Personnel of Kolchak counterintelligence. Organization and coverage of political sentiments of the population and troops Methods of counterintelligence Kolchak

From me:

Mannerheim in Leningrad, for his participation in the BLOCKADE was immortalized with a board. A monument to Kolchak was erected where he destroyed the most people. And after the rehabilitation of Vlasov, will they take up the rehabilitation of Hitler?

Blind Leaders of the Blind Documentary:

How and why did A. V. Kolchak come to Russia - a British officer since December 1917

Not everyone knows about this. It is not customary to talk about this now for the same reason that in the mention of the legendary A.A. Brusilov will never be mentioned that he became a red general. Sometimes in disputes about Kolchak they are asked to show a document with a contract. I don't have it. He is not needed. Kolchak himself told everything, everything was recorded on paper. Everything is confirmed by his telegrams to his mistress Timireva.

A very important important question is what brought the British officer to Russia. Especially in light of the fact that some senators and zealots of Kolchak's memory are in favor of erecting monuments to him :

“There must be places of worship, monuments to the heroes of the Russian Army, who laid down their lives, well-being in the name of Russia, the Tsar and the Fatherland. A monument to Alexander Kolchak should appear in Omsk!”— © Senator Mizulina.

We will show that:

a) Kolchak really entered the service of the British crown;

b) Kolchak ended up in Russia on the orders of his new superiors. (At the same time, he did not aspire to Russia himself. Maybe he even hoped to avoid a visit.)

* * *

From the minutes of the meetings of the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry.

“... Having considered this question, I came to the conclusion that there is only one thing left for me - to continue the war all the same, as a representative of the former Russian government, which gave a certain obligation to the allies, I held an official position, enjoyed its confidence, it waged this war, and I must continue this war. Then I went to the English envoy in Tokyo, Sir Green, and expressed to him my point of view on the situation, declaring that I did not recognize this government. (remember these words -arctus) and I consider it my duty, as one of the representatives of the former government, to fulfill the promise to the allies; that the obligations that Russia assumed towards the allies are also my obligations as a representative of the Russian command, and that therefore I consider it necessary to fulfill these obligations to the end and wish to participate in the war, even if Russia makes peace under the Bolsheviks. Therefore, I asked him to inform the British government that I ask to be accepted into the British army on any conditions. I do not set any conditions, but only ask you to give me the opportunity to wage an active struggle.

Sir Green listened to me and said:

“I fully understand you, I understand your position; I will report this to my government and ask you to wait for a response from the British government.

Nevertheless, he had the opportunity to remain in the Russian Navy, there are many examples of naval senior officers, and the investigator draws attention to this:

Alekseevsky. At the time when you made such a difficult decision to enter the service of another state, even if it was an allied or former allied state, you should have had the idea that there is a whole group of officers who quite consciously remain in the service of the new government in the Navy, and that among them there are certain large figures ... large officers in the Navy who deliberately went for it, such as Altvater* . How did you treat them?

Kolchak. Altfater's behavior surprised me, because if the question of what political convictions Altfater had been raised before, then I would say that he was more of a monarchist. … And even more so I was surprised by his repainting in this form. In general, before it was difficult to say what political convictions an officer had, since such a question simply did not exist before the war. If one of the officers had asked then:

"Which party do you belong to?" - then, probably, he would have answered: "I do not belong to any party and do not engage in politics." (and now let us recall the words noted above about the non-recognition of the Bolshevik government, and carefully read the following -arctus )

Each of us looked in such a way that the government can be anything, but that Russia can exist under any form of government. You understand a monarchist as a person who believes that only this form of government can exist. As I think, we had few such people, and rather Altvater belonged to this type of people. For me personally, there was not even such a question - can Russia exist under a different form of government. Of course, I thought that it could exist.

Alekseevsky. Then among the military, if not expressed, there was still an idea that Russia could exist under any government. Nevertheless, when the new government was created, did it already seem to you that the country could not exist under this form of government?

<…>

Two weeks later, a reply came from the British War Office. I was first informed that the British government was willing to accept my proposal for enlistment in the army and asked me where I would prefer to serve. I replied that in applying to them to accept me for service in the English army, I did not put any conditions on it, and suggested that they use me in any way they found possible. As for why I expressed a desire to join the army and not the Navy, I knew the English Navy well, I knew that the English Navy, of course, did not need our help.

<…>

A.V. Kolchak - A. Timireva :

... Finally, very late, the answer came that the British government offered me to go to Bombay and report to the headquarters of the Indian army, where I would receive instructions about my appointment to the Mesopotamian front.

For me, although I did not ask for it, it was quite acceptable, since it was near the Cheriy Sea, where actions against the Turks took place and where I fought at sea. I therefore gladly accepted the offer, and begged Sir C. Greene to give me the opportunity to travel by boat to Bombay.

A.V. Kolchak - A. Timireva :

Singapore, 16 March. (1918) Met by order of the British government return immediately to China for work in Manchuria and Siberia. It found to use me there in the views of allies and Russia, preferably over Mesopotamia.

... In the end, on the 20th of January, after a long wait, I managed to leave Yokohama by boat for Shanghai, where I arrived at the end of January. In Shanghai, I went to our Consul General Gross and the English Consul, to whom I handed over a paper defining my position, asking his assistance to arrange me on a steamer and deliver me to Bombay to the headquarters of the Mesopotamian army. On his part, an appropriate order was made, but he had to wait a long time for the ship. …

When meeting with the first "whites" in Shanghai who came for weapons, Kolchak refuses to help, referring to his already new status and the obligations associated with it:

Then, back in Shanghai, I first met with one of the representatives of the Semyonov armed detachment. It was the Cossack centurion Zhevchenko, who traveled through Beijing, visited our envoy, then went to Shanghai and Japan with a request for weapons for the Semenov detachment. At the hotel where I was staying, he met with me and said that there had been an uprising against Soviet power in the exclusion zone, that Semyonov was at the head of the rebels, that he had formed a detachment of 2,000 people, and that they had no weapons and uniforms, - and so he was sent to Cathay and Japan to ask for the opportunity and funds to purchase weapons for the detachments.

He asked me how I felt about it. I replied that no matter how I feel about it, but at the moment I am bound by certain obligations and cannot change my decision. He said that it would be very important if I came to Semyonov to talk, since I needed to be in this business. I said:

"I fully sympathize, but I made a commitment, received an invitation from the British government and I'm going to the Mesopotamian front."

From my point of view, I considered it indifferent whether I would work with Semenov, or in Mesopotamia - I would do my duty towards the motherland.

How did Kolchak end up in Russia? What kind of wind "blowed"?

I left Shanghai by boat for Singapore. In Singapore, the commander of the troops, General Ridout, came to greet me, handed me an urgent telegram sent to Singapore from the director of the Intelligence Department of the intelligence department of the military general staff in England.

This telegram read as follows: the British government accepted my proposal, nevertheless, due to the changed situation on the Mesopotamian front (later I found out what the situation was, but earlier I could not foresee this), he considers in view of the request addressed to him by our envoy, Prince. Kudashev, useful for the common allied cause, so that I return to Russia, that I am recommended to go to the Far East to start my activities there, and it is more profitable from their point of view than my stay on the Mesopotamian front, especially since the situation there has completely changed.

Let us pay attention to one more evidence that what Kolchak sought:

« I ask you to accept me into the English army on any terms you like. happened.

I've already made more than half the way. This put me in an extremely difficult situation, primarily financial - after all, we traveled all the time and lived on our own money, not receiving a penny from the British government, so our funds were coming to an end and we could not afford such walks. I then sent another telegram with a request: is this an order or just advice that I can not fulfill. An urgent telegram was received to this with a rather vague answer: the British government insists that it is better for me to go to the Far East, and recommends that I go to Peking at the disposal of our envoy, Prince. Kudashev. Then I saw that the issue had been resolved. After waiting for the first steamer, I left for Shanghai, and from Shanghai by rail to Beijing. This was in March or April 1918.

<…>

That is, Kolchak obeyed the order, and not at the call of the soul went to Russia.

And as for material difficulties, well, really, the question is logical, only strong romantics and enthusiasts can work without a salary.

* Vasily Mikhailovich Altvater - Rear Admiral of the Russian Imperial Fleet, first commander of the RKKF of the RSFSR

About Kolchak and the Kolchakites

As part of the propaganda of the "white" movement and the distortion of history, many artistic works. One of these works is the film "Admiral".

A white officer, an admiral, a patriot, a hero... Such a handsome Khabensky Kolchak cannot be bad. Can't be wrong. Wrong, then, the Bolsheviks.- It is this chain of reasoning that the authors of this article offer us. artistic movie.

But this is not true!

The truth is that the historical Kolchak bears very little resemblance to the artistic one.

1918 In November, Kolchak, with the blessing of the British and French, declared himself dictator of Siberia. The admiral is an irritable little man, about whom one of his colleagues wrote:

"a sick child ... certainly a neurasthenic ... forever under the influence of others," he settled in Omsk and began to call himself "the supreme ruler of Russia."

