Plan

2. The struggle of political forces for the masses in the conditions of dual power. Three Crises of the Provisional Government

3. Kornilov rebellion. Growing nationwide crisis in autumn 1917

4. Seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. II All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The first decrees of the Soviet government

1. February Revolution of 1917. Formation of dual power

At the beginning of 1917, the situation in Russia escalated. The accumulated discontent of the people was looking for a way out. The approach of a revolutionary explosion was felt, but no one expected it to come so soon.

The February Revolution of 1917 in the Russian Empire took place under the slogans of "peace, bread, freedom" 1 . It began in the capital - Petrograd, but quickly spread to the fronts, to other cities and villages of the great empire.

The reasons for the February Revolution are as follows:

1. The unsuccessful war, which has been going on for the third year, is hated by all the people, especially soldiers, workers and peasants, as well as poor townspeople (philistines, employees, students, high school students, artisans).

2. Crisis of supreme power:

a) Emperor Nicholas II - the Supreme Commander-in-Chief lost authority and trust among the officers and generals of the army, among the commanders of the fronts and fleets due to the inability to successfully wage war and manage the empire;

b) The State Council and the Council of Ministers also lost the ability to govern the country and lost the confidence of the army and the people, all opposition forces, left and right, especially industrialists and bankers;

c) The Holy Synod and the Orthodox Church, in the most difficult conditions of the war and the crisis of supreme power, were unable to exert the necessary influence on state power and the people in order to avoid catastrophe. As a result, the ideological basis of the Russian Empire - "Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality" - fell apart.

3. The crisis of the food supply of cities. The reduction in the supply of grain to Petrograd and Moscow was caused by the inability of the government to organize the purchase of agricultural products from the peasants and their delivery to the cities. The reason for food difficulties and queues for bread was the unwillingness of the peasants to sell grain for depreciating money, and also due to the lack of manufactured goods in trade. The lack of bread, queues for it, rising prices, speculation in products caused discontent among the population of the capital, which was supported by the soldiers of the rear of the Petrograd garrison.

4. The crisis of the state economy: a) the exchange of goods was disrupted; b) finances are upset by inflation; c) communication routes, mainly railways, could not cope with the transportation of food and military supplies; d) labor productivity in industry and agriculture fell sharply.

The whole complex of socio-political reasons caused spontaneous indignation of the population of the capital, supported by the army and the opposition, which, in wartime conditions, led the state to a catastrophe - a people's revolution throughout the country and the overthrow of the Romanov dynasty.

The leftist parties intensified their anti-government and anti-war agitation, which resonated with the population more and more. However, both the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks assessed the situation as not ripe for a revolution and were against taking action in the coming months.

The Bolsheviks called on the workers to political demonstrations and strikes. The police made arrests of members of the Petrograd Committee of the Bolsheviks, searched the working group of the TsVPK and arrested her, believing that the group was the main center of the opposition.

On February 14, 1917, the session of the State Duma opened, the last in its history. On this day, demonstrations of workers took place, who moved to the city center with anti-war slogans "Down with the war!" 1, "Long live freedom!" one . A rally of workers and students took place. More than 24,000 workers from 50 enterprises were on strike.

On February 23 (March 8), on the International Day of Women Workers, at the call of the Central Committee and the Petrograd Committee of the Bolsheviks, factory workers from the Vyborg side went on strike, and working men joined them. On this day, up to 130 thousand people were on strike in the city - more than 30% of all workers. Columns of demonstrators marched into the city center with red flags and anti-war slogans.

In the following days, the number of strikers exceeded 200,000. Tens of thousands took part in the demonstrations. The authorities called in troops to help the police, which blocked the path to the center of the capital. Arrests of members of revolutionary parties began.

On February 26, Nicholas II, having received reports on the events in the capital, ordered the commander of the troops of the Petrograd district, General Khabalov, to stop the unrest. The soldiers were given ammunition, the officers ordered to shoot. Among the demonstrators there were wounded and dead. However, one of the companies of the Pavlovsky regiment refused to shoot at the people and opened fire on the mounted police, but was disarmed. Unrest broke out in the barracks.

On February 27, in the Volyn regiment, soldiers killed an officer and, taking their rifles, left the barracks. Soldiers from two more regiments joined them. More than 20 thousand soldiers joined the workers. They released political prisoners from prisons. Thus began an armed uprising in Petrograd. Already 80% of the workers were on strike. On this day, 25 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the people, by the evening there were 67 thousand of them.

At the meeting of the Duma, the emperor's decree on the adjournment of the session was read out. However, the council of elders decided that the deputies would not leave. A crowd of soldiers and workers approached the Tauride Palace. To prevent bloodshed, the chairman of the Trudovik faction A.F. Kerensky replaced the guard of the Duma with insurgent soldiers.

On the evening of February 27 (March 12), 1917, two governing bodies of the country were created in the Tauride Palace: on the initiative of P.N. Milyukov - Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies.

On February 28, members of the Council of Ministers were arrested and brought before the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry. The old regime surrendered power in Russia almost without resistance. General Khabalov, having lost control of the situation in Petrograd, on February 28 ordered the last defenders of the tsarist government to lay down their arms.

Elections to the Petrosoviet at the height of the revolution gave the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks an advantage. The Bolsheviks were on the sidelines. Their number did not exceed 20 thousand. The most authoritative Bolsheviks were in exile or in exile. Their slogans of the defeat of their government in the war were not very popular.

The Social Revolutionary-Menshevik leaders of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet believed that after the bourgeois revolution, power should pass to the bourgeoisie, since the proletariat would not be able to govern the state, especially in conditions of war and devastation. Therefore, the proposal of the Bolsheviks to create a Provisional Revolutionary Government was not accepted by the Soviet. On March 2, at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Petrosoviet, it was decided to transfer power to the Provisional Government.

At the time when the uprising of the people was victorious in Petrograd and the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet were formed, Nicholas II set off from Headquarters (Mogilev) to the capital. The train was stopped by the rebellious soldiers, and he returned to Pskov. The chief of staff of the Headquarters requested by telegraph the consent of the commanders-in-chief for the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne.

On March 2, Nicholas II received telegrams from the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. They believed that after the uprising in Petrograd, in the name of saving Russia and maintaining calm in the army at the front, it was necessary for Nicholas II to abdicate the throne. The emperor agreed with their opinion and signed a draft manifesto on abdication for himself and Tsarevich Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail.

