for the people to self-determine in favor of declaring a socialist republic in the country and joining the Soviet Union.

Lenin created the Soviet Union in full accordance with the right of nations to self-determination. According to his plan, all peoples were to voluntarily join the Union. But the question is, who expresses the opinion of the people? Why should we assume that the opinion of the people is expressed by a handful of separatists, elected by no one knows who, and it is not clear how they seized power. But what if the people, with the assistance of the Bolsheviks, rise up against the separatists and sweep them away? This means that the will of the people is not to be separate from Russia, but to become a fraternal socialist republic for Russia.

In accordance with this logic the Bolsheviks created the Soviet Ukraine. Lenin recognized the right of Ukrainians to self-determination to the same extent that he recognized this right for the Finns. But this did not prevent Ukraine from becoming a fraternal republic, right? Despite the fact that the separatist government was in power there, the Bolsheviks started a popular uprising and made Ukraine a Soviet republic. It turns out, there is no tragedy in recognizing the people's right to self-determination. By itself, this fact means nothing. The question is not this, but whether the Bolsheviks fought for Finland to become part of the Soviet Union?

The anti-Sovietists are silent about the fact that a month after the decision of the Council of People's Commissars was issued in Finland, a popular uprising begins, which turns into a civil war. The Reds take power in the southern region of the country, where almost all major cities were located. Whites fortified in the north, controlling large but sparsely populated areas. To make it clear, 2/3 of the inhabitants of Finland lived in the territories captured by the Reds. The Reds also controlled the capital Helsinki.

Anti-Sovietists are silent about the fact that on March 1, Soviet Russia recognizes the Red Finns as the legitimate authority in the country. Accordingly, the Finnish Senate, which advocated the separation of Finland from Russia, was not considered by the Bolsheviks to be the legitimate authority in the country.

Why did it happen that White took up over the Reds? Not at all because Mannerheim fought more successfully against the Reds. The reason is that the Germans hit the rebellious Finns in the back. Having lost power over most of the country, the Finnish Senate preferred to surrender the country to the power of the interventionists than to completely lose everything. They turned to the Germans. The German troops, although not as numerous, were armed to the teeth and had serious experience in combat operations, unlike the insurgent Reds. In April, the German units captured Helsinki, and only after that Mannerheim managed to break the resistance of the Reds. For White, it was a victory on the shoulders of the invader.

The Finnish government trampled on its rebellious people. In order to hold on, she was forced to carry out the most severe repressions. Massive arrests of all Reds and Red sympathizers began. Here Mannerheim really distinguished himself - not for nothing. According to Wikipedia, over 80 thousand people were arrested in total, 75 thousand were imprisoned in concentration camps. Due to poor conditions of detention, 13,500 people (15%) died, 8,500 were sentenced to death. I have not verified these data, but if this is true, then for Finland with its small population of 3 million people, the numbers are very significant.

So, we see that, contrary to the anti-Soviet myth, recognizing the right of peoples to self-determination, Lenin did not at all intend to surrender Finland. Moreover, colossal efforts were made to keep this territory. If not for the intervention of the Germans, there were high chances that Finland would become a socialist republic and voluntarily become part of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks paid dearly to carry out this project. Those allegedly patriots who scold Lenin for recognizing the independence of Finland either do not know history well, or simply lie shamelessly.

Once again, I draw your attention to the fact that Finland was not historically tied to Russia - neither by a common language, nor by a common religion, nor by a common culture, nor by a common law. She has always been in a special position. And she would have left anyway, at the first opportunity, as soon as the central government in the country had weakened. Russia did not even have the strength to keep it (there is no need to talk about “Russification”). It is simply amazing how the Bolsheviks managed to convince the Finnish people to try to build a new Union with Russia on completely different - ideological grounds. And what common grounds for a new alliance with Russia could the Whites offer? The answer is obvious: none. The Reds tried and failed. White didn't have a single chance.

To be continued...

“We can't do anything about geography. Since Leningrad cannot be moved, the border will have to be moved away from it. ”
Joseph Stalin at the talks with the Finnish delegation

FROM Soviet-Finnish war 1939-1940 in the West they call it the "winter war".
In principle, there were several wars, which then calmed down, then flared up again. And in two of them, not the USSR, but Finland was active, trying to occupy even those lands that were not part of the principality before the revolution. We do not really like to remember them, because no one is proud when your country loses territory. But the last war, in principle, was fair from the point of view of Russia, since it returned its territories back. Now I will explain why.

