Research methodology in social work

INTRODUCTION

Module 1. Methods of research in social work

Topic 1. Social methods, their essence

Topic 2. Types of methods in social work

Topic 3. Methods of social work

Checkpoint 1

Module 2. Program of sociological research

Topic 4. Specificity of the sociological approach in social work

Topic 5. Program of sociological research

Topic 6. Collection of sociological information, its analysis and interpretation

Checkpoint 2

Module 3. Sociological research in social work

Topic 7. Main research methods

7.1. Document analysis method

7.2. Observation method

7.3. Poll method

7.4. Peer review method

7.5. Experiment Method

7.6. Processing of research results

Topic 8. System analysis of the object of sociological research

Checkpoint 3

Module 4

Topic 9. Definition of general and sample populations

Module 5

Topic 10. Social statistics and its types

10.1 The essence of social statistics

10.2 Branches of social statistics

Attachment 1. Report on the conducted sociological study "The attitude of TPU teachers to deviations among TPU students"

INTRODUCTION

The modern understanding of the foundations of social development proceeds from the fact that the social policy of the state should be aimed at creating conditions that ensure a decent life and free development of a person. Social work has become one of the types of social activities aimed at helping people, helping them in their difficulties. The content of social work can be defined as a specific type of professional activity, the provision of state and non-state assistance to a person, family or group of people, aimed at improving their standard of living.

This course examines one of the aspects of social work - research methodology in social work. The types of social research and methods of their implementation are presented. Particular attention is paid to sociological methods of studying the problems of social work. Methods for processing the results of the study, interpreting the data and practical application of the findings of the study are proposed. Separately, the course considers the statistical method and its application in social work. The types of social statistics and options for their graphic design are described in detail.

In general, the course is designed to teach students to receive primary social information, interpret it, draw appropriate conclusions, and also use the information received for its intended purpose.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY IN SOCIAL WORK

Module 1. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY IN SOCIAL WORK

Topic 1. Social methods, their essence

The professional activity of a social worker is the implementation of a number of functions. First of all, it is a scientific-cognitive, research-analytical function, for the implementation of which it is necessary to know the methodology for studying social reality. A number of stages of the research process aimed at social reality are known:

1. The process of studying social reality, social phenomena begins with the definition of the subject of knowledge, its external boundaries.

2. Statement of initial problems - questions with the help of which the researcher (research team) determines the most relevant aspects of the subject of research.

3. Clarification of the cause-and-effect factors that influenced the emergence of a problem situation.

4. Formulation of working hypotheses of the study

5. Carrying out basic research activities, using appropriate methods (sociological research methods, methods of statistical analysis).

6. Analysis of the received information.

Social methodology is usually interpreted as a way of applying theoretical conclusions in solving practical problems.

The term "social methods" is used to refer to a set of techniques, methods, methods and influences, used to solve social problems.

There are two forms of social methods:

programs containing procedures and operations (i.e., methods and means of activity);

The activity itself, built in accordance with the program.

The diversity of the social world, social life determined the diversity of social methods. This necessitated the classification of social methods. The classification of social methods can be carried out on various grounds. It is based on the differentiation of applied knowledge, methods, methods, objects, since certain methods of influence can be applied to each of them for the purpose of their optimal functioning and development.

It is possible to single out social methods of a global nature, social methods in relation to society as a whole, various spheres of public life, social structure, social institutions, processes and phenomena.

Social work specialists identify methods for searching for a management strategy, social modeling, diagnosing, and forecasting.

It is possible to single out information-implementation, training, innovative methods of past experience.

According to the nature of the tasks to be solved, universal and particular methods are distinguished. It is also advisable to highlight the methods of social development of individual countries, regions, territories, etc.

Social methods differ significantly from each other in their content. Let us briefly define the content of the most important social methods, which will help to consider in more detail the specifics of methods in social work.

In terms of scale, there are global social methods. They are connected with the solution of universal human problems. We are talking about such knowledge, methods, methods that contribute to the understanding and solution of not only internal, but also global development trends, the connection between society and nature. Their implementation directly or indirectly affects the lives of people, their livelihoods, social security.

innovative social methods are such methods and techniques of innovative activity that are aimed at implementing innovations in society, at implementing initiatives that cause qualitative changes in various areas of social life, leading to the rational use of material and other resources in society.

Unlike innovative methods of influencing social processes, provided routine social methods, are characterized by low science intensity, reflect yesterday's social impact and do not stimulate the social object, the social system to change.

Regional social methods are aimed at studying and implementing the regularities of the territorial organization of social life and its systematic changes.

One of the varieties universal Methods is a global modeling technique (research and solution of issues of preserving the world, nature, providing the Earth's population with food, energy, material resources, etc.).

intellectual social methods are aimed at developing and stimulating the mental activity of people, the development of their creative abilities.

historical methods involve understanding historical experience, historical knowledge as a condition for political, spiritual, social diagnosis.

Demographic methods are aimed at studying the mechanism of population reproduction and developing ways to change its size, composition, distribution, etc.

Social Methods consent are methods, ways to achieve the consent of the majority of the population in resolving the most pressing issues of public life, their mutual action.

Social methods are related to this type. conflict resolution, in particular socio-ethnic.

Political Methods as a type of social methods are methods for solving political problems, developing policies, implementing them, and carrying out political activities.