The former tsarist minister Sazonov, who called Kolchak "Russian Washington", immediately became his official representative in France. He was lavished with praise in London and Paris. Sir Samuel Hoare again declared publicly that Kolchak was a "gentleman." Winston Churchill claimed that Kolchak was "honest", "incorruptible", "intelligent" and "patriot". The New York Times saw him as "a strong and honest man" backed by "a solid and more or less representative government."

Kolchak with foreign allies

The allies, and especially the British, generously supplied Kolchak with ammunition, weapons and money.

“We sent to Siberia,” proudly reported the commander of the British troops in Siberia, General Knox, “hundreds of thousands of rifles, hundreds of millions of cartridges, hundreds of thousands of sets of uniforms and machine-gun belts, etc. Each bullet fired by Russian soldiers at the Bolsheviks during this year , was made in England, by English workers, from English raw materials and delivered to Vladivostok in English holds.

In Russia at that time they sang a song:

English uniform,
French epaulette,
Japanese tobacco,
Ruler of Omsk!

The commander of the American expeditionary forces in Siberia, General Grevs, who can hardly be suspected of sympathy for the Bolsheviks, did not share the allies' enthusiasm for Admiral Kolchak. Every day his intelligence officers supplied him with new information about the reign of terror that Kolchak had established. The admiral's army had 100,000 soldiers, and new thousands of people were recruited into it under threat of execution. Prisons and concentration camps were packed to capacity. Hundreds of Russians who dared to disobey the new dictator hung from trees and telegraph poles along the Siberian railway. Many rested in mass graves, which they were ordered to dig before Kolchak's executioners destroyed them with machine-gun fire. Murders and robberies have become a daily occurrence.

One of Kolchak's assistants, a former tsarist officer named Rozanov, issued the following order:

1. Occupying villages previously occupied by bandits (Soviet partisans), demand the issuance of leaders of the movement, and where leaders cannot be found, but there is enough evidence of their presence, shoot every tenth inhabitant.
2. If, during the passage of troops through the city, the population does not inform the troops about the presence of the enemy, to collect a monetary contribution without any mercy.
3. Villages, the population of which provides armed resistance to our troops, should be burned, and all adult men should be shot; property, houses, carts, etc. confiscate for the needs of the army.

Telling General Graves about the officer who issued this order, General Knox said:

“Well done this Rozanov, by God!”

The bodies of workers and peasants shot by Kolchak

Along with the troops of Kolchak, the country was ravaged by gangs of bandits who received financial support from Japan. Their main leaders were Ataman Grigory Semyonov and Kalmykov.

Colonel Morrow, who commanded American troops in the Trans-Baikal sector, reported that in one in the village occupied by the Semyonovites, all men, women and children were villainously killed. Some were shot "like rabbits" when they tried to flee their homes. Others were burned alive.

"Soldiers Semenov and Kalmykov, says General Graves, using the patronage of the Japanese troops, they roamed the country like wild animals, robbing and killing civilians ... Anyone who asked questions about these brutal murders was told that the dead were Bolsheviks, and, apparently, such an explanation satisfied everyone.

General Grevs did not hide the disgust that the atrocities of the anti-Soviet troops in Siberia aroused in him, which earned him a hostile attitude from the White Guard, British, French and Japanese commands.

The American ambassador to Japan, Morris, during his stay in Siberia informed General Greves that he had received a telegram from the State Department about the need to support Kolchak in connection with American policy in Siberia.

"You see, General, Morris said, you will have to support Kolchak.

Grevs replied that the military department had not given him any instructions about supporting Kolchak.

“It's not in the military, it's in the State Department,” Morris said.

“The State Department doesn't know me,” Graves answered.

Kolchak's agents began harassing Grevs in order to undermine his prestige and force him to be recalled from Siberia. Rumors and fictions began to spread that Grevs had "become a Bolshevik", and that his troops were helping the "communists". This propaganda was also anti-Semitic in nature. Here is a typical example:

“American soldiers are infected with Bolshevism. For the most part, they are Jews from the New York East Side, who constantly start riots.

The English Colonel John Ward, a member of parliament who was a political adviser to Kolchak, publicly stated that when he visited the headquarters of the American Expeditionary Force, he discovered that "out of sixty liaison officers and translators, more than fifty were Russian Jews."

The same kind of rumors were spread by some of Grevs' compatriots.

"American Consul in Vladivostok, Graves recalls, day after day, without any comment, telegraphed to the State Department the slanderous, false, obscene articles about American troops that appeared in the Vladivostok newspapers. These articles, as well as the slanders of the American troops that were spreading in the United States, were based on the accusation of Bolshevism. The actions of the American soldiers did not give rise to such an accusation ... but it was repeated by Kolchak's supporters (including Consul General Harris) in relation to everyone who did not support Kolchak.

At the very height of the slanderous campaign, a messenger from General Ivanov-Rynov, who commanded the Kolchak units in Eastern Siberia, appeared at the headquarters of General Grevs. He informed Grevs that if he pledged to give Kolchak's army $20,000 a month, General Ivanov-Rynov would see to it that the agitation against Grevs and his troops ceased.

This Ivanov-Rynov, even among the generals of Kolchak, stood out as a monster and a sadist. In Eastern Siberia, his soldiers exterminated the entire male population in the villages, where, according to their suspicions, "Bolsheviks" were hiding. Women were raped and beaten with ramrods. Killed indiscriminately - the elderly, women, children.

Kolchak's victims in Novosibirsk, 1919

Excavations of the grave in which the victims of the Kolchak repressions of March 1919 were buried, Tomsk, 1920

Tomsk residents carry the bodies of the spread participants of the anti-Kolchak uprising

The funeral of the Red Guard brutally murdered by Kolchak

Novosobornaya Square on the day of the reburial of the victims of Kolchak on January 22, 1920

One young American officer sent to investigate the atrocities of Ivanov-Rynov was so shocked that, after finishing his report to Grevs, he exclaimed:

“For God's sake, General, don't send me on such orders again! Just a little more - and I would have tore off my uniform and would begin to save these unfortunate ones.

When Ivanov-Rynov faced the threat of popular indignation, the English commissioner Sir Charles Elliot hurried to Greves to express his concern for the fate of the Kolchak general.

– As for me, - General Grevs answered him fiercely, - let them bring this Ivanov-Rynov here and hang him on that telephone pole in front of my headquarters - not a single American will lift a finger to save him!

Ask yourself why during the Civil War the Red Army was able to defeat the well-armed and sponsored by the Western Powers White Army and troops 14 !! states that invaded Soviet Russia during the intervention?

But because the MOST of the Russian people, seeing the cruelty, baseness and venality of such “Kolchaks”, supported the Red Army.

Kolchak. He is such a douche...

Such a touching series was filmed with public money about one of the main executioners of the Russian people during the civil war of the last century, which simply brings tears to the eyes. And to the same touching, heartfelt, they tell us about this guardian of the Russian land. And trips through Baikal are held with memorial and prayer services. Well, just grace descends on the soul.

But for some reason, the inhabitants of the territories of Russia, where Kolchak and his comrades were heroic, have a different opinion. They remember how entire villages of Kolchak threw people still alive into the mines, and not only that.

By the way, why is the tsar father being honored in such a way on a par with priests and white officers? Didn't they blackmail the king from the throne? Didn't they plunge our country into bloodshed, betraying their people, their king? Didn't the priests joyfully restore the patriarchate immediately after their betrayal of the sovereign? Didn't the landowners and generals want power for themselves without the control of the emperor? Weren't they the ones who started organizing the civil war after the successful February coup organized by them? Didn't they hang the Russian peasant and shoot all over the country. It was only Wrangel, horrified by the death of the Russian people, who left the Crimea himself, all the others preferred to cut the Russian peasant until they themselves were reassured forever.

Yes, and remembering the Polovtsian princes by the names Gzak and Konchak, cited in the Tale of Igor's Campaign, the conclusion involuntarily suggests itself that Kolchak is related to them. Maybe that's why you shouldn't be surprised by the following?

By the way, it makes no sense to judge the dead, neither white nor red. But mistakes cannot be repeated. Only the living can make mistakes. Therefore, the lessons of history need to be known by heart.

In the spring of 1919, the first campaign of the Entente countries and the United States of America began against the Soviet Republic. The campaign was combined: it was carried out by the combined forces of the internal counter-revolution and the interventionists. The imperialists did not hope for their own troops - their soldiers did not want to fight against the workers and working peasants of Soviet Russia. Therefore, they relied on the unification of all the forces of the internal counter-revolution, recognizing the main arbiter of all affairs in Russia, Tsarist Admiral Kolchak A.V.

American, British and French millionaires took over the bulk of the supply of arms, ammunition, and uniforms to Kolchak. In the first half of 1919 alone, the United States sent more than 250,000 rifles and millions of cartridges to Kolchak. In total, in 1919, Kolchak received from the USA, England, France and Japan 700 thousand rifles, 3650 machine guns, 530 guns, 30 aircraft, 2 million pairs of boots, thousands of uniforms, equipment and underwear.

With the help of his foreign masters, by the spring of 1919, Kolchak managed to arm, clothe and shoe an army of almost 400,000.