In Petrograd, after a meeting with the leaders of the Duma, on March 3, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich signed a manifesto on his abdication, entrusting power until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.

So the Russian Empire ceased to exist and the Romanov dynasty, which ruled the country for more than 300 years, ended. Legally, power in Russia, which had become a bourgeois republic, passed to the Provisional Government, the successor to the Provisional Committee of the Duma. The government was headed by Prince G.E. Lvov, former chairman of Zemgor, close to the Octobrists. The majority in the government were Cadets.

The February Revolution in Russia led to the following results:

1. A bourgeois republic was actually established in the state.

2. A dual power was created in the country: the Provisional bourgeois government headed by Prince G.E. Lvov with almost no real power and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which supported the Provisional Government on the terms of its domestic and foreign policy coordinated with the Council. The Petrograd Soviet was supported by local Soviets of workers and peasants and committees of soldiers and sailors.

3. The trench warfare continued. There was a lull on the fronts, there was a fraternization of soldiers. Peace with Germany was not concluded, the government's slogan was in effect - "defense of revolutionary Russia."

4. The old state apparatus in the center and provinces was gradually replaced by a new one.

5. The problems of the economy and finance continued to worsen.

After the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II and his brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich on March 2, 1917, delegates from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies began negotiations on the formation of a government and its program. The leaders of the Petrosoviet agreed to support him on the condition that a real democratization of social and political life be carried out. This condition was accepted, after which the first democratic government in the history of Russia was formed. It was headed by the chairman of the Union of Zemstvos and Cities, a member of the Cadet Party Georgy Evgenyevich Lvov.

The Provisional Government included mainly the chairmen of the Kadets and Octobrists, including their leaders, Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov and Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov. Socialist-Revolutionary Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky became Minister of Justice.

The interim government in its policy proceeded from the goals of modernizing the socio-economic foundations of the existing order, but by no means destroying them. It was supposed to modernize the political structure with a focus on the advanced Western countries, as well as to continue the war to a victorious end.

The interim government carried out a number of profound democratic transformations in the social and political life of the country. Civil liberties were proclaimed, an amnesty for political prisoners was announced, the death penalty was abolished, a purge of senior officers in the army was carried out, and courts-martial were abolished. Local authorities were reorganized: instead of the dismissed governors and other representatives of the tsarist administration, provincial and district commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed. In May - June 1917, the government carried out a zemstvo reform: zemstvos were created in all provinces and regions of Russia, volost zemstvos were introduced. An end to all class, national and religious discrimination was announced, the right of Poland and Finland to independence was recognized, autonomy was promised to national minorities with the provision of all civil rights to them.

To streamline relations between workers and entrepreneurs, the Ministry of Labor, conciliation chambers, and labor exchanges were created. The 8-hour working day was not fixed by law, but was actually introduced without prior notice. Preparations for economic reforms began. But the ongoing war, in the absence of a strong support for the government in the country, limited the possibility of holding them. Many decisions were postponed until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

On March 27, the government promulgated the Declaration of Peace Without Annexations and Indemnities. It emphasized that the goal of a free Russia is the establishment of a lasting peace on the basis of the self-determination of peoples. At the same time, the Declaration contained obligations to fulfill all previous agreements with the allies.

The political situation, in which not only the government, but also the Soviets, especially the Petrograd Soviet, had real power (for example, without the sanction of the Soviet, the government could not use the armed forces), was characterized by V.I. Lenin as "dual power". It was a confrontation between various social and political forces. The government relied primarily on the support of the bourgeois, entrepreneurial strata, the intelligentsia, officers, and so on. The Soviets, on the other hand, personified the so-called revolutionary democracy - workers and soldiers awakened to political life, had great influence in military units, among railway workers; under their control were the post and telegraph. The Provisional Government does not wield any real power, and its orders are carried out only in such cases and to such extent as the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies allows. The presence and confrontation of the two authorities could not be any lengthy.

2. The struggle of political forces for the masses in the conditions of dual power. Three Crises of the Provisional Government

After the February Revolution, under the influence of the involvement in public life of the broad masses of the population, there was a noticeable shift to the left. Monarchist and right-liberal parties are gradually leaving the political arena.

The largest bourgeois-liberal party remained the party of the Cadets (70 thousand people), which set as its goal the creation of a rule of law state and headed for the introduction of a republican form of government in the country. At the same time, the Cadets came out in favor of continuing the war, postponing the implementation of economic reforms until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, and against the immediate establishment of an 8-hour working day.

The largest and most influential among the revolutionary forces was the Socialist Revolutionary Party (AKP), which hoped that the Provisional Government would implement the democratic requirements of its program: the establishment of a democratic republic, universal free insurance for workers, the socialization of land, etc. The Socialist-Revolutionaries considered it possible to join the Provisional Government .

The Menshevik Party was organizationally weak, since it really had several factions and there was no central governing body. The Mensheviks advocated cooperation with the bourgeois parties in order to carry out democratic reforms. In relation to the war, they remained on the defensive positions. Their leaders considered the Bolsheviks' course towards a socialist revolution to be untenable, since, in their opinion, Russia still lacked an economic basis for this, the proletariat was small and weak, and the level of civilization of the population was insufficient.

After the overthrow of tsarism, there was no consensus among the Bolsheviks about the prospects for the development of the revolution.

Returning to Russia on April 3, 1917, V.I. Lenin dramatically changed the position of the Bolsheviks. He was the first to announce the completion of the stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the transition to the stage of the socialist revolution. Lenin believed that the Petrograd Soviet should break the agreement with the Provisional Government and declare itself the sole power in the country. After that, the Bolsheviks must, through re-elections, achieve a majority in the Soviets and take power in Russia. Lenin called for the establishment of workers' control over production, the nationalization of banks, the confiscation of landlords' land, and the nationalization of all land. This

the program was outlined by him in the "April Theses", which caused indignation and protest from various political forces, primarily the Mensheviks. While carrying out democratic reforms, the Provisional Government at the same time showed slowness in solving such urgent tasks as agrarian reform, convening a Constituent Assembly, and making peace. The dissatisfaction with his policies grew among the people, which was fueled by sharp criticism from the left forces, especially the Bolsheviks. In Petrograd, due to transport disruptions, there was an acute shortage of food, clothing, and fuel. As a result of inflation, wages quickly depreciated, production declined, and unemployment rose. Contrary to the government's declaration of 27 March about the desire for peace, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. On April 18, Milyukov sent a note to the Allied Powers with the assurance that Russia would fulfill all previous military obligations.