Of particular importance among management techniques are administrative and managerial techniques as methods of direct (direct) operational impact on a controlled object. This type of methodology is directly related to the implementation of the tasks of social work.

Psychological methods are ways of influencing psychological processes, qualities, phenomena and relationships, methods of influencing attitudes, character, reaction, will of the individual, interpersonal interactions.

Psychophysiological methods are aimed at changing the parameters of processes occurring inside a person with disturbing factors. These methods are used in the provision of medical and social services.

In the most systematic form, these methods began to be studied in sociology, when it turned from isolated observations of individual facts and processes of social life, as well as their hypothetical explanations, into a special science of society and the social activity of people. The name of this science was given in 1838 by the French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798-1857), who is considered the founder of sociology. His merit lies in the fact that he for the first time abandoned the established tradition of building systems of an ideal social order and began to call for the study by scientific methods of a society that exists in reality. Since only natural science had such scientific methods at that time, he tried to extend them to the study of society, recommending that sociology be built as a kind of social physics. Despite the absolutization of the methods of natural science, which led him to the proclamation of the philosophy of positivism, nevertheless, his initial orientation towards a thorough study of the objective facts of social life and the laws that explain them was generally fruitful and contributed to the further development of sociology. In the 19th century Comte's ideas were developed in the writings of the famous English sociologist Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), who paid great attention to establishing links between social phenomena and emphasized the great role of social laws in explaining the processes of social life. However, he was interested not so much in the methods and problems of studying the social structure of society as in the questions of its evolution. G. Spencer was greatly impressed by the theory of evolution of Charles Darwin and tried to apply them to the study of the development of society. He believed that society, like living

nature, evolves according to the principle of "survival of the fittest" and therefore, unlike Comte, did not call for social reforms. These conclusions of his were later used by the social Darwinists, who completely identified the laws of society with the laws of the struggle for existence in living nature.

A detailed study of the methods of sociology really began after the appearance of the works of the outstanding French scientist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), who rightly noted that the arguments of O. Comte and G. Spencer “have not yet gone beyond general considerations about the nature of societies , about the relation of the world of social phenomena and biological phenomena, about the general course of progress ... In order to consider these philosophical questions, special and complex methods are not needed ” 1 . But in order to study specific social processes, it is necessary to have clear and accurate ideas about these processes themselves, and the methods of their knowledge must be expanded and deepened. Durkheim declared that sociology "is not doomed to remain a branch of general philosophy", that it "is capable of closely adjoining concrete facts" 2 . In The Method of Sociology (1895), E. Durkheil set out to formulate the basic rules relating to the definition, observation, explanation, and proof of social facts. These rules still continue to retain their significance due to the deep penetration of the author into the essence of social processes, the subtle distinction between the social and the individual, the objective from the subjective, the sociological from the psychological.

Unlike his predecessors, Durkheim primarily emphasizes objective the nature of the social fact, which is manifested in the fact that its carrier is not an individual, but a society that is a group, collective or society as a whole. Therefore, such a fact exists not only independently of the individual consciousness, but is able to exert an influence or pressure on this consciousness. Numerous examples testify to such an impact: people who are completely harmless under normal conditions, under the influence of social passions and movements, are able to commit

1 Durkheim^.Sociology. - M.: Kanon, 1995. p. 25

2 Ibid. - p. 8.

actions expected of them. In many cases, such influence takes the form of coercion, forcing the individual to comply, for example, with legal laws, moral standards and community rules. Gradually, such coercion, which has proven to be useful, can become a habit and not be felt as coercion. Even the upbringing of a child in society, in fact, comes down to forcing him to comply with the norms, customs and rules of behavior established in society. Education, therefore, has as its goal the formation of a social being. All this thus substantiates and confirms the definition of a social fact that we find in Durkheim: “A social fact is any mode of action, established or not, capable of exercising external coercion on the individual; or otherwise: distributed throughout a given society, while at the same time having its own existence, independent of its individual manifestations.

The objective approach to establishing social facts was most forcefully expressed by Durkheim in his first and basic rule, which is that are social facts to be regarded as things?. As he himself testifies, it was this provision that caused the most objections and many found it paradoxical and even outrageous. In fact, he by no means claimed that social facts are identical with material things. Calling facts things, Durkheim contrasted them with ideas and thereby emphasized that they can only be understood through observation and experiment. All this contradicted the traditional ideas of the then sociology, including the views of O. Comte and G. Spencer.

According to Durkheim, all previous sociology did not, in fact, talk about things, i.e. objectively existing social phenomena, but about ideas. Indeed, even Comte, who proclaimed the general principle that social phenomena are things subject to natural laws, nevertheless actually makes ideas an object of study for sociology. Indeed, when he takes as the starting point of sociology the progress of mankind, which consists in

more and more complete realization of human nature, then it tries to explore not real social facts, but completely subjective ideas about human nature. Spencer does exactly the same, who, however, considers that the object of sociology is not the study of mankind as a whole, but of its individual societies, but approaches the study of the latter not through specific observations, but with the help of a predetermined definition. In his opinion, “society exists only when cooperation is added to the joint residence of individuals”, that “only thanks to this the union of individuals becomes a society in the proper sense of the word” 1 . Durkheim rightly notes that this definition is only a speculation that Spencer made up for himself about society.