Kolchak's offensive was supported from the North Caucasus and the south by Denikin's army, intending to link up with Kolchak's army in the Saratov region in order to jointly move on Moscow.

The White Poles advanced from the west along with the Petliura and White Guard troops. In the north and Turkestan, mixed detachments of Anglo-American and French interventionists and the army of the White Guard General Miller operated. From the northwest, supported by the White Finns and the English fleet, Yudenich advanced. Thus, all the forces of the counter-revolution and the interventionists went over to the offensive. Soviet Russia found itself again in the ring of advancing enemy hordes. Several fronts were created in the country. The main one was the Eastern Front. Here the fate of the country of the Soviets was decided.

On March 4, 1919, Kolchak launched an offensive against the Red Army along the entire Eastern Front for 2 thousand kilometers. He put up 145 thousand bayonets and sabers. The backbone of his army was the Siberian kulaks, the urban bourgeoisie and the prosperous Cossacks. In the rear of Kolchak there were about 150 thousand interventionist troops. They guarded the railways, helped to deal with the population.

The Entente kept Kolchak's army under its direct control. At the headquarters of the White Guards there were constantly military missions of the Entente powers. The French General Janin was appointed commander-in-chief of all interventionist troops operating in Eastern Russia and Siberia. The English General Knox was in charge of supplying Kolchak's army and forming new units for it.

The interventionists helped Kolchak develop an operational plan for the offensive and determined the main direction of the strike.

On the Perm-Glazov sector, the most powerful Siberian army of Kolchak operated under the command of General Gaida. The same army was to develop the offensive in the direction of Vyatka, Sarapul and unite with the troops of the interventionists operating in the North.

victims of Kolchak and Kolchak's thugs

victims of the atrocities of Kolchak in Siberia. 1919

peasant hanged by Kolchak

From everywhere, from the territory of Udmurtia liberated from the enemy, information was received about the atrocities and arbitrariness of the White Guards. So, for example, at the Peskovsky plant, 45 people of Soviet workers, poor peasant workers, were tortured. They were subjected to the most cruel tortures: their ears, noses, lips were cut out, their bodies were pierced in many places with bayonets (Doc. Nos. 33, 36).

Women, old people and children were subjected to violence, flogging and torture. Property, livestock, harness were taken away. The horses that the Soviet government gave to the poor to maintain their economy were taken away by the Kolchak people and given to the former owners (doc. No. 47).

A young teacher in the village of Zura, Pyotr Smirnov, was brutally cut down with a White Guard saber because he met a White Guard in good clothes (document No. 56).

In the village of Syam-Mozhge, the Kolchakites dealt with a 70-year-old old woman because she sympathized with the Soviet government (doc. No. 66).

In the village of N. Multan, Malmyzhsky district, on the square in front of the people's house, the corpse of the young communist Vlasov was buried in 1918. The Kolchakites drove the working peasants to the square, forced them to dig up the corpse and publicly mocked him: they hit him on the head with a log, squeezed his chest and, finally, putting a noose around his neck, tied the tarantass to the front and dragged it along the village street for a long time (doc. No. 66 ).

In the workers' settlements and cities, in the huts of the poor peasants of Udmurtia, a terrible groan arose from the atrocities and butchery of Kolchak. For example, during the two months of the bandits' stay in Votkinsk, 800 corpses were found in Ustinov Log alone, not counting those single victims in private apartments who were taken away to no one knows where. Kolchak plundered and ruined the national economy of Udmurtia. It was reported from the Sarapulsky district that “after Kolchak, literally nothing was left anywhere ... After the Kolchak robberies in the county, the presence of horses decreased by 47 percent and cows by 85 percent ... In the Malmyzhsky county, in Vikharevskaya volost alone, the Kolchakists took 1,100 horses, 500 cows from the peasants , 2000 carts, 1300 sets of harness, thousands of poods of grain and dozens of households were completely plundered.

“After the capture of Yalutorovsk by the Whites (June 18, 1918), the former authorities were restored in it. A brutal persecution of all those who collaborated with the Soviets began. Arrests and executions became a mass phenomenon. The Whites killed a member of the Soviet of Demushkin, shot ten former prisoners of war (Czechs and Hungarians) who refused to serve them. According to the memoirs of Fyodor Plotnikov, a participant in the Civil War and a prisoner of the Kolchak torture chambers from April to July 1919, a table with chains and various devices for torture was installed in the basement of the prison. The tortured people were taken outside the Jewish cemetery (now the territory of the sanatorium orphanage), where they were shot. All this happened from June 1918. In May 1919, the Eastern Front of the Red Army went on the offensive. On August 7, 1919, Tyumen was liberated. Feeling the approach of the Reds, the Kolchakites perpetrated atrocious reprisals against their prisoners. On one of the August days of 1919, two large groups of prisoners were taken out of the prison. One group - 96 people - was shot in a birch forest (now the territory of a furniture factory), another, in the amount of 197 people, was hacked to death with swords across the Tobol River near Lake Gingiryai ... ".

From the certificate of the Deputy Director of the Yalutorovsk Museum Complex N.M. Shestakova:

“I consider myself obliged to say that my grandfather Yakov Alekseevich Ushakov, a front-line soldier of the First World War, St. George was hacked to death by Kolchak drafts beyond Tobol. My grandmother was left with three young sons. My father was only 6 years old at that time ... And how many women throughout Russia did the Kolchakites make widows, and children orphans, how many old people were left without son's care?

Therefore, the logical result (please note no torture, no bullying, just execution):

“We entered the cell to Kolchak and found him dressed - in a fur coat and a hat,” writes I.N. Bursak. It looked like he was expecting something. Chudnovsky read out to him the decision of the Revolutionary Committee. Kolchak exclaimed:

- How! Without trial?

Chudnovsky replied:

- Yes, Admiral, just like you and your henchmen shot thousands of our comrades.

Having risen to the second floor, we entered the cell to Pepelyaev. This one was also dressed. When Chudnovsky read out to him the decision of the revolutionary committee, Pepelyaev fell to his knees and, wallowing at his feet, begged not to be shot. He assured that, together with his brother, General Pepelyaev, he had long decided to rebel against Kolchak and go over to the side of the Red Army. I ordered him to get up and said: “You can’t die with dignity…

They again went down to Kolchak's cell, took him away and went to the office. The formalities are over.

By 4 o'clock in the morning we arrived at the bank of the Ushakovka River, a tributary of the Angara. Kolchak behaved calmly all the time, and Pepelyaev - this huge carcass - was in a fever.

Full moon, bright frosty night. Kolchak and Pepelyaev are standing on a hillock. Kolchak refuses my offer to blindfold. The platoon is lined up, rifles at the ready. Chudnovsky whispers to me:

- It's time.

I give the command:

- Platoon, on the enemies of the revolution - pl!

Both fall. We put the corpses on a sledge, bring them to the river and lower them into the hole. So the "supreme ruler of all Russia" Admiral Kolchak goes on his last voyage ... ".

(“The defeat of Kolchak”, military publishing house of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR, M., 1969, pp. 279-280, circulation 50,000 copies).

In the Ekaterinburg province, one of the 12 provinces under Kolchak's control, at least 25 thousand people were shot under Kolchak, about 10% of the two million population were flogged. They flogged both men and women and children.

M. G. Aleksandrov, commissar of the Red Guard detachment in Tomsk. He was arrested by Kolchak, imprisoned in Tomsk prison. In mid-June 1919, he recalled, 11 workers were taken out of the cell at night. Nobody slept.

“The silence was broken by weak groans that came from the courtyard of the prison, prayers and curses were heard ... but after a while everything was quiet. In the morning, the criminals told us that the Cossacks who had been taken out were chopped with sabers and stabbed with bayonets in the back yard, and then they loaded the carts and took them away somewhere.

Alexandrov said that he was then sent to the Alexander Central near Irkutsk, and out of more than a thousand prisoners there, the Red Army released only 368 people in January 1920. In 1921–1923 Alexandrov worked in the county Cheka of the Tomsk region. RGASPI, f. 71, op. 15, d. 71, l. 83-102.

American General W. Graves recalled:

“The soldiers of Semenov and Kalmykov, being under the protection of Japanese troops, flooded the country like wild animals, killed and robbed the people, while the Japanese, if they wished, could stop these killings at any time. If at that time they asked what all these brutal murders were for, they usually received in response that the dead were Bolsheviks, and such an explanation, obviously, satisfied everyone. Events in Eastern Siberia were usually presented in the most gloomy colors, and human life there was not worth a penny.

Terrible murders were committed in Eastern Siberia, but they were not committed by the Bolsheviks, as was commonly thought. I won’t be mistaken if I say that in Eastern Siberia, for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, there were a hundred people killed by anti-Bolshevik elements.”

Graves doubted that it was possible to point to any country in the world during the last fifty years where murder could be carried out with such ease and with the least fear of responsibility, as in Siberia during the reign of Admiral Kolchak. Concluding his memoirs, Graves noted that the interventionists and the White Guards were doomed to defeat, since "the number of Bolsheviks in Siberia by the time of Kolchak had increased many times over in comparison with their number at the time of our arrival"

There is a board for Mannerheim in St. Petersburg, now there will be Kolchak ... Next - Hitler?