Milyukov's note caused an explosion of discontent and mass demonstrations. A demand was put forward to remove Milyukov from the government. The first government crisis arose in the country.

April 25 P.N. Milyukov resigned, A.I. also left the government. Guchkov - Minister of War. A.F. Kerensky proposed to invite representatives of the socialist parties to the government. On May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was formed.

The prospects for fruitful work opened before the coalition government. However, the confrontation in society escalated. The government has become the object of criticism from both the right and the left. This hindered his successful work. In addition, contradictions were growing within the government itself. The liberals sought to delay the adoption of cardinal reforms until the Constituent Assembly and were in favor of continuing the war. Moderate socialists came out for carrying out agrarian and other reforms, for negotiations on peace without annexations and indemnities. Such opposing views were an obstacle to the constructive work of the government.

As a result, the activities of the new Provisional Government were unsuccessful. The offensive at the front, which began on June 18, brought huge casualties. Difficulties in the economy grew. Attempts by the government to stabilize the economic situation often ran into resistance from entrepreneurs. They actually sabotaged the implementation of the socio - economic program of the government: the introduction of arbitration of social conflicts, state control over production and distribution.

Meanwhile, the unauthorized seizure of land and landowners' inventory by peasants became more and more widespread. The government entrusted the preparation of the agrarian reform to the Main Land Committee. The fundamental issues of the reform caused deep disagreements in the government: the Cadets proposed to pay compensation to the owners for alienated land, the Socialist-Revolutionaries were opposed to compensation, advocating egalitarian land use.

The national policy of the Provisional Government was also not successful. A conflict with the Ukrainian Central Rada was ripe, because, without waiting for the consent of the Provisional Government, the Rada began to create its own local authorities, to exercise autonomy;

On June 10 (23), 1917, the Central Rada unilaterally proclaimed the autonomy of Ukraine.

Thus, the government was unable to solve urgent problems; social and national conflicts grew, the war continued. Therefore, a new government crisis became inevitable.

On June 3-24, 1917, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies took place in Petrograd. The congress rejected the Bolshevik resolution on the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets and adopted a resolution proposed by the Menshevik F.I. Dan, about supporting the Provisional Government, endorsing the course to continue the war.

During the work of the congress on June 18, a demonstration took place under the slogans of confidence in the Provisional Government. The Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary parties, whose representatives were part of the government and shared responsibility for its policies, began to lose their former popularity.

In early July, the Cadets ministers resigned due to disagreement with the actions of Kerensky, who signed an agreement under which the Provisional Government recognized the Secretariat of the Rada as its authority in Ukraine. The Cadets considered this concession excessive. A new government crisis has come. They decided to take advantage of the revolutionary soldiers of Petrograd, dissatisfied with the decision of the government to send parts of the Petrograd garrison to the front.

The skirmishers were the soldiers of the 1st machine gun regiment, who were under the influence of the Bolsheviks and anarchists. They sent their agitators to factories and military units and organized a powerful armed demonstration on July 3rd.

Appeals by the Provisional Government and the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets to stop the speech were unsuccessful. Then the Bolsheviks tried to take advantage of the situation. On the evening of July 3, at a meeting of members of the Central Committee with delegates from the Petrograd city conference of the Bolsheviks and representatives from factories and military units, a resolution was adopted. The Bolsheviks made the first serious attempt to put an end to the power of the coalition government, "to impose their slogans on the Soviets, arms in hand."

Bolshevik organizations occupied the strategic points of the city (Finlyandsky and Nikolaevsky railway stations, printing houses of a number of newspapers). The ongoing demonstrations were accompanied by shootouts between demonstrators and snipers on rooftops; On July 3 - 4, more than 504 people were killed on the streets of the city and about 6504 were injured.

1) The Central Executive Committee of Soviets and the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Peasants' Deputies appealed to the troops at the front to come to Petrograd and establish order.

2) Agitation against the Bolsheviks was launched among the troops of the garrison, accusing Lenin of organizing the July speech at the direction of Germany.

Beginning on July 5, an intense campaign was launched in the bourgeois and right-wing Social Democratic press against the Bolsheviks, who were accused of using the money of the German government for revolutionary agitation and disintegration of the Russian army. The idea of ​​supplying the Bolsheviks with the means to carry out revolutionary agitation in the Russian army in order to disintegrate it belonged to the former Russian Social Democrat Alexander Parvus, who, after emigrating, lived and did business in Germany. Parvus suggested that the German government use the political agitation of the Bolsheviks in the interests of Germany. That is why the German government allowed Lenin and other Bolsheviks to freely pass through the territory of their country in the so-called sealed wagon.

The discrediting of the Bolsheviks in the press, the call from the front of units loyal to the Provisional Government strengthened its position and made it possible to attack the Bolsheviks. On July 5, the junkers defeated the editorial office and printing house of the Pravda newspaper and laid siege to the former mansion of the ballerina Kshesinskaya, the residence of the Bolshevik leadership. Government troops occupied the Peter and Paul Fortress. An order was given to arrest Lenin and Trotsky and bring them to trial on charges of treason. By decision of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), Lenin disappeared. The government disarmed and disbanded the military units that had taken part in the July uprising. Rallies were banned in the active army, and the death penalty for military crimes was introduced. Bolshevik newspapers were closed, rallies and meetings were banned, and Red Guard detachments were disarmed.

After the resignation of five ministers, including G.E. Lvov, the head of the Provisional Government, the formation of its new composition was entrusted to A.F. Kerensky. The new composition of the second coalition government, formed on July 24, 1917, included 8 socialists and 7 liberals. Thus, the armed uprising of workers, soldiers and sailors on 3-5 1917, led by the Bolsheviks, was defeated. The power of the Provisional Government was strengthened for some time.

3. Kornilov rebellion. Growing nationwide crisis in autumn 1917

As the political process in Russia developed in 1917, it became more and more obvious that the “center”, represented by the liberal democratic forces, the right and centrist wing of the revolutionary democracy, was weakening more and more. The main ones were two alternative options: the establishment of a right-wing military dictatorship or a left-wing radical dictatorship, which was offered to the country by the Bolsheviks. At the end of the summer of 1917, an attempt was made to implement the first of these options.

After the July days, the main concern of A.F. Kerensky was to strengthen the position of the government, expand its social support, restore order in the army.