Subjective ideas of this kind are often presented in sociology as facts, and vague, fuzzy and unfounded ideas as concepts, while in reality they are just assumptions. Therefore, one of the requirements of the sociological method is that eliminate all assumptions systematically 2 . This rule recommends that the sociologist get rid of ordinary concepts and current ideas. In order to arrive at new concepts, it is necessary to begin the study of real social facts, and not preconceived ideas about them. To do this, one must first separate some facts, phenomena, events from others according to their external signs, which are given to us by sensation. "The object of the study, - Durkheim points out, one should choose only a group of phenomena previously defined by some external features common to them, and include in the same study all phenomena that meet this definition.

It may be objected that since external signs provide a superficial knowledge of phenomena, they are useless for revealing their essence. Such an objection would be fair if there were no connection between the external and internal features of things and phenomena. In fact, the external expresses the internal, and therefore, no matter how superficial external properties may be, they, with the right approach, show the sociologist the path along which he must go in order to comprehend the essential, deep properties of the general

1 Durheim E. Sociology. - M.: Kanon, 1995. - P.39. 2 Ibid. - S. 40.

, Durkheim E. Sociology.- M.: Kanon, 1995.- S. 45. | 2 There.-p.55. And there. - S. 58.

natural phenomena. Another objection concerns the use of sensations in the process of cognition, which may turn out to be subjective. But this objection applies equally to the process of cognition in general, and not only to the sociological one. To minimize the influence of subjectivity in sensory cognition, one should rely on such data that have a sufficient degree of objectivity. For these purposes, in physics, for example, various instruments and means of measurement are used, for example, instead of subjective sensations of temperature, they turn to thermometers. Sociology has also developed many methods and measurement techniques that reduce subjective moments in empirical research. With this in mind, Durkheim concludes that "when the sociologist undertakes the study of any class of social facts, he must try to consider them from the side in which they appear isolated from their individual manifestations" 1 .

In explaining social facts, Durkheim pays special attention to the specific nature of the laws that apply to this. These laws, like sociological explanations, are by no means reducible to psychological laws, as many of Durkheim's predecessors and even contemporaries claimed. So, for example, for Comte, who considered progress to be the dominant fact of social life, the latter “depends on an exclusively psychological factor, namely, the desire that attracts a person to an ever greater development of his nature. Social factors flow so directly from human nature that, in relation to the initial phases of history, they can be directly derived from it without resorting to observations” 2 .

According to G. Spencer, society arises only so that the individual can fully realize his human nature. Therefore, in the end, not such a social system as society, but the ideas and goals of individuals determine the evolution of society. “The action exerted by a social organism on its members,” he emphasizes, “cannot have anything specific in itself, because political goals in themselves are nothing and are only simple

1 Durheim E. Sociology. - M.: Kanon, 1995. -S. 67.

2 Kont O. A course in positive philosophy. T. IV.-- S. 345.

generalized expression of individual goals” 1 . In other words, social facts can only be explained on the basis of general psychological laws. However, this method of explanation is completely unsuitable for sociology, if only because social facts exist not only independently of psychological ones, but also exert, as Durkheim rightly notes, “pressure on individual consciousness”, which means that “they do not follow from the latter, and sociology is therefore not a corollary 2 of psychology” 3 .

Defenders of the subjective view of the method of sociology often claim that since society is ultimately made up of individuals, the principles of individual psychology must become the primary source for explaining sociological facts. Such an objection does not stand up to scrutiny, because systems can consist of the same elements and yet be different systems. So, for example, a living cell consists of the same molecules and atoms that make up an inanimate body, but no one will call them the same systems. The difference between them lies primarily in their structure, i.e. in the nature of the interaction between the elements of the system. Durkheim uses the term "association" to characterize such interaction, which is close in meaning to the modern term "structure". He rightly notes that the presence of individual consciousnesses is not enough for the existence of society. This requires that these consciousnesses be associated in a certain way. “By virtue of this principle,” Durkheim argues, “society is not a simple sum of individuals, but a system formed by their association and representing a reality sui generis 4, endowed with its own special properties" 5 . That is why social facts cannot be explained by psychological laws. Accordingly, Durkheim formulates the following rule: “The determining cause of a given social fact is to be sought among antecedent social facts, and not in states of individual consciousness”6: From here it becomes clear that

1 Durkheim E. Sociology. - S. 117.

2 Consequence, conclusion.

? Durkheim E. Sociology. -FROM. 118.4 Of a special kind.

? Durheim E. Sociology. - S. 119. ■* Ibid. S. 126.

for him, sociological explanation consists, first of all, in establishing a causal relationship between phenomena. To do this, he turns to those simple inductive methods that were systematized by J. St. Mill in his logic, but considers the method most useful for sociological explanations. related changes. The essence of the latter is to explore how a change in one phenomenon leads to corresponding changes in another phenomenon: for example, according to Durkheim's research, the tendency to suicide is caused by the weakening of religious traditionalism. According to modern ideas, the method of concomitant changes is nothing more than an expression of a functional dependence between phenomena.