The opening of the memorial plaque to Admiral Alexander Kolchak, who led the White movement in the Civil War, will take place on September 24 ... The memorial plaque will be installed on the bay window of the building where Kolchak lived ... The text of the inscription is approved:

"In this house from 1906 to 1912 lived an outstanding Russian officer, scientist and researcher Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak."

I will not argue about his outstanding scientific achievements. But I read in the memoirs of General Denikin that Kolchak demanded (under pressure from Mackinder) that Denikin enter into an agreement with Petliura (giving Ukraine to him) in order to defeat the Bolsheviks. For Denikin, the homeland turned out to be more important.

Have you ever thought about why the fleets of the Entente in 1918 calmly entered the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea?! After all, he was mined! In addition, in the confusion of the two revolutions of 1917, no one removed the minefields. Yes, because Kolchak's entry ticket for joining the British intelligence service was the surrender of all information about the location of minefields and barriers in the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea! After all, it was he who carried out this mining and he had all the maps of minefields and obstacles in his hands!

In recent years, against the background of an active study of the punitive policy and political investigation bodies of the Bolshevik dictatorship during the Civil War, the backlog in the study of the system of political control of the White movement has become more and more noticeable. In this direction, especially in relation to the authorities of A.V. Kolchak, only the first steps are being taken.

Accordingly, the documents created in the bowels of the white political control bodies have not yet become the subject of special study, although they are unique sources reflecting the internal political situation in the territories occupied by the white armies. In this regard, Kolchak's counterintelligence was especially "unlucky", whose documents were seized by units of the Red Army and were kept secretly for a long time. In the 60s. they began to be studied by historians, but the rigid ideological framework did not allow them to reveal their information potential. At present, despite the mass declassification of documents and ideological pluralism, they still remain outside the field of view of specialists.

The importance of a comprehensive study of the documents of white institutions that collected and analyzed information about the political moods of the population lies also in the fact that in the historical literature the presentation of events that took place in the Kolchak rear is often mainly illustrative and fragmentary and relies little on a specific factual base. Meanwhile, there are still many unresolved problems in the history of the Civil War in the East of Russia. In particular, the question has not yet been clarified why the peasantry of Siberia, who did not know serfdom, gave preference to the Bolshevik regime, in which mass executions of hostages, indemnities and seizures of surpluses, and sometimes the entire supply of grain, and merciless reprisals against those who resist were obligatory elements.

Under the authority of the Supreme Ruler A.V. Kolchak, which existed in Siberia for more than a year, an extensive system of political investigation was created, in which the leading role belonged to the army counterintelligence agencies. From the first days after the November 1918 coup, the military was the force in whose hands the real political, administrative and judicial power was concentrated. The priority of military authorities over civilian ones was explained by the fact that even before the fall of Soviet power in all major cities from Kansk to Chelyabinsk, there were underground officer organizations that formed the backbone of the emerging West Siberian Army in June 1918. In the future, the constant internal political struggle in the government prevented the Council of Ministers from focusing on military issues, so the main headquarters and the army command were given the opportunity to solve them independently. The military felt independent of the government.

Initially, the West Siberian (since July - Siberian) army included several volunteer regiments, in July the formation of the Steppe Siberian and Central Siberian corps began, consisting exclusively of intellectuals and officers. The size of the army grew, new corps were formed. For their recruitment and supply, as well as the "protection of public order", the entire territory of the Urals, Siberia and Transbaikalia was divided into five corps regions, in which the institution of "commissioners for the protection of state order" was introduced.

Attempts to establish bodies in the army to combat espionage and political anti-government speeches began from the very first days of its formation. The counterintelligence agencies that existed even before the overthrow of Soviet power under secret officer organizations, after the coup, were transformed into intelligence departments at the headquarters of garrisons, corps, commanders of the troops of corps regions and performed the functions of both military intelligence and military-political counterintelligence. They exercised control over the political mood of workers and prisoners of war, arrested leaders of the Soviet government, Bolsheviks and Red Army soldiers.

In parallel, at the initiative of the Provisional Siberian Government, similar structures were also formed at the headquarters of the Siberian Army. According to personal negotiations with the representative of the Provisional Siberian Government Lindberg in June 1918, political cases were transferred to the Special Purpose Detachment at the headquarters of the army commander, and criminal cases were subject to the conduct of the criminal police. On July 10, Army Commander A.N. Grishin-Almazov announced the creation of a military control department at the headquarters of the Siberian Army. The department was headed by the captain of the Czechoslovak troops, Zaichek, who was given the right, depending on the situation, to establish departments and points in the cities and corps of Western Siberia. In September, the General Staff of the War Ministry defined the tasks of military control "in relation to existing conditions", which boiled down to "detection of enemy spies and their organizations, as well as persons and organizations supporting Soviet power or working against the revival and liberation of Russia." Until September 1918, the military control department of the Siberian Army operated on the basis of the "Temporary Regulations on the Rights and Duties of Land and Naval Counterintelligence Officers" dated June 17, 1917. However, in practice, the military control activities of Captain Zaychek in the summer and autumn of 1918 were mainly directed to resolve organizational and legal issues, while similar structures at the headquarters of the Siberian Army corps were directly involved in political control over the population during this period.

In July - September 1918, the Siberian army liberated almost the entire Urals, Siberia and the Far East from the Bolsheviks. In connection with the further centralization of command and control, the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all the land and sea forces of Russia was introduced, and the reorganization of the military department system began. The Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was created, which, together with other units, constituted the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. On the agenda was the transformation of the military control system. On November 29, 1918, the Central Department of Military Control was created at the Headquarters, whose task was to unify the activities of the entire counterintelligence service in the territory liberated from the Bolsheviks. The military control of the Siberian army merged into the newly created structure. Colonel Zlobin headed the Central Department until the end of 1919. During the reorganizations of 1919, the department was renamed several times and changed subordination, but retained the functions of the leading body of counterintelligence and military control of the army, and later rear counterintelligence

After the coup of Admiral A.V. Kolchak and his appointment as the Supreme Ruler and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all land and sea forces of Russia, the process of reorganization of all army structures began. During the winter of 1918/19. armed forces were created, including the Western, Siberian, Orenburg and Ural armies, numbering up to 400 thousand people, including about 30 thousand officers, on the font - 130 - 140 thousand bayonets and sabers. The military districts were restored.

During this period, attempts to establish the work of the military control service of the Headquarters met with stubborn resistance from the departments formed by Captain Zaychek, as well as those that arose independently. The system of organs and their subordination was extremely complex and confusing, which did not allow for systematic reporting.

Therefore, the process of creating a coherent system of counterintelligence agencies in the army and rear districts required additional reorganizations: in February, a network of branches was established at the headquarters of the Siberian, Western and Orenburg armies, and at the headquarters of the 2nd Army Siberian Separate Corps, at the headquarters of the corps that are part of armies, as well as in the theater of operations - a network of local institutions (points). Strict vertical subordination and the procedure for providing information were established. The heads of departments were obliged to submit reports on the results of their activities in copies to the head of the counterintelligence department at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and the head of the Central Counterintelligence Directorate at the General Staff of the Military Ministry.

In early March, by order of the Minister of War, the organs of the counterintelligence service were restored in all districts in relation to the Provisional Regulations of June 17, 1917. Their activities were directed by the head of the Information Department of the General Staff. The Provisional Regulations on Military Counterintelligence in the Internal Districts, issued on March 26, 1919, determined their relationship with the counterintelligence of the active army and navy. The leadership of the entire land counterintelligence - the general one was assigned to the chief of the General Staff, the nearest - to the head of the Information Department. Until May 1919, the War Ministry, through the counterintelligence part of the Informative Department of the General Staff, carried out general leadership and coordination of political control bodies in the rear military districts and controlled the activities of the Counterintelligence Department of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander in the army.

After major successes near Perm at the end of 1918 and the successful spring offensive of the army of A.V. Kolchak advanced to the Volga, approaching Kazan and Samara. Government of A.V. Kolchak, who claimed to be the all-Russian, began to create a state apparatus of an all-Russian scale, to serve the entire country. During this period, the formation of a system of political investigation in the structure of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began. On March 7, the Supreme Ruler approved the decision of the Council of Ministers on the establishment of a Special Department of State Protection and relevant local departments under the Department of Militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In the provinces (regions) and districts, special forces were created. However, due to the extremely low salaries and the lack of personnel in general, this work was delayed and practically nowhere was completed. At the same time, the status of the administrative bodies of the provinces was significantly upgraded. At the head of the provinces (oblasts) and districts were governors. In the front line, the position of the chief commander of the region with the functions of the governor-general was introduced. In fact, the civil administration of the front line fell into direct dependence on the commander of the army stationed in this area.