The fact is that after declaring independence, Finland not only did not return the Vyborg province, which Russia transferred to it, after the formation of the "Grand Duchy of Finland" as part of the Russian Empire, but also captured new ones. It is interesting that the negotiations during the accession to Russia were made by Mannerheim's great-grandfather and achieved good conditions for Finland. She received greater autonomy, had the opportunity to pay with the Finnish mark (although they had double-headed eagles). When joining the region, the Russian Emperor Alexander I guaranteed the local population all the rights and liberties that they had at that time. All taxes remained at the disposal of the principality and were directed to its development.

I'm talking about the language. Both Swedish and Finnish were the official languages ​​there. The Finns even had their own citizenship and Russian officials who worked in the region had to accept it. Finnish citizens were not recruited and were not drafted into the Russian army. In return, the Finns were supposed to have their own army, but it could only be used to defend Finland.
Russian officials were practically not sent to work in Finland, and by 1917 there were only 0.2% of Russians from the total population.

Soon after the Bolsheviks seized power, they declared independence and were gladly supported by Lenin, who counted on a speedy revolution. However, in the fleeting Finnish civil war, the local whites won and the Bolsheviks were never able to gain control over this country again. But they also considered the Vyborg province by right.

The Soviet-Finnish war began during the civil war in Russia and lasted until 1920, when the Tartu (Yurievsky) peace treaty was concluded. Some Finnish politicians regarded this treaty as a shame and a betrayal of their compatriots, and the representative of Rebol, Hans Haakon (Bobi) Siven, shot himself in protest. Mannerheim, in his “sword oath”, publicly spoke out in favor of conquering Eastern Karelia, which had not previously been part of the Principality of Finland.

Then there was the war of 1918-1922, as a result of which the Pechenga region (Petsamo), as well as the western part of the Rybachy Peninsula and most of the Sredny Peninsula, went to Finland in the Arctic, and they have always been Russian lands.

At first, the USSR was not up to the northern territories, to keep others. But then the hands reached the restoration of justice. In addition, the "security" of Leningrad, which turned out to be too close to the border, was also important (once, for the same reason, Finland itself was squeezed from the Swedes) - How Russia fought with Sweden because of the ladies

Finnish President P. E. Svinhufvud stated in Berlin in 1937 that “ the enemy of Russia must always be a friend of Finland ". This could not but disturb the USSR.

Secret negotiations began in 1938-1939. The USSR tried to peacefully return the taken territories. Negotiations from the government of the USSR were led by Boris Yartsev. The USSR government was sure that Germany was planning an attack on the USSR and these plans included a side strike through Finland. Therefore, the attitude of Finland to the landing of German troops was important for the USSR. The Red Army promised to strike at Finnish territory if Finland allowed the landing. On the other hand, if Finland offered resistance to the Germans, the USSR was ready to provide her with military and economic assistance, since Finland was not capable of repelling a German landing on her own.

But negotiations stalled. In March 1939, the USSR officially announced that it wanted to lease the islands of Gogland, Lavansaari (now Powerful), Tytyarsaari and Seskar for 30 years. Later, as compensation, they offered Finland their territories in Eastern Karelia. But the Finns did not go for that either.

In 1939 Finnish representatives were invited to Moscow for negotiations.
Joseph Stalin remarked on them: “We can’t do anything with geography, just like you ... Since Leningrad cannot be moved, we will have to move the border away from it” .

The version of the agreement presented by the Soviet side looked as follows:

Finland moves the border 90 km from Leningrad.
Finland agrees to lease the Hanko peninsula to the USSR for a period of 30 years for the construction of a naval base and the deployment of a 4,000-strong military contingent there for its defense.
The Soviet navy is provided with ports on the Hanko peninsula in Hanko itself and in Lappohya (Fin.).
Finland transfers the islands of Gogland, Laavansaari (now Powerful), Tyutyarsaari and Seiskari to the USSR.
Both states are disarming their fortifications on the Karelian Isthmus.
The USSR transfers to Finland the territory in Karelia with a total area twice the amount received by Finland (5,529 km²).
The USSR undertakes not to object to the arming of the Åland Islands by Finland's own forces.