This idea in a more general form was further developed in the functional-structural approach to sociology. The views of modern sociologists on the methods of studying specific social processes and the paradigms of sociology as a whole have also changed markedly. Nevertheless, the principles of scientific methodology, first used by Durkheim in his specific studies, and subsequently formulated in the rules of method, continue to influence modern sociological theories and practice. This influence is expressed, first of all, in his emphasis on social reality, which is different from the sphere of both the individual psychological and the natural world. It is not for nothing that his concept is characterized as “sociologism”, which played a big role in overcoming the individualistic and psychological views of society that were widespread in his time.

An equally important role in the development of sociology and the development of its theoretical methods was played by another outstanding scientist, Max Weber (1864-1920). His methodological attitudes are in many ways opposite to those of E. Durkheim, firstly, because he does not consider society or other social groups to be subjects of action, since a certain subjective meaning is associated with the latter, which only individuals possess; secondly, since the actions of the latter are meaningful, sociology must also be “understanding,” capable of revealing this meaning through interpretation. Durkheim, as we have seen, although he recognized that consciousness and thought in the strict sense of the word are inherent only in individuals, nevertheless believed that social facts, and even more so

society has an incomparably greater influence on their behavior than their own thoughts and goals.

This new approach of Weber to sociology was largely due to the influence on him of those ideas in social science that became dominant in Germany in the last quarter of the 19th century. We are talking about the anti-positivist position taken by many German historians, philosophers, sociologists and other humanists, regarding the uncritical introduction of the methods of natural science into the socio-historical and human sciences, as discussed in the previous chapter.

The formation of Weber's views was most influenced by the ideas of V. Dilthey, who put forward hermeneutics as a methodology for the sciences of spiritual activity. He shared with Dilthey the conviction that when studying society, one cannot abstract from the goals, intentions and meaning of people's activities. However, he did not oppose social and humanitarian knowledge to natural science, and most importantly, he did not limit the understanding of social phenomena to the psychological process of empathy and getting used to the spiritual world of actors. In his opinion, such an understanding can be achieved through an appropriate interpretations social action. It is from this position that he approaches the definition of the subject and tasks of sociology.

“Sociology ...,” wrote Weber, “is a science that seeks, by interpreting, to understand social action and thereby causally explain its process and impact” 1 . action he calls human behavior "if and insofar as the acting individual or individuals associate subjective meaning" 2. If such an action correlates in meaning with the action of other people and focuses on it, then it will be called social action. It is the presence of subjective meaning and its orientation towards other people that distinguishes social action from other actions associated, for example, with the expectation of the manifestation of the forces and processes of nature, the instinctive activity of the individual, his imitative actions, and even economic activity if it is not focused on others. of people. This kind of "Robinsonade" was composed in large numbers by the authors of economic works in order to emphasize the individual

1 1 Weber M. Selected works. - M.: Progress, 1990.- C 602

1 2 Ibid. - S. 602, 603.

the interest of individual producers who are not connected with each other in society, and present the latter as a set of isolated economic units.

The concept of social action, according to Weber, it makes it possible not only to correctly define the subject of sociology and its research methods, but also to more accurately identify its relationship to other sciences. Unlike natural science, which studies nature, sociology requires an understanding of its subject of study, which is related to the disclosure of the meaning of social Actions. Nothing of the kind is required of natural science, for the objects and phenomena of nature have no meaning. At the same time, Weber does not oppose understanding in social and humanitarian cognition to causal or causal explanation in natural science and, as can be seen from the above quotation, considers it possible to use it in sociology as well. Since understanding itself is not reduced by him to the process of empathy, getting used to the spiritual world of acting subjects, understanding is not a purely psychological process, and, consequently, sociology is not a part of psychology and cannot be reduced to it.

On the other hand, since the bearers of actions that have a semantic orientation are individuals, Weber believes that neither society nor its individual institutions and collectives are real subjects of social action. In this respect, his approach to sociology is directly opposed to Durkheim's, who considered social facts to be primary in relation to individual thoughts and feelings, and, to emphasize this, called them things. Therefore, it is precisely such social realities as the state, the nation, the family and other forms of collective associations that are initial for him. Weber did not oppose the use of such concepts in sociology, but did not consider them to be real carriers of social action, and therefore did not ascribe meaning to them, except in a metaphorical form.

For sociological analysis, therefore, social action is of paramount importance, which can be directed, on the one hand, to achieve the goals set by the individual himself, and on the other, to use adequate means to achieve the goals. Weber calls this action goal-oriented and declares that it cannot be

the subject of psychology research, because the goal that an individual sets for himself cannot be understood from an examination of his individual spiritual life, which is the subject of psychology as a science.

Sociology as a generalizing, generalizing science also differs from history. While history "seeks to give a causal analysis and a causal reduction individual, possessing cultural the significance of actions”, sociology “constructs ... typical concepts and establishes general rules for phenomena and processes” 1 . An analysis of the process of formation of such typical concepts is the most important merit of M. Weber in the development of the methodology of sociology.

The ideal type is a mental construct created "by means of a one-sided amplification of one or several points of view", which "come together into a single mental image" 2 . From a purely formal point of view, such an ideal type or mental image can be regarded as an ideal model of a social phenomenon or historical process. Indeed, Weber himself believes that in real reality such an image in its pure form does not exist anywhere and therefore is a utopia. Like any other idealization, such an image helps in each individual case to establish how much reality diverges from it. But this mesmerizing similarity does not reveal the process of formation of ideal types, and even more so their significance for socio-economic or historical research.