The functions of special departments and local administration included the task of informing the Ministry of the Interior about the political situation in the areas entrusted to them. Based on the data obtained, a general summary was compiled and sent to the central bodies of military control and counterintelligence of the army for familiarization. In turn, at the direction of the Chief of the General Staff (later the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief), similar reports were sent to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, compiled according to the data of the military censorship bureau and counterintelligence.

By the spring of 1919, a cumbersome system of civil and military administration had been created, the functions of which were often duplicated. For this reason, an attempt was made to somewhat streamline the system of political investigation of the army and the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

On April 18, 1919, by order of the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the “Temporary Regulations on Counterintelligence and Military Control Service in the Theater of Operations” were approved, which regulated the activities of the counterintelligence of the army in the field. The general leadership of it was entrusted to the quartermaster general under the Supreme Commander. So, it was the duty of the counterintelligence agencies located in the military area to monitor the military personnel, while also observing the civilian population. All information obtained was to be reported to the chief of staff of the army for an operational decision. The military control bodies, on the other hand, were called upon to serve the rest of the army area, fighting mainly against the civilian population, while also monitoring military personnel. This division of functions was explained by the ongoing civil war and subsequently it was supposed to limit the work of counterintelligence only to the fight against spies and their organizations, and military control, as ensuring state order and public peace, was supposed to be transferred to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The counterintelligence unit with the counterintelligence department of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief became the central registration and reporting body, in which all the material coming from the branches of the active army was to be concentrated and systematized. The procedure for compiling reports, keeping diaries of external surveillance and the frequency of reporting, organizing a card file, forming clerical files and informing the same bodies from which the information was received, with generalized information related to the organization, methods and techniques of enemy espionage, was established.

In April - May, the organization of a network of branches and points in the army and military districts was completed, systematic reporting was established, according to which the head of the Information Department of the General Staff of the Military Ministry compiled an overview report on the political moods of various segments of the population, the activities of political parties and public organizations.

The constant rivalry between the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander and the Ministry of War led to a new reorganization of the central military administration and the concentration of all power in the Headquarters. Issues of counterintelligence and military control began to be in charge of the Office of the 2nd Quartermaster General, which included the Department of Counterintelligence and Military Control and the Registration Department. This had a negative impact on the analysis and generalization of information about the political situation in the region, since the new procedure for compiling reports focused on registering information about the subversive activities of the enemy, therefore, all information related to the direct political moods of the population, mainly continued to come from the branches and points of the army and districts, was included in the review summary in small numbers.

In order to directly inform the government about the political moods of the population in the summer of 1919, information offices were created under the armies, but their activities in terms of collecting and analyzing information about the moods of the population were not widely spread.

During the retreat of the Kolchak army in September-October 1919, the military administration was reorganized, the Headquarters was liquidated, counterintelligence was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Chief of the Military Administrative Directorate of the Eastern Front, which received the name of the local counterintelligence department. Its tasks remained the same, only somewhat more specific - the military counterintelligence was engaged in the elimination of enemy spies and agitators in the ranks of the troops, the local counterintelligence agencies were supposed to fight against the anti-state elements of the country. The agents were supposed to reach the smallest units, down to companies and squadrons, penetrate into all settlements, in parallel, finding out the attitude of the masses to the existing system. In survey reports, more attention was paid to the attitude of the population towards the warring parties. And despite the collapse of the army, the counterintelligence service functioned until the final fall of government power in January 1919.

Construction and activity in 1918 - 1919 The pyramidal structure of the counterintelligence service, which permeated with a network of institutions almost the entire territory of the Urals, Siberia, Transbaikalia and the Far East, led to the creation of an array of information materials (reports and summaries). The information material transmitted to inform the high command of the armed forces and the Supreme Ruler was a general summary of messages received from counterintelligence and military control departments and points, as well as supplemented by information from other sources. The desire of the heads of departments and points to go beyond the instructions and provide as much information as possible about the political situation in the areas entrusted to them, as well as the verbatim reproduction of the most vivid and well-aimed statements by the population in relation to the government and the enemy camp, make this source unique and distinguished by a high degree reliability and information content. On the other hand, like any other source, summaries and reports of counterintelligence departments and points are permeated with the political views of their compilers. All resisting sections of the population, as a rule, are referred to as "Reds" or "Bolsheviks", similarly, counterintelligence agents were inclined to characterize anti-government sentiments primarily as a "tendency towards Bolshevism."

The surviving materials of the Kolchak counterintelligence can be divided into two main groups: documents created in the course of a political investigation (surveillance diaries, reports, reports of departments and points, overview reports and reports of the head of the Counterintelligence Department) and investigative files on persons accused of anti-state activities and propaganda . Despite the fact that the goals and objectives of the counterintelligence were reduced mainly to the fight against the Bolshevik underground, the topics of reports and reports are much broader. They reflect the causes and nature of peasant and urban uprisings, the mood of the peasantry, workers, intelligentsia, military personnel, including foreign (Czech, Polish, American and other) units, information about the activities of the Bolshevik underground, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, urban and Zemstvo self-government, public and other organizations. The value of the documents that arose in the course of the activities of departments and points is also increased by the fact that, when analyzing and summarizing the information received, counterintelligence officers not only checked it for reliability, but also identified the causes of fluctuations in public sentiment and the growth of anti-government speeches, without hiding the negative aspects of the activity. civil and military administrations, and sometimes, for comparison, they cited information about the actions of the enemy in the sphere of winning the sympathy of the population, methods and techniques of agitation.

The mood, causes and nature of the peasant uprisings have mainly become the subject of study of counterintelligence since the end of 1918, when the military control departments of the Siberian army were formed. Prior to this, similar information passed through the reports and reports of punitive expeditions of the army corps and representatives for the protection of public order, telegrams from the places of peasant protests. The most characteristic reasons for the unrest of the peasants in the summer - autumn of 1918 in Slavgorod, Minusinsk and some other counties were considered by counterintelligence officers to be conflicts over giving recruits and collecting taxes, which arose, as a rule, due to ignorance of the goals and motives of the government. Instead of settling these problems peacefully and through agitation, punitive detachments were sent. In reports and telegrams from the places of speeches, it was noted that “the peasants are against any power that brings violence to them”, they considered the peasant congress to be the highest power, which can only decide whether to give recruits and whether to collect taxes, are ready to “recognize the really people’s power, elected people, elected from persons known to the peasants, and not according to lists. In a telegram from 16 villages of the Minusinsk district, sent from the center of the uprising, the village of Shemonaikha, the peasants demanded that the government “stop sending punitive detachments, accept their just popular demands, not act by force, but peacefully, not mix with Bolshevism, otherwise the people will stand up for their rights." Other reasons for the peasant uprisings were the abuses of the Cossack chieftains, the arrests of deserters and the fight against moonshine factories. The instigators in the latter case were, as a rule, the owners of these factories, who tried to involve as many people as possible in order to "avoid responsibility for the massacre of the police." The general goal of the uprisings was to "throw off the Cossack yoke, establish peasant rule".

Materials of the end of 1918 - 1919. about the causes, driving forces, leaders and course of the uprisings are presented mainly by summaries and reports of the heads of counterintelligence departments and points. After analyzing the general summaries and reviews compiled for the provinces of the Urals, Siberia and the Far East, one can single out the most characteristic features of the peasant uprisings, in general similar to the summer-autumn uprisings. The motives for the speeches were the atrocities of the punitive detachments, the county police and military units. The instigators and leaders were local residents: peasants, privately prosperous, teachers, front-line soldiers, students. The rebellious villages involved neighboring settlements through threats; violent mobilizations, requisitions, etc. were carried out. The bulk of the detachments, in addition to the forcibly involved peasants, consisted of deserters, young people from 16 to 25 years old. Peasants of older ages were sharply negative about the uprisings. In areas where coal mines were located or near cities, the insurgent peasants tried to establish contact with the workers and win them over to their side, which can be seen mainly from the leaflets and appeals of the peasant armies.

Kolchak counterintelligence saw one of the main reasons for the success of the insurrectionary and partisan movement in the ignorance of the population about the goals and objectives of the government and in general the absence of any information in areas located 200-300 miles from the railways, where residents did not know who Kolchak was, but who are the Bolsheviks. In the Urals, for example, the Kreyatyans believed that the power was “Cossack”.

Another no less serious reason, according to officials of counterintelligence, was the fact that Siberia did not experience the rule of the Bolsheviks in the same way as the inhabitants of European Russia experienced, for example, the Perm province, occupied only at the end of December 1918. The peasants perceived with great distrust the stories of refugees from Perm after its capture by the Red Army in the summer of 1919, about violence, hunger and requisitions, since they "remember nothing of the sort about the Bolsheviks."

In the reports of the heads of departments and points of the front and rear counterintelligence for November 1918 - March 1919. special attention was paid to the moods of various categories of peasants: old-timers, migrants, as well as those living in agricultural, mixed (peasant-factory), deaf, wooded and hard-to-reach areas. The peasants of the "grain-growing" regions, which especially managed to suffer from the Bolshevik requisitions (Perm province), during this period were almost monarchist, they were especially affected by the stories of the front-line soldiers returning to their villages about the famine and terror that reigned in Soviet Russia. Mobilization until March was successful, the old people willingly gave up their children, the general desire was to put an end to Bolshevism as soon as possible.