Then the USSR proposed an exchange of territories, in which Finland would receive more extensive territories in Eastern Karelia in Reboly and Porajärvi.

But the State Council did not agree to the implementation of the proposals of the USSR, since public opinion and parliament were against it, and from the middle of 1939 military preparations began openly in the USSR and Finland.

In June-July, the operational plan for an attack on Finland was discussed at the Main Military Council of the USSR, and from mid-September, the concentration of units of the Leningrad Military District along the border began.

In Finland, the Mannerheim Line was hastily completed.

Finnish command bunker in Mount Filina (report from the bunker)

On August 7-12, major military exercises were held on the Karelian Isthmus, which practiced repelling aggression from the USSR. All military attachés were invited, except for the Soviet one.

On October 31, speaking at a session of the Supreme Council, Molotov again openly outlined the essence of the Soviet proposals, while hinting that the hard line taken by the Finnish side was allegedly caused by the intervention of outside states. The Finnish public, having learned about the demands of the Soviet side for the first time, categorically opposed any concessions.

The talks resumed in Moscow on November 3, immediately reached an impasse. From the Soviet side followed the statement: “We civilians have not made any progress. Now the word will be given to the soldiers.".

However, Stalin made concessions the next day, offering instead of renting the Hanko Peninsula to buy it or even rent some coastal islands from Finland instead. But the Finnish government stood its ground.

On November 26, Pravda launched an anti-Finnish propaganda campaign. On the same day, artillery shelled the territory of the USSR near the village of Mainil. The leadership of the USSR blamed this incident on Finland.

Soviet soldiers dig a pillar at the Mainil frontier post, November 30, 1939.

The USSR hoped for a civil war, support for the working class in Finland itself, and tried to present events as support for Finnish soldiers who rebelled against the "bloody Mannerheim-Tanner clique."

Even before the provocation in Mainil, they began to form a special corps from the Finnish and Karelian population of the USSR, which was supposed to play the role of "rebellious". My grandfather fought in this war, as a political commissar in an artillery-pelmet regiment.

But there were not enough real Finns. They found a simple way out, quite in the spirit of the “leader of all times and peoples.” For the purpose of conspiracy, an order was given to assign Finnish surnames to the soldiers and commanders. So brigade commander Romanov became Raikas, and the head of the political department Tereshkin became Tervonen.

The conspiracy also required the submission of commands in Finnish. To make this possible, compulsory study of the Finnish language was introduced in parts. Classes were held every evening for two hours.

So the "not famous war" made some of our countrymen visit Finns and made it possible to learn the Finnish language. True, they did not take advantage of this opportunity, alas, very willingly. The archives preserved formidable orders about poor attendance at classes and the imposition of penalties on truants, up to and including arrest. It was hard in teaching, but it was not easy in battle either.

The Finnish war revealed many shortcomings in the training of troops, tactics of warfare, equipment of units (especially in winter), but to say that the USSR attacked Finland with all its might would be a very strong exaggeration. The fighting was carried out by units that outnumbered the Finnish troops, but it was always easier to defend.

On March 13, 1940, the war ended with the signing of the Moscow Peace Treaty. The USSR included 11% of the territory of Finland with the second largest city of Vyborg. At the same time, 430 thousand Finnish residents moved deep into Finland.

The Sovietization of Finland was not a task for the USSR. Therefore, he pushed back the borders, returned the territories of the Russian Empire and did not go further. War can be viewed in different ways. But it was thanks to Russia that Finland appeared on the world map as a state. And this is a fact.

Infa and old photos (C) different places on the Internet.

During World War II, the USSR and Finland fought each other twice.

The first time - one on one, in the winter of 1939/40. The second time - in 1941-1944, when Finland was an ally of Nazi Germany. Both times the USSR won on formal grounds (annexation of new territories). Both times, Finland not only remained independent, but also retained a democratic system based on the right to private property. Such an outcome of two confrontations with a huge eastern neighbor can be regarded as a common victory for Finland, especially considering that Stalin's maximum plan provided for Finland to join the USSR. After all, before the revolution, this country was part of the Russian Empire.