This process can best be illustrated by the example of the theoretical analysis of the market economy, which gives us an ideal picture of the economic processes taking place there. These processes are, in fact, very complex and intricate. Therefore, in order to study them, we , in Weber's words, we mentally reinforce some of their elements, namely, we assume that free competition reigns in the market, each of its participants behaves in a strictly rational manner, none of them has advantages over others, etc. It is clear that on no real market, such conditions have never been met, but nevertheless this real type of market makes it possible to establish how

Weber M. Selected works. - S. 621, 622. Gam. - S. 390.

this particular market approaches or diverges from the ideal market. On this basis, one can further reveal its other characteristics and causal connections between its elements. This method is also used to study other social, historical, cultural and humanitarian phenomena. "AT research the ideal-typical concept is a means for making a correct judgment about the causal reduction of the elements of reality. The ideal type is not a hypothesis, it only indicates in which direction the formation of hypotheses should go.

By creating typical concepts and establishing general rules, sociology, according to Weber, like any generalizing science, loses a certain completeness in comparison with concrete reality. Instead, it achieves a greater unambiguity of its concepts, and most importantly, it reveals more deeply the meaning of social behavior and action, thanks to which it becomes understanding sociology. At the same time, Weber does not refuse to use the functional method, which has also proven itself in other sciences, in sociology, although he considers it a preliminary stage of research. Studying the functional connections between social phenomena and events, we are not limited to this, but are able to go beyond them and therefore are able to understand them, i.e. reveal their meaning and significance. In this regard, Weber contrasts the functional method of natural science with the method of understanding sociology. "We understand- he writes, - the behavior of individual individuals involved in events, while the behavior of cells we "understand" not we can, and we can only comprehend it functionally, and then establish regulations this process” 2 .

Assessing the contribution of E. Durkheim and M. Weber to the development of the methodology of sociology, it should be noted that they approached the solution of its fundamental problem from different angles: the relationship between the individual and the general in social behavior and action. Emphasizing the priority of the general over the individual, Durkheim tried, if not to explain, then at least to reduce and substantiate the social action of the individual, based on the socio-historical patterns that are emerging.

1 Weber M. Selected works. - S. 389.

2 Ibid. - S. 616.

at a given time in a particular society. It remained, however, unclear how these laws arise in society if they do not take into account the actions of the individual, and even act as some a priori provisions that he must reckon with. On the other hand, M. Weber, proceeding from the value orientations of the individual, his understanding of the meaning of socio-historical, cultural and humanitarian phenomena, was forced to present the general as the result of a subjective choice of individual social ties among a huge variety of others. Of course, such a choice is certainly necessary, but what criterion should be followed here remains unclear. Thus, a purely objective approach to the methods of sociology, bringing them closer to the methods of natural science, on the one hand, and excessive emphasis in them on subjective moments related to the conscious activity of participants in social action, on the other, equally distort the real process of research. in sociology. The whole difficulty of such a study is precisely to skillfully combine the objectivity of the approach, taking into account the expedient activity of the participants in social actions and processes, their goals, interests and motives of behavior. All these requirements are realized to a greater or lesser extent in the theoretical and empirical methods of modern sociology.

Empirical methods of sociology differ in great diversity, since this science studies a variety of aspects of social life, ranging from social relations that lay within the family as cells of society, and ending with the study of the structure of such institutions of society as the state, political parties, classes, education systems, health care, pension security, etc.

The most familiar and popular empirical method of investigating a variety of social events and processes are, apparently, various types of sociological reviews ranging from surveys of small groups and ending with the study of public opinion in the regions, and even the population of the entire country, on current topical issues of political, economic and cultural life. In our literature, such reviews are called social polls.

The statistical technique for analyzing the results of surveys of large populations is based on representative sample from the entire known population. In sociology to

populations include all people about whom the researcher collects relevant information. Since the researcher is not able to investigate the population as a whole, according to the requirements established in statistics, he makes a certain sample. The most important of these requirements are, firstly, randomization, according to which any element can be selected from the population with the same probability, which eliminates the bias of the sample; Secondly, representativeness sample, which should provide an adequate representation in the sample of the structure of the population. Often, in order to obtain more plausible results, one has to resort to stratified sampling, for which the entire population is divided into appropriate strata, or groups, from which individual individuals are then randomly selected. Such a sample makes it possible to include approximately the same percentage of the most important groups in the population.

Based on detailed statistics. analysis of the sample, or sample, then a prediction is made that applies to the entire population, which is a probabilistic conclusion from sample to population, i.e. from the particular to the general, as discussed in Chapter 5.

The sampling technique itself can be very diverse: survey, interview, observation, although it is the survey that is most often practiced. A survey may include one or more questions, the answers to which allow one or more options (answers can be given orally or in writing). For greater reliability and persuasiveness, carefully designed questionnaires are mostly used for these purposes. In general, survey methods are useful primarily when the researcher is not able to directly judge the preferences, assessments and opinions of people on various topical issues of the political, economic and cultural life of society, their attitude to the activities and decisions of the government and other power structures. They are also suitable for a descriptive analysis of social situations in society. In part, they can also help in explaining the simplest relationships between phenomena by establishing correlations between their causes and effects.