At the same time, already from March-April, deaf, wooded and hard-to-reach areas (Zmeinogorodsky, Zaiskansky, Semipalatinsk and Pavlodar districts) were noted in the reports, where mainly migrants lived. Those, in comparison, for example, with their neighboring Ust-Kamenogorsk district, are a "hornet's nest", where "dark personalities" constantly snoop around and covert propaganda is carried out by hiding former figures of Soviet power. At the same time, the peasants begin to feel a shortage of labor and agricultural machinery. Thus, until May 1919, according to counterintelligence information, there were two currents in the villages: “a passive bias towards pre-revolutionary life” (old-timers) and a “tendency towards Bolshevism” (migrants of recent years, refugees from the Baltic states, colonists).

In the summer, the mood of the peasants was assessed by counterintelligence officers as indifferent or distrustful of the government, and since autumn, after the summer uprisings in the rear, as dejected. The peasants explained this by the hopeless situation in which they found themselves between two fires - punitive detachments of government troops and partisan detachments acting no less cruelly towards the “non-aligned” villages: “The Reds will come, rob, shoot whoever they need, and leave, then Kolchak, Kalmyk, Japanese come - they burn down houses, kill anyone they suspect, and leave. We don't know what to do."

The inability of the authorities to suppress peasant unrest led to the fact that in many villages of Siberia and the Far East in the summer and autumn self-defense units began to be organized. The peasants of other villages joined the rebels, explaining that they were forced to join the rebel areas, because otherwise they would face revenge from the partisans.

Since the autumn of 1919, after another reorganization of counterintelligence, special attention in the reports began to be paid to the mood of the population of the front line. Here, the fluctuations in the mood of the peasantry mainly depended on the behavior of the troops of one side or another passing through their villages. The peasants said: "Before, the Reds had a mess - they were persecuted, but now the Whites - they are persecuted."

On the other hand, the inhabitants of the front line, who had heard a lot about the methods of Bolshevik rule, in a number of areas were sympathetic to all the hardships of the war. The most stable anti-Bolshevik sentiment remained among the Cossacks, Tatars, Kirghiz and the Old Believers.

In December, according to agents' reports, the authority of the government finally fell, trust in the Irkutsk, Tomsk and Yenisei provinces remained only in the Zemstvo. In the Far East, the government has not enjoyed authority since the summer, preference was given to the Constituent Assembly.

Information about the moods of the workers was developed already from the first days of the fall of Soviet power, since the military authorities saw them as potential "Bolsheviks". However, in the intelligence reports of the units of the Siberian Army, it was objectively noted that the workers were opposed to the Soviet government and were in favor of the Constituent Assembly. However, since autumn, due to falling wages and the abolition of the 8-hour work day, strikes sometimes took on a political character, but were short-lived and quickly suppressed by the authorities.

The greatest activity was shown during this period by the railroad workers. In October 1918, they organized a strike with economic demands along the entire Trans-Siberian Railway, which covered up to a dozen cities. In the winter of 1918/19 they were the most active part of the workers, especially after the formation of a bloc of Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, who had direct influence on them.

Information about the workers for 1919, contrary to the expectations of the counterintelligence officers themselves, is striking in its scarcity and monotony. Although the work issue was initially given great importance in the reports, since, according to the head of the department of the Irkutsk branch of military control, the strikes of the miners of the Sudzhensky and Anzhersky mines could paralyze traffic along the entire Trans-Siberian railway. Since February 1919, workers' complaints about low wages have been a running theme in the reports. In general, after the suppression of the urban uprisings of the winter of 1918/19, inspired by the Bolsheviks, as well as the arrest of most trade unionists, the mood of the workers was assessed as "depressed", and serious speeches were not expected from them. Counterintelligence materials for the second half of 1919 testify that despite the further decline in living standards, strikes were carried out in rare cases and under economic demands. Thus, for example, when the miners of the Cheremkhovskoye mines went on strike in the summer of 1919, the agents reported that, although the workers were unconditionally Bolshevik-minded, there could be no demonstration due to the lack of weapons and organizers. According to agents, the governor of the Irkutsk province, Yakovlev, came to the miners and agitated them to stand up for their rights more unitedly, since, in his opinion, their actions were of a spontaneous nature.

In October - December 1919, there was also no particular activity of the workers, and armed demonstrations took place only at the immediate approach of the front, when it was obvious that the power of the Omsk government no longer existed.

The workers of the Urals, according to agents, firmly stood on the position of rejection of both the power of the Bolsheviks and the Kolchak government. In their opinion, as stated in the resolution of the congress of trade unions of the proletariat of the Urals of June 18, 1919, instead of restoring industry, it is pursuing a reactionary policy under the flag of the struggle against Bolshevism, and therefore the workers, who have endured the regime of the Bolshevik and bourgeois dictatorship on their shoulders, consider it necessary to fight for the exercise of democracy and political freedoms. And only when the front approached Yekaterinburg, all the factories of the district went on strike, and the movement of workers, as the agent reported, took on a Bolshevik character.

Against this background, only the workers of Vladivostok were particularly active. The reports for January-September 1919 constantly contain information about the connections of the workers of Vladivostok with partisan detachments.

In addition to the sympathetic attitude towards the Bolsheviks, the agents noted that in Irkutsk and Troitsk the attitude of the workers towards the existing authorities had long been “benevolent”, especially after the increase in the salary of the Troitsk workers after A.V. Kolchak visited the city, and only growing speculation caused discontent. An extremely hostile attitude towards the Bolsheviks was noted among the workers who fled from Izhevsk, Votkinsk and Perm. The Permian workers who evacuated deep into Siberia in the summer of 1919 were unpleasantly struck by the "presence of Bolsheviks in all strata of society", that is, the sympathetic attitude of the population towards the authorities, about which they knew practically nothing. They said that "Siberia should be sipped bitter to tears", since under the rule of the Bolsheviks "the peasants would not have 5-10 cows."

But in general, despite the anti-government mood that prevailed among the majority of the workers, unlike the peasantry, they did not resort to active actions after the repressions that fell upon them, taking a wait-and-see attitude and becoming more active only with the approach of the Red Army.

An analysis of materials on political moods in the army shows that discontent and desertion from December 1918 were caused primarily by poor food and uniform supplies. The most staunch adherents of the Omsk government until December 1919 were the so-called "Europeans", that is, the soldiers of those areas that had been under the rule of the Bolsheviks for a long time, as well as the Cossacks. The most unreliable element in the army were the "Siberians", who did not experience the Bolshevik pro-dictatorship and requisitions of the summer - autumn of 1918, as well as mobilized soldiers from areas affected by the actions of punitive detachments. They did not understand the goals of the fight between the Whites and the Reds, they wanted "an early reconciliation with the Bolsheviks", they easily succumbed to panic and, when the opportunity arose, went over to the side of the Reds. The agents of counterintelligence were especially fearful of the "front-line soldiers" propagandized by the Bolsheviks during the period of the decay of the old Russian army.

The reports of departments and points of military counterintelligence, as well as special reports of the head of the counterintelligence department contain a lot of information about the activities of not only the Bolsheviks, but also other socialist parties, the Zemstvo socialist movement and its role in destabilizing the political situation in the Kolchak rear.

Counterintelligence and military control agents of the active army also monitored the enemy's relationship with the local population, the state of discipline in the Red Army, and so on. So, from September 1919, according to reports at all levels, information about a sharp change in enemy tactics against the local population was the most important: firstly, the Red Army began to pay with money for food and supplies, did not make forced requisitions, and secondly, the Bolsheviks on the territory occupied by them, they began to establish relations with the church, trying to enlist the support of the clergy, which made a particularly strong positive impression on the residents. These facts significantly influenced the attitude of the population towards the Bolsheviks, not only in rural areas, but also in cities: if before, when the Red Army units approached, many residents tried to evacuate deep into Siberia, then from September they began to stay in place. In a special analytical report by the head of the press subdepartment at the Informative Department of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in July 1919, devoted to "Bolshevism", it was noted that in Siberia "there is no clear idea of Bolshevism, its causes, the danger to all civilized mankind" and emphasized that the population of Siberia "tried only the initial temptation, and did not taste its bitter fruits, curing forever." The author saw the advantages of the enemy in "cohesion, capacity, implementation of decisions by telegraph", and it was also emphasized that "their decisions meet the conditions of the moment, they are not shy by any means."

Thus, counterintelligence materials allow: to take a fresh look at the picture of socio-political life in the rear of the armies of A.V. Kolchak, to determine the whole set of factors that determined the fluctuations in the mood of the population, to resolve the long-standing dispute of historians about the time of the transition of the Siberian peasantry to the side of Soviet power, to understand how the peasantry understood this power, and to understand how the popularity of a particular power depends on its ability to quickly respond to the needs of the population.

Archival documents:

Russian State Military Archive.
F. 40218 - Counterintelligence Department of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all land and sea armed forces of Russia.

COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE OF A. V. KOLCHAK:

ORGANIZATION AND COVERAGE OF THE POLITICAL MOODS OF THE POPULATION AND TROOPS

In July - September 1918, the Siberian army liberated almost the entire Urals, Siberia and the Far East from the Bolsheviks. In connection with the further centralization of command and control, the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all the land and sea forces of Russia was introduced, and the reorganization of the military department system began. The Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was created, which, together with other units, constituted the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. On the agenda was the transformation of the military control system. On November 29, 1918, the Central Department of Military Control was created at the Headquarters, whose task was to unify the activities of the entire counterintelligence service in the territory liberated from the Bolsheviks. The military control of the Siberian army merged into the newly created structure. Colonel Zlobin headed the Central Department until the end of 1919. During the reorganizations of 1919, the department was renamed several times and changed its subordination, but retained the functions of the leading body of counterintelligence and military control of the army in the field, and subsequently rear counterintelligence.

Thus, the materials of counterintelligence allow: to take a fresh look at the picture of socio-political life in the rear of the armies of A.V. Kolchak, to determine the totality of factors that determined the fluctuations in the mood of the population, to resolve the long-standing dispute of historians about the time when the Siberian peasantry went over to the side of Soviet power, to understand how the peasantry understood this power, and to understand how the popularity of this or that power depends on its ability to quickly respond to the needs of the population.

Archival documents:
Russian State Military Archive.
F. 40218 - Counterintelligence Department of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of all land and sea armed forces of Russia.

E. A. Korneva

The following people worked on the program: S. Unigovskaya, S. Postriganev The program was attended by: Nikolai Sergeevich Kirmel, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Lecturer in the Journalism Department of the Military University, editor of the Chekist.ru website, member of the Society for the Study of the History of Domestic Special Services; Dmitry Nikolayevich Filippov, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Missile and Artillery Sciences, Full Member of the Academy of Military Sciences, Member of the Presidium of the Academy of Military Sciences.

The history of domestic counterintelligence has more than one century, during which time its art has gone a long way of development - from seemingly primitive operational measures to the most complex combinations. However, after the February Revolution, the structures of the political investigation of tsarist Russia were abolished, and soon the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission was formed. Many books have been written about the Cheka and films made, but not much is known about the activities of the counterintelligence of the White movement.
Creating intelligence and counterintelligence, the leaders of the White Guard relied on the experience of building the special services of the Russian Empire, which, judging by the documents and modern research, were far from perfect. Thus, the shortcomings laid down even in the autocracy were transferred to the secret services of the white governments and armies. And one more important circumstance: after the February Revolution, the gendarmerie department ceased to exist, all of its officers already enrolled in counterintelligence were subject to immediate dismissal.

Ustinov, assistant chief of counterintelligence of the Black Sea Fleet, later recalled what happened in those days: “All members of the police department and agents of the former outlying department were fired. This measure deprived counterintelligence of experienced workers, in some respects even irreplaceable. A similar situation developed in Petrograd. By order of the Naval General Staff of April 26, 1917, the Petrograd Naval KRO was reorganized, and its head, Colonel Nikolaev, was dismissed. Instead, Serebryakov, who had the rank of ensign, became the head of the department!

The leaders of the white movement, in particular, Anton Ivanovich Denikin, also did not favor the gendarmes ...

Nikolay KIRMEL: In contrast to Kolchak, who placed former gendarmes and counterintelligence officers at the head of counterintelligence agencies, under Denikin, officers of the General Staff were placed in charge of counterintelligence, and combat officers occupied the positions of operational personnel. And who were, as they say, such combat officers? These are not those who have been associated with the army all their lives, have gone through a certain army school. Those officers had their own caste notions of honor, officer dignity - most of these officers died on the fronts of the First World War.

Who replenished the impoverished ranks of volunteer armies? The officers were people of peaceful professions, who had little idea of the art of war and army honor. Nevertheless, these people occupied various positions in the army hierarchy and often ended up in counterintelligence.

What kind of professionalism, especially the moral code of Russian officers, could we talk about! Moreover, the Fatherland, which they were proud of and which they defended, collapsed in an instant. And in the turmoil and confusion of the chaos that gripped the country, few people understood the political situation, who were the Reds, who were the Whites ... True, the Reds had understandable slogans addressed to powerful social strata of the “humiliated and insulted”, they promised : “Peace to the peoples!”, “All power to the councils!”, “Land to the peasants!”, “Liquidation of private property” and the like. Another thing is that these promises were not fulfilled, but that was later, and then, in civilian life, these laconic, capacious promises stirred the souls of the masses ... What did the white movement oppose to Bolshevik propaganda? "For the Great United and Indivisible Russia"? "For the monarchy"? What is it, to return the land to the landowners? In other words, speaking out against the Soviet regime, the leaders of the White movement did not have a specific program of action. They did not offer the people a formalized political ideal, and therefore could not win over a significant part of it. The primary task of the White movement was to defeat the Bolsheviks, and the fate of Russia was to be decided by the Constituent Assembly ... And this means that those who suffered from the revolution will deal with the future structure of the country: representatives of the commercial and industrial class and large landowners ... That is, everyone will be the same ... Therefore, the white regimes began to restore the old order: private property and freedom of trade. The economy was destroyed, prices jumped dozens of times, since they were freed from any state control. The White Guard governments did not have enough funds to support the state apparatus, the maintenance of the army ...

Nikolai KIRMEL: In Soviet literature, it was said a lot about what the allies supplied with everything. Yes, there were indeed deliveries of weapons, equipment, and so on, but all this, for example, did not reach the army. Because it was plundered somewhere in warehouses, sold for fabulous sums. And those, let's say in modern terms, businessmen for whom the white army, so to speak, returned them to their places, they were in no hurry to give money to the army. Here. They kept it. Even Denikin was indignant about this, being in exile ...

“Everyone demanded that the authorities protect their rights and interests, but very few were inclined to be ready to provide real assistance. - Anton Ivanovich Denikin wrote in exile. - This trait was especially terrible in relation to the attitude of the majority of the bourgeoisie to that power, which restored the bourgeois system and property. Material assistance to the army and the government from the propertied classes was expressed in figures that were negligible in the full sense of the word. And while the claims of these classes were very great.

The deplorable situation of the white army forced them to engage in requisitions - food, fodder, horses, and livestock were constantly confiscated from the population. All this resulted in a real robbery of their own people. If at first whites were greeted as liberators, soon the attitude towards them changed to the opposite. By the way, later, in exile, this was recognized by the White Guards themselves.

And, as it always happens in troubled times, against the backdrop of a general decline (or maybe thanks to it) - a lot of dubious personalities, businessmen and swindlers shamelessly stuffed their pockets, making fabulous fortunes ...

A distinctive feature of all state institutions in the territory controlled by the whites was the phenomenal dominance of the bureaucracy. This was due to many reasons. Firstly, the rear institutions were a refuge from being drafted into the army. Secondly, all government structures were built in advance under the all-Russian level and according to the old schemes. The defiant emphasis on pre-revolutionary traditions was manifested in the fact that in the areas captured by the Whites, the old spelling and the Julian calendar were in effect. Even astronomy was ignored - all the offices of the Volunteer Army in Yekaterinodar worked according to Petrograd time. The flourishing of the Denikin bureaucracy was also facilitated by the fact that in the "white south" a huge number of officials of all stripes and ranks who had fled from central Russia had accumulated. By the end of 1919, there were 8 former senators, 18 generals, 50 active state councilors, 22 state councilors, 49 marshals of the nobility in the apparatus of the Special Conference. And it is absolutely impossible to count the number of petty officials who sought to get, in an environment of devastation and high cost, even a minimal, but still guaranteed income. The constant growth of state institutions has become a serious financial burden. In order to save money, officials were given minimum salaries - from 300 to 600 rubles. At the same time, a pound of bread on the market cost about 20 rubles. But the savings on the salaries of officials turned into an unprecedented rampant corruption. For most of them, bribes have become almost the only means of supporting their families.

In Soviet times, in the course of the history of the Civil War, there was practically no information about the activities of the special services of the white movement in the fight against corruption, manifestations of smuggling in the rear of the White Guard troops ...

Dmitry FILIPPOVYKH: It can be said that, in general, the support of the activities of the troops by the White Guard special services - this topic was terra incognito until the beginning of the 90s ... At the same time, the Soviet audience still had a certain idea of \u200b\u200bthe activities of the White Guard special services, at least according to the cult film in the 70s "His Excellency's Adjutant". Well, which in terms of significance was in no way inferior to such a film as "17 Moments of Spring".

A little note: the script of the film was based on a real story, the main character of which (in the film - Staff Captain Koltsov) bore the surname Makarov. The prototype of the commander of the Volunteer Army, General Kovalevsky, was also a real person, Vadim Zenonovich Mai-Maevsky, - here he is in the photograph ... The prototype of the head of counterintelligence of the Volunteer Army, Colonel Shchukin, bore the surname Shchuchkin ...

Dmitry FILIPPOVYKH: So, this film shows well the moment when the counterintelligence of the Volunteer Army tried to fight various kinds of violations - smuggling, theft on railway transport, in principle, everything related to the logistics of the army in the field. In the counterintelligence prison, those detained for certain offenses were kept - railway workers, an official, and, probably, it is easy to remember the plot when the counterintelligence officer who came in asked: why are you in prison? ..