After the February Revolution, Kornilov, one of the first Russian generals, took an anti-monarchist position and swore allegiance to the Provisional Government. Being appointed commander of the Petrograd Military District, Kornilov enjoyed prestige among the senior officers and officers, and was popular among the Cossack troops.

Having accepted the appointment, Kornilov developed a program of measures to strengthen order and discipline in the army: reducing the powers of elected army committees, restoring the disciplinary rights of officers, introducing the death penalty at the front and in the rear garrisons. Kerensky hesitated to approve such a tough program, fearing the protest of the left forces.

In the context of growing social and political instability in society, the Provisional Government, in the hope of strengthening its position, took the initiative to convene a State Conference. Its goal was formulated by the government itself: the unity of state power with the organized forces of the country.

The State Conference took place on August 12-15, 1917 in Moscow, at the Bolshoi Theatre. It was attended by deputies of the State Duma of all convocations. The Bolsheviks did not participate in the meeting. The delegates who took the floor talked about the measures necessary to save the state, and many of them considered it necessary to establish a firm, strong government. The first contender for the role of "savior of the fatherland" was General Kornilov.

The program proposed by Kornilov to normalize the situation in Russia through the militarization of the country—the creation of an "army in the trenches," 5 "an army in the rear," an "army of railroad workers"—generally found support from Kerensky. Most of the meeting participants supported Kornilov.

Thus, the goal set by the government when convening the State Conference was not achieved: a certain part of the country's organized forces preferred the establishment of a "firm hand" regime in the country to the unity of the existing government.

The results of the State Conference, the surrender of Riga to the Germans (August 21) prompted Kerensky to accept Kornilov's program. He instructed Assistant Minister of War B.V. Savinkov to prepare drafts of the relevant decrees and coordinate with Kornilov the main provisions of the military reform. To combat the possible performance of the Bolsheviks, at the request of Kerensky, Kornilov sent the 3rd cavalry corps of General Krymov to Petrograd.

At this time, V.N. intervened in the course of events. Lvov, who came to Kerensky and offered his mediation in negotiations with a number of persons on the renewal of the cabinet. V.N. Lvov met Kornilov twice, introducing himself as Kerensky's confidant. Clearly exceeding his authority, Lvov (supposedly on behalf of Kerensky, but in fact on behalf of himself and his like-minded people) offered Kornilov the following options for strengthening power: a) Kerensky is given dictatorial powers; b) a Directory is created, which will include Kornilov; c) Kornilov becomes a dictator, and Kerensky and Savinkov become ministers.

The Supreme Commander preferred the third option and sent Lvov to Kerensky to agree on a plan of joint action. Lvov met with Kerensky and conveyed that Kornilov demanded the resignation of the government, the concentration in his hands of all civil and military power, and the declaration of Petrograd under martial law. At the same time, in the interests of security, he asks Kerensky and Savinkov to come to Headquarters, to Mogilev. In response, Kerensky arrested Lvov, announced the removal of Kornilov, accusing him of treason, and received dictatorial powers from the government. Urgent instructions were given to the Minister of Railways to stop the movement of military echelons to Petrograd.

On August 27, a government report about Kornilov's "treason" was published, in response to which Kornilov stated that he acted with "the knowledge of the government." In a statement by Kornilov, broadcast on the radio from Headquarters on the morning of August 28, it was said that "he, the son of a Cossack - a peasant, personally does not need anything, his goal is to bring the people to the Constituent Assembly, at which the way of a new state life will be chosen" 6. lacking sufficient forces, Kornilov did not pose a serious danger to the government. Kornilov went on to stress that he had been forced to speak openly. Thus, Kornilov began the rebellion only after he was accused by Kerensky of treason.

Having learned about Kornilov's speech, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets and the Executive Committee of the Council of Peasants' Deputies created a committee of the people's struggle against counter-revolution, which organized the distribution of weapons and ammunition to the garrisons, and the protection of food depots. Similar committees have been established in 240 cities and towns. During August 28 and 29, the Bolsheviks recreated the Red Guard detachments; The leadership of the railroad trade union gave instructions to delay the advance of military echelons to Petrograd. Agitators were sent to Krymov's corps. There were no clashes between Kornilov's troops and government troops.

On August 29, Kerensky instructed Krymov to stop the movement of troops to Petrograd, and to arrive in the city himself. Krymov obeyed, the troops stopped at Krasnoye Selo. Having learned from Kerensky about his resignation and about the upcoming investigation of his involvement in the rebellion, Krymov shot himself. On September 1, General Kornilov was arrested at Headquarters.

Thus ended the rebellion that did not take place.

To overcome the emerging government crisis, on September 1, Kerensky formed a Directory of five ministers of the Provisional Government, which assumed full power in the country until the formation of a new cabinet.

4. Seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. II All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The first decrees of the Soviet government

In the autumn of 1917 the crisis in society continued to deepen. In the Ukraine, Belarus, and the central provinces of Russia, peasants seized land, plundered and burned landowners' estates, and killed their owners.

The discontent of the workers grew: real wages continued to fall, there was not enough food and basic necessities, and unemployment increased due to mass lockouts. Labor discipline was shattered.

The situation in the country was also destabilized by national movements, against which the government took repressive measures. Thus, the agreement with the Ukrainian Rada was revised, the idea of ​​convening the Constituent Assembly of Ukraine was rejected, supporters of Finland were arrested, and the persecution of the Crimean Tatars was intensified.

Under these conditions, on September 1, 1917, Kerensky declared Russia a republic and took steps to strengthen the power of the Provisional Government, whose crisis continued. He attached great importance to the convening of the Democratic Conference, which included the participation of cooperatives, zemstvos, municipalities, political parties and other forces. The meeting was to decide whether representatives of the bourgeoisie could remain in the new coalition government.

The agitation of the Bolsheviks in the first half of September, in the conditions of the ongoing crisis of power, was conducted in the spirit of the peaceful development of the revolution. By implementing this tactic, the Bolsheviks sought to win more and more seats at the Democratic Conference and strengthen their positions in the Petrograd Soviet.

On September 14-22, the All-Russian Democratic Conference was held in Petrograd. Its composition was highly authoritative and representative. The meeting was called upon to bring "new pillars" under the shaky power of the Provisional Government, to keep the revolution within the framework of liberal democracy, by activating cooperators, trade unionists, zemstvos, municipalities, and the Cossacks for this.