The difficulty of conducting surveys, especially of a mass nature, lies not so much in the correct formulation of the question

owls and subsequent statistical processing of the received answers, how many in their organization itself, the need to build a stratified sample and provide unambiguous answers to the questions of the questionnaire, which is associated with the involvement of qualified people and significant financial resources for this.

An important means of obtaining reliable sociological information is the so-called included observation when a researcher directly participates in the work of a certain team as a member, performs the duties assigned to him and at the same time conducts pre-planned observations of certain phenomena. Such observations from the inside provide more reliable information than from the outside, from the outside, especially if the researcher is introduced into the team anonymously, and therefore the people around him do not impute their behavior, as is often the case with external observation. Numerous examples of participant observation are described in detail in the sociological literature. Their disadvantage lies in the fact that they are applicable only to the analysis of economic and social relations in small groups, and therefore the conclusions obtained from their study are difficult to extrapolate and generalize. In addition, conducting them requires the researcher to know the features of the team's activities, and often the relevant professional skills. Unlike an experiment or a survey, the plan for conducting participant observation should be flexible enough, since the researcher must first enter an unfamiliar social environment, get used to life, customs and practices within the team, and only then outline the main problems to solve the set goal and formulate preliminary hypotheses to test them.

This method seems to be of the greatest importance in the study of social relations, customs and culture of backward tribes, and therefore, in fact, it has long been used by anthropologists and ethnographers. Such observations require from the researcher not only deep special knowledge, but great patience, courage and observance of the customs and traditions of the studied tribes. As the experience of such well-known researchers as N. Miklukho-Maclay testifies, many months and even years of hard work are required to win

trust and respect from the natives or aborigines to carry out their research plans.

Thus, the peculiarity of participant observation is that the researcher gets the opportunity to observe a group, collective or tribe. from within and therefore his conclusions will be of incomparably greater interest than those of the observer from the outside which will inevitably turn out to be superficial. But in order to conduct participant observation, the researcher must not only completely immerse himself in the cares and affairs of the team, live and feel like its other members, but also constantly, systematically conduct observations, check and correct their hypotheses and assumptions - that is, behave exactly like a researcher , and not as a chronicler or chronicler. Obviously, the results obtained by the researcher will only have qualitative character and, of course, will not be free from some subjective assessments.

social experiment can significantly increase the objectivity of research results in various sectors of socio-economic, political, cultural and humanitarian life. The advantage of a social experiment lies, first of all, in the possibility of reproducing its results by other researchers, which greatly increases the confidence of scientists in them.

The main purpose of the experiment in sociology, as well as in natural science, is to test hypotheses, which gives the study a purposeful and systematic character. Indeed, after analyzing and summarizing the results of empirical facts, sociologists put forward certain hypotheses to explain them. Such hypotheses usually formulate relationships between variables that characterize social phenomena or processes. One of these variables are independent and therefore can be changed at the request of the experimenter. The other variables change as the independent variables change and are therefore called dependent from them. In specific sociological studies, independent variables are usually identified with reason and dependent variables action, or consequence. With this approach, the task of a social experiment is reduced to checking the causal relationship between phenomena. This test is to establish whether the hypothesis is supported by empirical facts. For these purposes, quantitative

to accurately measure the variables that describe social gaps. Therefore, the planned experiment includes at least three stages, interconnected with each other:

first stage- the dependent variable is measured, which is identified with the action or effect of the independent variable, taken as the cause;

second phase - it is established that the result of the dependent variable (its effect) is caused by the influence of the independent variable (the cause), since it is the cause that generates or causes the effect;

third stage- the dependent variable is measured again to make sure that its different values ​​are determined by the values ​​of the independent variable (or independent variables).

In the simplest cases, one is dealing with two variables, one of which is taken as the cause, the other as the effect. However, most often it is necessary to take into account the action of many reasons. Often, the results of an experiment provide statistical information that requires additional analysis and appropriate mathematical processing. In essence, the scheme of a social experiment, as it is easy to fly, is based on the method of concomitant changes, formulated by J. Stuart Mill, expressed in the modern mathematical language of functional dependencies. The main concern of the researcher in conducting a social experiment is to establish exactly those main factors affecting the process being studied, i.e. to determine its cause (or causes). It's easier to make conditions laboratory ec

It is divided into two types:

• self-control- the application of sanctions, committed by the person himself, aimed at himself;
• external control- a set of institutions and mechanisms that guarantee compliance with generally accepted norms of behavior and laws.

External control is:

• informal - based on the approval or condemnation of relatives, friends, colleagues, acquaintances, as well as public opinion, which is expressed through customs and traditions or the media;
• formal - based on the approval or condemnation of official authorities and administration.

In modern society, in a complex society, in a country of many millions, it is impossible to maintain order and stability by informal methods, since informal control is limited to a small group of people, which is why it is called local. On the contrary, formal control operates throughout the country. It is carried out by agents of formal control - persons specially trained and paid for performing control functions, bearers of social statuses and roles - judges, law enforcement officers, social workers, church ministers, etc. In traditional society, social control rested on unwritten rules. For example, in a traditional rural community, there were no written norms; the church was organically woven into a single system of social control.

In modern society, the basis of social control is the norms fixed in documents - instructions, decrees, decrees, laws. Formal control is carried out by such institutions of modern society as the courts, education, the army, production, the media, political parties, and the government. The school controls us through examination grades, the government through the system of taxation and social assistance to the population, the state through the police, secret service, state television channels, press and radio.