The answer to the question posed in the title seems, therefore, obvious: I did not join because I could not. Finland defended its independence. However, there is an apparent share of reason for those who claim that in fact Stalin did not particularly want this. Let's try to figure it out.

The secret protocols to the August-September 1939 agreements between the USSR and Germany recognized the exclusive interests of the Soviet Union east of the line of demarcation of the powers in Poland. Thus, the Baltic states, including Finland, were included in the sphere of interests of the USSR. In September-October 1939, the Soviet Union concluded "mutual assistance pacts" with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, on the basis of which it assumed the "external protection" of these countries and deployed its troops there. An attempt to conclude a similar treaty with Finland ran into the intransigence of the Finnish government. Then the Soviet Union accused Finland of armed provocations on the border and on November 30, 1939, without declaring war, sent troops into the territory of Finland.

The far-reaching goals of this action were evidenced by the proclamation already on December 1 in the border Terioki (now Zelenogorsk) of the “government of the Finnish Democratic Republic”, headed by the Soviet communist O.V. Kuusinen. The USSR declared that it was not at war with Finland, since it recognizes the government of Kuusinen as the only Finnish government, with which it has already established diplomatic relations and concluded a mutual assistance agreement. So, at that time, Stalin counted on an easy and quick victory over Finland and did not plan to continue negotiations with the internationally recognized government of this country. Consequently, he set as a goal the complete occupation of Finland and the establishment of the government of a "democratic republic" in it. In the future, this meant either joining the USSR as another union republic (as was done a little later with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), or the “Mongolian version” for Finland - a formally independent socialist state under the full control of the USSR.

The first weeks of the war, Soviet newspapers were filled with bravura reports about how the population of Finland joyfully welcomed the Red Army - the liberator from the bourgeois regime, and also supported the government of the "democratic republic". But then the protracted hostilities, accompanied by heavy military losses of the USSR, as well as the complete rejection of the Soviet system by the Finnish population, forced Stalin to abandon the idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe "democratic republic" and go to restore relations with the legitimate government of Finland. The winter war led to the exhaustion of the forces of both sides. The Soviet Union achieved great territorial gains at a high price, but Stalin did not achieve the goal of the war.

In November 1940, during a visit to Berlin, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs V.M. Molotov tried to obtain from Hitler guarantees of the freedom of action of the USSR in relation to Finland. This meant that the plans for the complete subordination of Finland to Soviet influence were not abandoned by Stalin. The formation in April 1940 of the Karelian-Finnish SSR may also indicate the intention to create a "Soviet Finland" in the USSR, which was supposed to be expanded in the future. Some historians find signs that in 1942 Stalin planned a second attempt to conquer Finland. But the Great Patriotic War intervened.

When the inevitable defeat of Nazi Germany became obvious to the ruling circles of Finland, they began to take steps towards a separate exit from the war with the USSR. In February 1944 through the Soviet ambassador in Stockholm A.M. Kollontai handed over to the Finnish government the Soviet conditions, which were initially considered excessive and unacceptable in Helsinki. However, after the summer of 1944. Soviet troops won another victory, including on the Finnish front, Finnish President R.Kh. Ryuti retired. The new president, Field Marshal K.G. Mannerheim insisted on accepting the Soviet conditions, which by that time had been softened. On September 4, 1944, hostilities between the USSR and Finland ceased.

The main thing for Finland was that it avoided occupation by Soviet troops, provided that the German troops were disarmed on its territory. The fulfillment of this clause of the armistice agreement led to a series of battles between the Finnish army and the Wehrmacht in the fall of 1944. This time, Finland got off with the concession to the Soviet Union only of the Petsamo (Pechenga) area near the Barents Sea. Stalin really lowered the bar of demands on Finland for the sake of the speedy conclusion of a truce. Why did he do this and abandon the plans for the Sovietization of this country?