In the end, the supporters of the coalition with the Cadets won. The majority voted for a coalition. The participants of the meeting formed the All-Russian Democratic Council (Pre-Parliament), called upon to openly oppose the Soviets up to the Constituent Assembly, ensure the transfer of their functions to dumas, zemstvos, trade unions and other public organizations, and prevent the Bolshevik Party from coming to power. However, due to the deep split in the revolutionary democracy, this chance was not realized.

In mid-September, Lenin unexpectedly abandoned the peaceful course of the revolution and sent two letters from Finland to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) in which he set the task of practical preparation for the uprising, in which he wrote: "this government must be overthrown." This caused confusion in the leading circles of the Bolsheviks, who continued the course outlined by Lenin, connected the seizure of power and the formation of a new government with the convening of the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. At a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) on September 15, Lenin's proposal was rejected. Most members of the Central Committee considered it more realistic and less painful to gain power at the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets, convening it before the Constituent Assembly, the elections to which were scheduled for September 12, and the opening - for November 28, 1917. Therefore, the Bolsheviks began vigorous agitation for the speedy convocation of the II Congress of Soviets.

In early October, Lenin illegally returned to Petrograd and on October 10 convened a meeting of the Central Committee, at which a resolution on an armed uprising was adopted.

The preparations for the uprising were carried out by the Military Organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) and the Military Revolutionary Committee under the Petrograd Soviet.

Kerensky and the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District underestimated the threat posed by the Bolsheviks; they believed that the rebellion would be easily put down. Too late (on the night of October 24-25), Kerensky gave the order to send troops from the front to defend the Provisional Government.

On the evening of October 24, 1917, detachments of the Red Guard and military units, acting on behalf of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, occupied the bridges, post office, telegraph, and railway stations of the capital without meeting resistance. Within a few hours, Petrograd came under the control of the rebels. The Provisional Government continued to sit only in the Winter Palace.

On the night of October 25-26, detachments of the Military Revolutionary Committee under the command of Antonov-Ovseenko captured the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government met, its ministers were arrested and escorted to the Petrograd Fortress. Kerensky was not among them, since on the morning of October 25 he went to the North-Western Front for help.

Starting the formation of the bodies of the new government, the Bolsheviks proceeded from the Marxist position on the need to "to the ground" to break the old state apparatus - "the weapon of oppression of the working people." In its place, organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat were to be created. Lenin considered the idea of ​​the dictatorship of the proletariat the most important in Marxism and paid great attention to its development in relation to Russia.

It was assumed that the dictatorship of the proletariat should ensure broad democracy for the working people while limiting the rights of the former "exploiting classes". But from the very first steps of its activity, the Soviet government introduced significant restrictions on the rights of the working peasantry, establishing unequal representation in government bodies compared to workers. Freedom of the press and speech was also limited. It was recognized as natural that the dictatorship of the proletariat relies on violence against the enemies of the revolution, but it soon spread to the working masses and was justified by "revolutionary expediency".

Almost immediately it turned out that the dictatorship of the proletariat is, in essence, the dictatorship of the Communist Party, or rather, its leadership, which appropriated to itself the exclusive right to determine the interests of the proletariat and act on its behalf.

Lenin considered the soviets to be the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. Their composition after October 1917 was very motley; in addition to the Bolsheviks, other socialist parties were represented in them. Some time later, the country's leadership took a course towards ousting other parties from the Soviets and establishing the monopoly influence of the Communist Party in them. The broad participation of workers' representatives in the organs of power was declared. However, they were under strict party control.

The organs of the new government were formed at the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which opened on October 25, 1917. Of the 1469 8 Soviets that existed at that time in Russia, only 402 8 were represented at the congress. Of the 518 8 delegates registered by October 25, there were 250 8 Bolsheviks, 159 8 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 60 8 Mensheviks and others. Did the majority of the congress delegates speak in favor of the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets? - for "the power of democracy". At the beginning of the congress, a group of Mensheviks, Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, Bundists left it in protest "against a military conspiracy and the seizure of power." At 3 o'clock in the morning a message was received about the capture of the Winter Palace and the arrest of the Provisional Government. After that, the congress adopted an appeal written by Lenin, in which he announced the taking of all power into his own hands.

At the second meeting, on October 26, the congress formed the authorities. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), which included Bolsheviks, Left Social Revolutionaries, Social Democrats, Internationalists and representatives of other socialist parties, became the highest legislative, administrative and controlling body in the period between the congresses of Soviets. Decisions on state issues were taken first at meetings of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), and then transferred to the Council of People's Commissars for registration as decrees of the Soviet government. The powers of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee were reduced mainly to the ratification or annulment of laws that had already entered into force.

The new government took care of the creation of "power structures". To combat the enemies of the revolution and saboteurs, on December 7, 1917, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) was created, headed by F.E. Dzerzhinsky. At first, the Cheka used such measures of struggle as confiscation of property, deprivation of food cards, publication of lists of enemies of the people, arrests and imprisonment; later, capital punishment was introduced - execution.

Having come to power, the Bolsheviks abandoned their old programmatic demand - the replacement of the army by the general armament of the people - and began to create a revolutionary workers' and peasants' army. The legislative act that proclaimed the organization of the new army was the "Declaration of the rights of the working and exploited people" 9 of January 3, 1918. The construction of the new army involved the use of the following principles: the formation on a voluntary basis exclusively from representatives of workers and peasants, the involvement of military personnel from the old Russian army , party leadership of our military policy.

The program for solving the national question was formulated in the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia adopted by the Council of People's Commissars on January 2, 1917. It proclaimed the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia; their right to free self-determination up to secession and formation of independent states; abolition of all national and national-religious privileges and restrictions; free development of national minorities and ethnic groups inhabiting the territory of Russia.

Before the adoption of the constitution, its role was played by the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", written by Lenin for submission to the Constituent Assembly for approval. Russia was declared the Republic of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

Shortly after the formation of the Soviet government, a sharp struggle began to expand its membership at the expense of representatives of other socialist parties. The leadership of the influential trade union of railway workers (Vikzhel), threatening a general railway strike, demanded the creation of a coalition government.

Considering that the Left Social Revolutionaries enjoyed the support of the peasantry, the Bolsheviks invited them to enter the government and accepted their conditions: the abolition of the decree on the press, which prohibited "bourgeois newspapers", the inclusion of representatives of other socialist parties in the government, the abolition of the Cheka, the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The closed newspapers resumed their activity. It was announced that the government could be replenished with representatives of parties recognizing the October Revolution; The left SRs were also included in the Cheka.