Depending on the sanctions applied, the methods of control are:

• straight hard; tool - political repression;
• indirect rigid; the instrument is the economic sanctions of the international community;
• straight soft; the instrument is the operation of the constitution and the criminal code;
• indirect soft; tool is the media.

Organizations control:

• general (if the manager gives a subordinate a task and does not control the progress of its implementation);
• detailed (if the manager intervenes in every action, corrects, etc.); such control is also called supervision.

Supervision is carried out not only at the micro level, but also at the macro level.

At the macro level, the state acts as the subject exercising supervision - police stations, the informant service, prison guards, escort troops, courts, censorship.

An organization and society as a whole can be overwhelmed by a huge number of norms. In such cases, the population refuses to comply with the norms, and the authorities are not able to control every little thing. However, it has long been noted that the worse the laws are enforced, the more of them are published. The population is protected from regulatory overloads by their non-fulfillment. If most of the people for whom a particular rule is intended manage to circumvent it, then the rule is dead.

People will necessarily disobey the rules or circumvent the law:

• if this norm is unprofitable for them, contradicts their interests, causes more harm than good;
• if there is no strict and unconditional mechanism for all citizens to control the implementation of the law.

Mutually beneficial orders, laws, regulations and social norms in general are convenient in that they are executed voluntarily and do not require the maintenance of an additional staff of controllers.

Each norm must be covered by an appropriate number of sanctions and agents of control.

Responsibility to the implementation of the law arises from citizens, provided that they:

• equal before the law, regardless of status differences;
• interested in the operation of this law.

The American sociologist of Austrian origin P. Berger proposed the concept of social control, the essence of which is as follows (Fig. 1). A person stands in the center of diverging concentric circles representing different types, types and forms of social control. Each circle is a new control system.

Circle 1 - outer - political and legal system, represented by the powerful apparatus of the state. In addition to our will, the state:

• levies taxes;
• calls for military service;
• makes you obey your rules and regulations;
• if he deems it necessary, he will deprive him of his liberty and even his life.

A circle 2 - morality, customs and mores. Everyone follows our morality:

• morality police - can put you in jail;
• parents, relatives - use informal sanctions such as condemnation;
• friends - will not forgive betrayal or meanness and may part with you.

A circle 3 - professional system. At work, a person is constrained: by a mass of restrictions, instructions, professional duties, business obligations that have a controlling effect. Immorality is punished by dismissal from work, eccentricity by the loss of chances to find a new job.

Rice. 1. Illustration to the concept of P. Berger

The control of the professional system is of great importance, since the profession and position decide what an individual can and cannot do in non-productive life, which organizations will accept him as a member, what his circle of acquaintances will be, in which area he will allow himself to live, etc. .

A circle 4 - social environment, namely: distant and close, unfamiliar and familiar people. The environment imposes its own requirements on a person, unwritten laws, for example: the manner of dressing and speaking, aesthetic tastes, political and religious beliefs, even the manner of behaving at the table (an ill-mannered person will not be invited to visit or those who appreciate good manners will refuse from the house).

Circle 5 - closest to the individual - private life. The circle of family and personal friends also forms a system of social control. Social pressure on the individual does not weaken here, but, on the contrary, increases. It is in this circle that the individual establishes the most important social bonds. Disapproval, loss of prestige, ridicule or contempt in the circle of loved ones have a much greater psychological weight than the same sanctions emanating from strangers or strangers.

The core of private life is the intimate relationship between husband and wife. It is in intimate relationships that a person seeks support for the most important feelings that make up the Self-image. To stake these connections is to risk losing yourself.

Thus, a person must: yield, obey, please, by virtue of his position, everyone - from the federal tax service to his own wife (husband).

Society, with all its bulk, suppresses the individual.

It is impossible to live in society and be free from it.

Each level of sociological knowledge has its own research methodology. At the empirical level, sociological research is carried out, which is a system of logically consistent methodological, methodological and organizational-technical procedures, subject to a single goal: to obtain accurate objective data about the social phenomenon under study.

Theoretical Methods

A significant place in sociology is occupied by the structural-functional method. From the standpoint of this method, society is considered as a functional system, which is characterized by such a function of any system as stability. This stability is ensured through reproduction, maintaining the balance of the system of elements. The structural-functional approach makes it possible to establish general, universal patterns of the functional action of social systems. As a system, any social institution or organization can be considered, namely the state, parties, trade unions, church. The structural-functional approach is characterized by the following features:

the focus is on the problems associated with the functioning and reproduction of the social structure.

the structure is understood as a comprehensively integrated and harmonized system.

the functions of social institutions are determined in relation to the state of integration or equilibrium of the social structure.

the dynamics of the social structure is explained on the basis of the "principle of consensus" - the principle of maintaining social equilibrium.

The comparative method serves as an addition and correction of the structural-functional methodology. This method is based on the premise that there are certain general patterns of manifestation of social behavior, since there is much in common in the social life, culture, and political system of various peoples of the world. The comparative method involves comparing the same type of social phenomena: social structure, government, family forms, power, traditions, etc. The use of the comparative method expands the horizons of the researcher, promotes the fruitful use of the experience of other countries and peoples.