The most important reason was the need to have as many troops as possible to defeat the main enemy - Nazi Germany. In comparison with this goal, such a goal as the Sovietization of Finland lost its value. Another almost equally important reason was that the Soviet Union this time was waging war in a coalition with the United States and Great Britain. Moreover, the United States and Finland were not at war. Great Britain, after Stalin's repeated demands, declared war on Finland on December 6, 1941. The official pretext for it was the Finnish government's refusal to withdraw its troops to the borders of 1939. Stalin was forced to negotiate with the British government the terms of a truce with Finland. The armistice agreement signed on September 19, 1944 in Moscow was also tripartite.

Under these conditions, trying to occupy, under one pretext or another, all of Finland and change the political regime in it was fraught for Stalin with a major quarrel with the Western allies. And he still needed them not only to achieve a final victory over the main enemy, but, as he believed then, for the post-war reorganization of the world and the restoration of the Soviet economy.

About 10,000 years ago, the first people began to move to Finland. They arrived from the east, from the territory of modern Russia, as well as from the south, through the territory of the Baltic countries. The roots of the Finnish language come from Central Russia, but components of the Baltic and Germanic languages ​​\u200b\u200bare also mixed in the Finnish language. The Swedish-speaking population has lived in Finland for over 800 years.

Finland as part of Sweden and Russia

Finland was part of Sweden for over 600 years from the Middle Ages to the early 19th century. Sweden and Russia were constantly at war for their influence in Finland. Finally, in 1809, all of Finland came under Russian rule, after Russia defeated Sweden in the war.

Finland was part of Russia from 1809 to 1917. During this period of time, self-government operated in Finland, i.e. Finns could independently make decisions on most issues. The ruler of Finland was still the Russian emperor.

The Finnish language, Finnish culture and economy have developed greatly during the period when Finland was part of Russia. At the beginning of the 20th century, Russia began to limit the independence of Finland, which the Finns themselves did not approve of.

Independence of Finland

In the final phase of World War I, Finland seceded from Russia after the Finnish parliament declared independence on December 6, 1917. After that, Finland gained independence, and this date is celebrated as Finnish Independence Day.

In the spring of 1918, a civil war began in Finland, where the Reds, representing the interests of the working class, fought with the Whites, representing the interests of the bourgeoisie and landowners. The war ended in May 1918 with the victory of the Whites.

Independent Finland became a republic in which laws were made by a parliament elected by the people. The head of state was the president, not the emperor or the king.

"Winter War" and "Continuation War"

At the end of November 1939, the army of the Soviet Union attacked Finland. During the Second World War, Finland waged two wars against the USSR: first the winter war in 1939-1940, and then the so-called. "Continuation War" in 1941-1944.

Because of these wars, Finland lost part of its territories, which were transferred to the USSR. More than 400,000 Finnish refugees left the lost territories and moved to Finland. The most important issue for Finland was that the country remained an independent state.

Finland in the post-war period

In the post-war period, most Finns feared that the USSR would try to turn Finland into a socialist country, as that is what happened to the other European neighbors of the Soviet Union. Finland still managed to develop good relations with the USSR, maintain its democratic system and increase trade with Western countries. In its foreign policy, Finland had to maintain a balance between the USSR and the West for a long time.

In the post-war period, Finland turned from an agrarian state into an industrial country. After the industrialization of Finland, Finns were able to sell more industrial products abroad. Basically, Finland exported paper and other products of the timber industry abroad.

A lot has changed in Finnish society. Many people moved from the countryside to the cities, and more and more women began to work outside the home. Public services began to develop, public health, social security and secondary education arose. In the 1960s, hundreds of thousands of Finns moved to Sweden because there were more jobs and higher wages than in Finland.

From the 1990s to the new millennium

After the collapse of the USSR in the early 1990s, Finland entered a period of economic stagnation as trade with the Soviet Union declined. At that time, a large number of companies went bankrupt, as a result of which many people lost their jobs. After a period of economic stagnation, a high-tech industry began to develop in Finland and a large number of jobs arose. More and more people began to work in the service sector.

In the 1990s, more and more people from abroad began to move to Finland. Refugees from many countries moved to Finland, as well as people of Finnish origin from the former Soviet Union. Many began to move to Finland because of studies, work or family ties.

In 1995 Finland became a member of the European Union (EU). In 2002, Finland, along with other EU countries, introduced the common currency of the European Union, the euro, into circulation, abandoning its currency.

linkki Thisisfinland.fi:
Information about the history of Finland