The adoption at the II All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies of the agrarian program of the Socialist-Revolutionaries consolidated the alliance of the Bolsheviks with the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, which allowed the Bolsheviks to stay in power.

Modern views on the role and significance of the October Revolution in our history:

1) the revolution put an end to dual power;

2) took power into their own hands;

3) put an end to the war, which hindered the development of the state economy;

4) gave free rein to the peoples;

5) gave power to the working class of the peasantry;

6) offered the people simple slogans understandable to all people (“land for the peasants”, “power to the people”, “end of the war”, “bread”, etc.);

7) ordinary people (workers and peasants) came to the leadership;

8) expropriation of plants and factories;

The revolution gave an "impetus" to the beginning of revolutionary liberation movements in other countries.

Russia began to enter the diplomatic level with a new face of the Soviet state.

Literature

1. Shchetinov Yu.A. Russian history. XX century. - M., 1999.

2. Orlov A.S., Georgiev V.A. etc. History of Russia. - M., 1998.

3. Gerasimenko G.A. The transformation of power in Russia in 1917. - Domestic history, 1997, No. 1.

4. Sakharov A.N. History of Russia until the beginning of the XXI century. - M., 2006.

5. Shashkova O. February break. - Free Thought, 1997, No. 3

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Background of the revolution in Russia in 1917: economic, political, social. Revolutionary events in Petrograd. Formation of new authorities. Abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, dual power. October Revolution: the last stage of the crisis of power.

The main reasons for the revolution were:

1) the existence in the country of the remnants of the feudal serf system in the form of autocracy and landlordism;

2) an acute economic crisis that hit the leading industries and led to the decline of the country's agriculture;

3) the difficult financial situation of the country (the depreciation of the ruble to 50 kopecks; the increase in public debt by 4 times);

4) the rapid growth of the strike movement and the rise of peasant unrest. In 1917 there were 20 times more strikes in Russia than on the eve of the first Russian revolution;

5) the army and navy ceased to be the military backbone of the autocracy; the growth of anti-war sentiment among soldiers and sailors;

6) the growth of opposition sentiments among the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia, dissatisfied with the dominance of tsarist officials and the arbitrariness of the police;

7) rapid change of government members; the appearance in the entourage of Nicholas I of personalities such as G. Rasputin, the fall of the authority of the tsarist government; 8) the rise of the national liberation movement of the peoples of the national outskirts.

On February 23 (March 8, NS) demonstrations took place in Petrograd on the International Day of Women Workers. The next day, a general strike swept the capital. On February 25, the events were reported to the headquarters of the emperor. He ordered to "stop the riots." The Duma, by decree of Nicholas II, was dissolved for two months. On the night of February 26, mass arrests of the leaders of the revolutionary uprisings took place. On February 26, troops opened fire on demonstrators, killing and injuring more than 150 people. But after this, the troops, including the Cossacks, began to go over to the side of the rebels. On February 27, Petrograd was engulfed in revolution. The next day, the city passed into the hands of the rebels. The Duma deputies created a Provisional Committee for the Restoration of Order in Petrograd (Chairman M.V. Rodzianko), which tried to take the situation under control. In parallel, elections to the Petrograd Soviet were taking place, and its executive committee was formed, headed by the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze.

On the night of March 1-2, by agreement of the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed (chairman G.E. Lvov).

On March 2, Nicholas II abdicated in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. He refused the crown and transferred power to the Provisional Government, instructing him to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine the future structure of Russia.

Several political groups have formed in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma formed the Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the confidence of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself the legislative and executive power, in which the following disputes immediately arose:

About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;

On the ways of solving the national question, questions about land, etc.;

On the electoral law;

On elections to the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, the time for solving current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.

2) Organizations of persons who have declared themselves authorities. The largest of these was the Petrograd Soviet, which consisted of moderate-left politicians and invited the workers and soldiers to delegate their representatives to the Soviet.

The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.

The Council also supported the steps taken by the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other bodies of de facto power were formed on the ground: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities in the "national outskirts", for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.

The current political situation began to bear the name of "dual power", although in practice it was a multi-power, developing into an anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: the liberal-bourgeois and the left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.

In addition, there was a powerful pressure from the bottom:

Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour day, unemployment guarantees and social security.

The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,

The soldiers insisted on softening the discipline.

The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc., led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.

CONCLUSION.

So, the result of the February Revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar from the throne, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, representing the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

The victory of the February Revolution was a victory for all active sections of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that brought Russia on a par with the advanced countries in terms of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.

The February Revolution of 1917 was the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Arising in March 1917. the dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development, the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many belligerent countries.

The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long overdue reforms on the basis of compromises and coalitions, the rejection of violence in politics.

The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...

The February Revolution Summary will help you gather your thoughts before the exam and remember what you remember from this topic and what you don't. This historical event was a landmark for the history of Russia. It opened the door to further revolutionary upheavals, which will not end soon. Without assimilation of this topic, it is pointless to try to understand further events.

It is worth saying that the events of February 1917 are of great importance for modern Russia. This year, 2017, marks the centenary of those events. I think that the country is facing the same problems as tsarist Russia then: the monstrously low standard of living of the population, the authorities' disregard for their people, who feed these authorities; the lack of will and desire at the top to change something in a positive direction. But then there were no TVs ... What do you think about this - write in the comments.

Causes of the February Revolution

The inability of the authorities to solve a number of crises faced by the state during the First World War:

• Transport crisis: due to the extremely small length of railways, there was a shortage of transport.
• Food crisis: the country had extremely low yields, plus the lack of peasant land and the inefficiency of noble estates led to a disastrous food situation. The country was aggravated by famine.
• Arms crisis: for more than three years, the army has experienced a severe shortage of ammunition. Only by the end of 1916 did Russian industry begin to work on the scale necessary for the country.
• The unresolved worker and peasant question in Russia. The share of the proletariat and the skilled working class has grown many times over in comparison with the first years of the reign of Nicholas II. The issue of child labor and labor insurance was not resolved. The salary was extremely low. If we talk about the peasants, then land shortages persisted. Plus, in wartime, extortions from the population increased monstrously, all horses and people were mobilized. The people did not understand what to fight for and did not share the patriotism experienced by the leaders in the first years of the war.
• The crisis of the tops: in 1916 alone, several high-ranking ministers were replaced, which gave rise to the prominent rightist V.M. Purishkevich to call this phenomenon "ministerial leapfrog". This expression has become catchy.