Methods of social research

Sociological research does not begin at all with the compilation of a questionnaire, as is commonly thought, but with the study of the problem, the advancement of goals and hypotheses, and the construction of a theoretical model. Only then does the sociologist proceed to the development of tools (most often this is a questionnaire), then to the collection of primary data and their processing.

And at the final stage - again a theoretical analysis, because the data must be correctly, that is, in accordance with the theory put forward, interpreted and explained. Only then do practical recommendations follow. one

Proposing and testing hypotheses.

A scientific hypothesis is an assumption about the nature of the relationship of scientific concepts, and not about the concepts themselves. A hypothesis in social research is a scientifically based assumption about the structure of social objects, about the nature of the elements and connections that form these objects, about the mechanism of their functioning and development. A scientific hypothesis can be formulated only as a result of a preliminary analysis of the object under study.

As a result of the study, the hypotheses are either refuted or confirmed and become the provisions of the theory, the truth of which has already been proven. Hypotheses can be very general if they concern abstract concepts. A particular hypothesis is easier to test in an observation or a survey. An unconfirmed hypothesis is just as useful for science as a confirmed one, but our intuition serves as the source of hypotheses. In a hypothetical form, a causal, or functional, connection of phenomena is expressed. All other elements of sociological research - program, work plan, tools, sampling, data collection, processing and analysis - play a secondary role. 2

Observation

In sociological research, observation is understood as a method of collecting primary empirical data, which consists in a deliberate, purposeful, systematic direct perception and registration of social factors that are subject to control and verification.

Observation contains a certain amount of objectivity, which is set by the very installation of fixing the occurring situations, phenomena, factors. However, there is also a subjective element to this procedure. Observation presupposes an inextricable connection between the observer and the object of observation, which leaves an imprint both on the observer's perception of social reality and on the understanding of the essence of the observed phenomena, their interpretation. The stronger the observer is connected with the object of observation, the greater the element of subjectivism, the greater the emotional coloring of his perception. Another important feature of the observation method, which limits its application, is the complexity, and sometimes even the impossibility, of re-observation.

When collecting data, they use polling, observation, analysis.

The art of questioning lies in the correct formulation and arrangement of questions. Questions are asked not only by sociologists. The first to think about the scientific formulation of questions was Socrates, who, walking around the streets of Athens, baffled passers-by with clever paradoxes. Today, in addition to sociologists, the polling method is also used by journalists, doctors, investigators, and teachers. Only a sociologist interviews hundreds and thousands of people and only then, summarizing the information received, draws conclusions, in contrast to the above. 3

The survey is the most common method of collecting primary information. Almost 90% of all sociological data are obtained with its help. In each case, the survey involves an appeal to a direct participant and is aimed at those aspects of the process that are little or not amenable to direct observation. That is why the survey is indispensable when it comes to the study of those meaningful characteristics of social, collective and interpersonal relations that are hidden from prying eyes and appear only in certain conditions and situations. Accurate information is provided by a continuous survey. A more economical and at the same time less reliable way of obtaining information is a sample survey.

Sample survey

The principles of sampling underlie all methods of sociology - questionnaires, interviews, observations, experiments, document analysis. There are two main types of sociological survey - questionnaires and interviews.

During the survey, the respondent himself fills out the questionnaire with or without the presence of the questionnaire. According to the form of conducting it can be individual or group. In the latter case, a significant number of people can be interviewed in a short time. Interviewing offers personal communication with the interviewer, in which the researcher (or his authorized representative) himself asks questions and records the answers.

Depending on the source of primary sociological information, there are mass and specialized surveys. In a mass survey, the main source of information is representatives of various social groups whose activities are not directly related to the subject of analysis. Participants in mass surveys are called respondents. A variation of such a survey is a census.

In specialized surveys, the main source of information is competent persons whose professional or theoretical knowledge, life experience allows you to make authoritative conclusions. In fact, the participants in such surveys are experts who are able to make a balanced assessment on the issues of interest to the researcher. Hence, another widely used name in sociology for such surveys is expert surveys or assessments. The quality of evaluations of the results themselves depends on the conceptual and analytical approaches of experts, their ideological bias.

In almost all industrialized countries, sociological experiments have been and are being carried out, delivering empirical information through a variety of ways of social measurement. A social experiment is a method of obtaining social information under controlled and controlled conditions for studying social objects. At the same time, sociologists create a specific experimental situation with a special factor acting on it, which is not characteristic of the usual course of events. Under the influence of such a factor (or a number of factors), certain changes occur in the activity of the studied social objects, fixed by the experimenters. To correctly choose such a factor, called an independent variable, it is necessary to first study the social object theoretically, since it can lead to a comprehensive change in the object or “dissolve” in numerous connections and not have a significant impact on it.

Content - analysis

Content - analysis involves the extraction of sociological information from documentary sources. It is based on the identification of some quantitative statistical characteristics of texts (or messages). In other words, content - analysis in sociology - is a quantitative analysis of any kind of sociological information. At present, the application of this method is associated with the widespread use of computer technology. The advantage of this method is in the prompt receipt of factual data on a particular social phenomenon based on objective information.

It should be noted that in the practice of sociological and especially socio-psychological research, methods such as sociometric and expert surveys, testing, acceptability scales and a number of other techniques suitable for specific forms of analysis are widely used.