The distrust of the common people, and even members of the State Duma, grew even more because of the presence at the court of Grigory Rasputin. Shameful rumors circulated about the royal family. Only on December 30, 1916, Rasputin was killed.

The authorities tried to solve all these crises, but to no avail. The Special Conferences that were convened were not successful. Since 1915, Nicholas II took command of the troops, despite the fact that he himself was in the rank of colonel.

In addition, since at least January 1917, a conspiracy against the tsar had been brewing among the top generals of the army (General M.V. Alekseev, V.I. Gurko, etc.) and the Fourth State Duma (Cadet A.I. Guchkov, etc.). ). The king himself knew and suspected of the impending coup. And even ordered in mid-February 1917 to reinforce the Petrograd garrison at the expense of loyal units from the front. He had to give this order three times, since General Gurko was in no hurry to carry it out. As a result, this order was never carried out. Thus, this example already shows the sabotage of the orders of the emperor by the top generals.

Course of events

The course of events of the February Revolution was characterized by the following points:

• The beginning of spontaneous unrest of the people in Petrograd and a number of other cities, presumably due to an acute shortage of food on International Women's Day (old style - February 23).
• Going over to the side of the rebel army. It consisted of the same workers and peasants who were acutely aware of the need for change.
• The slogans "Down with the tsar", "Down with the autocracy" immediately arose, which predetermined the fall of the monarchy.
• Parallel authorities began to emerge: Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, based on the experience of the First Russian Revolution.
• On February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced the transfer of power into its own hands as a result of the termination of the Golitsyn government.
• On March 1, this committee was recognized by England and France. On March 2, representatives of the committee went to the tsar, who abdicated in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, and on March 3, he abdicated in favor of the Provisional Government.

The results of the revolution

• The monarchy in Russia fell. Russia became a parliamentary republic.
• Power passed to the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets, many believe that dual power has begun. But in reality there was no dual power. There are a lot of nuances that I revealed in my video course “History. Preparation for the exam for 100 points.
• Many see this revolution as the first step .

Sincerely, Andrey Puchkov

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution in a row (the first took place in 1905, the third in October 1917). The February Revolution began a great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite was completely replaced in Russia

Causes of the February Revolution

• The unfortunate participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, the disorganization of life in the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which degenerated into unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption at all levels of government
• Economic difficulties
• Ideological decomposition of the masses, who ceased to believe in the king, and the church, and local leaders
• Dissatisfaction with the policy of the tsar by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“... For several days now we have been living on a volcano ... There was no bread in Petrograd - the transport was very disordered due to unusual snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war ... There were street riots ... But it was, of course, not in bread… That was the last straw… The fact was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities… And not even that… The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves… There was no , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of former rulers came to naught .. "
(Vas. Shulgin "Days")

The course of the February Revolution

• February 21 - Bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed bakery shops
• February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!", "Bread!"
• February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises went on strike, students
• February 25 - Already 305 thousand people were on strike, 421 factories were standing. Employees and artisans joined the workers. The troops refused to disperse the protesters
• February 26 - Continued riots. Decomposition in the troops. The inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
  postponed the start of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored division revolted. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
  appointed a Provisional Committee "to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and persons."
• On February 28, at night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Naval Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
• March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow revolted, the tsar's close associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an "English queen".
• March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded renunciation.

"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability under the circumstances of the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (the king of Romania was actually commander-in-chief, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gen. Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke in favor of the abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the throne. (Vas. Shulgin "Days")

• On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.
• March 4 - The Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in the newspapers.

“The man rushed to us - Darlings! - He shouted and grabbed my hand - Did you hear? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone warmly and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one in the morning when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, there was a booming and short strike of the cathedral bell. Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. Doors in many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the side of the station, a solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew (K. Paustovsky "Restless Youth")

The consequences of the February Revolution are still actively discussed by historians and researchers of that period. It was that which began with mass anti-government protests of the workers, who were supported by the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison. All this led to the actual overthrow of the absolute monarchy in the country and the creation of the Provisional Government, which concentrated in its hands the executive and legislative powers. The revolution itself began at the end of February and continued until the beginning of March.

Causes

In evaluating the consequences of the February Revolution, one must first of all understand its causes. Most modern historians come to the unequivocal conclusion that it was inevitable, since a large number of factors caused dissatisfaction with the government and the king.

Among them were the defeats on the fronts of the First World War, the difficult situation in which the peasants and workers found themselves, devastation and famine in the country, political lack of rights, the authority of the autocratic power had greatly decreased by that time, society had long demanded cardinal reforms that the authorities were unwilling to carry out.

It turned out that almost all the problems that Russia faced during the revolution of 1905 remained unresolved. year was supposed to radically change the life of the people, but this did not happen.

Rasputin's position at court

By examining the causes, course, and consequences of the February Revolution, one can fully appreciate the social upheavals that occurred at that time. Great dissatisfaction was caused by the position that Grigory Rasputin had occupied by that time at the court. The supreme power was actually discredited by the scandals around the figure of this old man.

Rumors circulated in the capital about treason in the emperor's circles. Public opinion considered the wife of the head of state Alexandra Feodorovna a traitor, there was even talk of an intimate relationship between the Empress and Rasputin. Most of them were of a fantastic nature and never received confirmation, but had a strong influence on public opinion.

Bread riots

From this article you can learn in detail about the February Revolution, its prerequisites, results and consequences. The actual beginning of the unrest, which ended in outright anti-government protests, is considered to be the so-called bread riots.

They began in Petrograd, becoming a logical conclusion with transport and grain supplies.

At the end of 1916, a surplus appraisal was introduced, which was aimed at fulfilling food procurement during the economic and military crises. First of all, it was about grain harvesting. The principle of food apportionment consisted in the forced delivery of grain products by grain producers at prices set by the state.

But even despite such coercive measures, instead of the 772 million poods of grain that were planned to be obtained, only 170 million poods were obtained. Because of this, soldiers' rations were reduced in the army from 3 to 2 pounds per day for those who fought at the front, those who remained in the front line received 1.5 pounds each.

Were introduced in almost all major cities. At the same time, huge queues lined up for bread, but not everyone received it. Famine began in Vitebsk, Kostroma, Polotsk.

There were no cards in Petrograd, but rumors that they were about to appear were actively circulating. The indignant people turned to active actions on February 21, when pogroms began in dairies and bakeries in Petrograd. The crowd demanded bread.

Start

The causes and consequences of the February Revolution have been trying to be assessed by historians for a century now. Many believe that one of the factors that led to the uprising was the departure of the king from the capital. On February 22, Nicholas II leaves for Mogilev, where the headquarters of the Supreme Commander was located.

Minister of the Interior Protopopov, seeing him off, assures him that the situation is under his full control. And Protopopov was really sure of this, because at the end of January he managed to arrest the workers who were preparing a mass demonstration on the opening day of the new session of the State Duma.

February 23 is considered the actual beginning of the revolution. Anti-war rallies in the capitals develop into demonstrations and mass strikes. The work of several large industrial enterprises was stopped. In the center of Petrograd, demonstrators come into direct confrontation with the police and Cossacks.

On February 24, more than 200,000 people took part in the general strike. On February 26, a demonstration begins on Nevsky Prospekt. On Znamenskaya Square, the police open fire on demonstrators, about 40 people were killed. Shooting in other parts of the city. The number of participants in the strike exceeds 300,000 people.

armed uprising

The turning point occurred on February 27, when the soldiers began to go over to the side of the rebels en masse. The first team to participate in the rebellion was the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The soldiers killed the commanders, released everyone who was in the guardhouse, and began to call on neighboring units to join the uprising. The officers were either killed or fled.

On the same day, soldiers in full armor went to Liteiny Prospekt, where they united with the striking workers of the Petrograd factories.

And on the same day, members of the government gather for an emergency meeting at the Mariinsky Palace. It was decided to send a telegram to the Emperor in Mogilev stating that the Council of Ministers was unable to cope with the situation that had developed in the country. At the same time, the government dismissed Protopopov, who caused particular irritation among the opposition. Meanwhile, the uprising spread beyond the boundaries of Petrograd.

On February 28, the Provisional Committee, organized under the State Duma, officially announced that it was taking power into its own hands. He was recognized by foreign governments, in particular, France and Great Britain.

Emperor's abdication

Further, the chronology of events developed as follows. On March 2, a representative of the Provisional Committee, Guchkov and Shulgin, came to Nicholas II, telling him that they saw the only way out of this situation in his abdication in favor of a minor heir. Otherwise, riots could start in the troops that were at the front.

At the same time, it was planned to appoint Grand Duke Michael as regent. The emperor declared that he had made such a decision in the afternoon, and now he was ready to abdicate both for himself and for his son.

At 23.40 Nicholas II hands over the official act of abdication in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. The latter fact aroused the indignation of the leaders of the revolution. His supporters did not advise him to accept power either, in the end he did just that, refusing to accept supreme power.

The executive committee of the Petrosoviet decided to arrest the entire royal family, deprive them of their civil rights and confiscate their property. On March 9, the emperor arrived in Tsarskoe Selo as Colonel Romanov.

The revolution takes over the whole country

From the capital, the revolution spreads throughout the country. On February 28, a strike begins at Moscow factories. The crowd reaches the Butyrskaya prison, from which 350 political prisoners are released. The revolutionaries take control of the telegraph, mail and telephone, railway stations, armory and the Kremlin. Gendarmes and police officers are arrested, and police detachments begin to form.

After Moscow, the revolution spreads throughout Russia. By March 3, revolutionary organs of power are being formed in Nizhny Novgorod, Vologda, and Saratov. In Samara, a crowd storms the governor's prison. When the news of the abdication of the emperor from the throne reaches Kyiv, the formation of new authorities immediately begins there. But if in most cities there is a dual power - the radical Soviets and the liberal Executive Committee are fighting, then in Kyiv there is also a nationalist Central Rada.

Formation of the Provisional Government

The main consequence of the February Revolution was the formation of the Provisional Government. It is headed by Prince Lvov, who remains in this post until July 1917, when Kerensky replaces him.

The Provisional Government immediately stated that its main goal would be the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly, the elections to which are scheduled for September 17, but then postponed to November.

At the same time, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies enjoys serious influence. As a result, the Provisional Government is trying to follow the path of parliamentarism, seeking to make Russia a modern liberal and capitalist power on the Western model. The Petrograd Soviet stands for the revolutionary power of the working masses.

The main symbols of this revolution are red banners and bows. The fourth convocation of the State Duma plays a huge role in it, but then it quickly loses influence.

During the revolutionary events themselves, the role of deputy Kerensky, who, moreover, is a member of the Provisional Government, grows significantly. The results and consequences of the February Revolution are still being evaluated and discussed by many. One of the main decisions in the early days is the demand to abolish the death penalty, granting equal rights to all citizens, regardless of their gender, nationality and religion. Discriminatory restrictions are canceled, in particular, against Jews, before that they were restrained by the so-called Pale of Settlement, Jews could not live in the capitals and large cities of the empire.

All citizens, without exception, received the right to freely assemble, join any unions and associations, and trade unions really began to work in the country.

Another important consequence of the February Revolution was that the tsarist police, as well as the gendarmerie, were dissolved, their functions were transferred to the people's militia, which they began to call the militia. An Extraordinary Investigative Commission was also formed by the Provisional Government, which was engaged in investigating crimes committed by senior officials and tsarist ministers.

The provisional government actually began to consider itself a full-fledged successor to the monarchical state, striving to preserve the previously existing state apparatus.

Government crises

At the same time, the fact that the Provisional Government could not cope with the situation in the country can also be attributed to the results and consequences of the February Revolution. This resulted in government crises that began as early as May 3rd.

As a result, the government became coalition.

At the same time, a serious blow was dealt to the army, this was another consequence of the February Revolution in Russia. During the mass purge of commanding officers, officers who were close to the Duma opposition were appointed to key posts. The most prominent figures were Kolchak, Kornilov, Denikin.

Fear of dictatorship

Speaking briefly about the consequences of the February Revolution, it should be noted that the fear of a military dictatorship became all-encompassing. That is why Kerensky was in a hurry to consolidate the successes that had been achieved without waiting for the decisions of the Constituent Assembly.

The consequences of the February and October revolutions in Russia were decisive for the fate of the entire country in the 20th century. She said goodbye to the monarchy and went down a fundamentally different path.