FRAGMENT from the film "His Excellency's Adjutant".

Dmitry Filippov: But all this concerned train crews. But, in addition to the train brigades, in the chambers of counterintelligence of the Volunteer Army, and, in principle, counterintelligence and Denikin's army and Yudenich's army and Kolchak's army, and Wrangel's army, there were not only members of train brigades. There were also dishonest officials who were tried to be held accountable by the authorities responsible for maintaining law and order in the rear of the army in the field...

The activities of counterintelligence - an institution that played a significant role in the days of white dictatorships - were not limited only to the fight against the Bolshevik underground, sabotage and sabotage ... This division of the White Guard special services was also charged with the fight against corruption in the rear of the army. Bribery and speculation affected all layers in the days of white power. For speculation, the legal adviser of the "Special Meeting", the commandant of Novocherkassk, and many other rear commanders were put on trial. When, on the eve of the surrender of Odessa, General Schilling tried to stop the bacchanalia that had engulfed the city and ordered the closure of a number of restaurants, a rumor immediately spread that he was a secret shareholder of the Golden Fish restaurant and thus sought to remove competitors.

A special Klondike for bribery were railway stations and ports in the south of Russia, where military supplies were received from abroad ...

Nikolai KIRMEL: Captains of sea and river vessels, they transported anyone, anyone, for money. And smugglers, and Bolshevik emissaries, Bolshevik agents, presenting them even in the form of ship crews. It was also beneficial for the captain - to receive, as they say, money for the transportation of smuggled persons, or smuggled goods.

In 1923, in Moscow, at the State Publishing House, from the materials of the White Guard press, Georgy William's book "The Decay of the Volunteers or the Defeated" was published. Essayist, poet, translator Georgy Yakovlevich William fled abroad after the revolution, and then returned to fight the Bolsheviks. After the defeat of Denikin, he again ended up in exile, where he wrote his memoirs about what he saw with his own eyes in civilian life ... The Soviet state-political leadership decided to publish a hostile White émigré author only for the purpose of propaganda ... But, be that as it may, information William claims to be objective for one simple reason - they were written by a person who sympathizes with the white movement ... So, the events in which the author was a direct participant took place in Novorossiysk. There were only a few days left before the collapse of Denikin's army... The last commandant of the Novorossiysk railway junction told Georgy William about this episode... At that moment, when Denikin's men were still fighting bloody battles with the troops of the Red Army, in their rear on the railway transport, some dodgers were making money for themselves states...

Dmitry FILIPPOVYKH: In a conversation with a former guards colonel who was the commandant of the Novorossiysk railway junction, the author learns that the previous military commandant practically did not care about the supply of weapons, military equipment, equipment for the army, but was engaged in commerce. For a moderate bribe, he transported manufactory, silk gloves, stockings, perfumes. It was enough to load one box of shrapnel into such an echelon so that the train received the status of a letter train and actually passed non-stop to where it needed to go. But not at the forefront.

By the way, the first thing William heard when he arrived in Novorossiysk was: “They drove the Reds away - and how many of them were laid down, the passion of the Lord! - and began to direct their orders. Liberation has begun. At first the sailors were frightened<...>they drove them out behind the pier, forced them to dig a ditch for themselves, and then they would lead them to the edge and from the revolvers one by one. And then now into the ditch. So do you believe how crayfish they moved in this ditch until they fell asleep. And then, in this place, the whole earth moved: therefore, they didn’t finish it off, so that it would be disrespectful to others. ”

The real Mecca for crooks and swindlers during the years of the Civil War was the port city of Novorossiysk. No wonder the organs of Denikin's counterintelligence were concentrated here. So in October-month of 1919, Colonel Mergin, a representative of the special department of the General Staff of the Military Directorate under the Black Sea Military Governor, reported to his superiors that the local hub was full of wagons not sent to their destination ...

Nikolai Kirmel: In this case, the reason for the delay was the sabotage of workers and artisans who prevented the sending of shells to the front. But in this case, the sabotage of the workers, perhaps, was connected with the Bolsheviks, who thus tried to prevent the necessary equipment from being sent to the front in order to facilitate the task of the Red Army. But at the same time, the cars standing at the stations were mostly plundered ...

The head of the Novorossiysk counterintelligence point, Captain Musienko, was one of the few who was able to complete the investigation of abuses at the Novorossiysk railway junction. He ensured that many officials involved in bribery were held accountable. The fact, unfortunately, is almost a single one ...

Nikolai KIRMEL: In particular, he managed to prevent the illegal export of food products to Georgia. So, on December 13, 18, counterintelligence officials detained a certain Tselinsky, who was trying to hide from mobilization. Also from Georgia, from the permission illegally issued by the commander of the military port for the export of almost 300 pounds of flour.

That is, one part of the army fought, as they say, not sparing the stomach, and at that time those who had access to material values were diligently enriching themselves. The saddest thing is that Captain Musienko and honest officers like him were not only not encouraged by the command, on the contrary, they paid a lot for their valiant work ...

Nikolai KIRMEL: “Shtrenko received permission in Yekaterinodar for 150 wagons of flour to be exported to Georgia. Primak - for 560 pounds of pasta in Sukhumi. How to proceed?". So he asks, but instead of making some decision about the conclusion, he was called to the phone around midnight, the Black Sea military governor, Major General Kutepov, and accused of careerism. Those. these positions at the top were so, one might say, strong that they tried in various ways to put pressure on those people through the top leadership in order to prevent some kind of fight against crime.

As a result, without any explanation, Captain Musienko was removed from his post ...

The apogee of corruption was the sale under Wrangel of the Russian merchant fleet - under the guise of scrap metal. The situation in the rear was absolutely the same in all the white armies: Kolchak, Wrangel, and Yudenich ...

The part of the Kornilov division that survived the defeat was urgently evacuated to Marseille ... In this regard, one of the participants in the White movement recalled a curious fact ...

Dmitry FILIPPOVYKH: There were 400 people left in the division, who retreated. But, when they were loaded for evacuation, it turned out that there were already three thousand people in the Kornilov division. Maybe somewhere a participant in fierce battles makes some inaccuracy, but the fact remains. Three thousand people in the Kornilov division turned out to be only due to the fact that the rear states were so swollen that it was a good feeder for those who wanted to sit out away from the front, save their lives, fill their pockets with money unjustly received from smuggling and from transporting smuggled goods. goods.

The rear was characterized by low mobilization readiness and the absence of trained operational reserves. The quartermaster and medical services functioned generally unsatisfactorily, which could not but affect the morale of the troops at the front. Speculation, looting, embezzlement, protectionism flourished in the rear of the army. General Boris Alexandrovich Shteifon testified: “At a time when volunteer units were bleeding in permanent, heavy battles, an unsettled, depraved rear inflicted heavier blows on the front than the red enemy.” Anton Ivanovich Denikin shared his opinion: “The armies overcame incredible obstacles, fought heroically, meekly suffered heavy losses and liberated vast territories step by step from the power of the Soviets. This was the front side of the struggle, its heroic epic.

The "troubadour of the white army" liberal press was also indignant at the moral decay of the home front, "Homeric revels" for fabulous sums during the bloodshed at the front. The Tomsk newspaper Sibirskaya Zhizn wrote in July 1919 that the propertied classes, calling on the people to patriotism, must first set an example for them by their own behavior.

Against the backdrop of bloody battles, repressions, hunger, someone frantically burned their lives in restaurants and at card tables ... Newspapers were full of notes about drunken brawls ... The press did not ignore the fight against corruption. The case of the fraudulent embezzlement of diamonds by the head of the capital's criminal police, Sukhodolsky, the case of the Minister of Food and Supply Zefirov of concluding transactions that were unprofitable for the treasury for the purchase of imported tea, dubbed "tea panama", and the case of the chief head of military communications, General Kasatkin, on charges of harboring fraud on the railways, nicknamed "carriage Panama". A logical question: why was the counterintelligence of the White movement unable to restore order in the rear?

Nikolai Kirmel: Because the same counterintelligence was corrupt. They had such a business. If the army was robbing the population, then the way of doing business for counterintelligence was to catch the Bolsheviks. Those. someone was caught on something and demanded money for their release. Those who had money, and the Bolsheviks did, they were released. Those who did not have money could be attributed to the innocent victims.

The memoirs of another champion of the white cause, Zinovy Arbatov, who lived in Yekaterinoslav during the Denikin era, are quite consistent with William’s memoirs: no incriminating material. These people disappeared, and when their corpses fell into the hands of relatives or other close persons, counterintelligence, for which the victim was listed, gave a stereotypical answer: "Killed while trying to escape" ... There was no one to complain to. Governor Shchetinin, together with the head of the district, Stepanov, having taken all the State guards from the city, went to hunt for living people in the forests of the Pavlograd district ... the governor with guards drove hundreds of peasants who had fled from mobilization to the edge of the forest, and mowed them down with machine-gun fire.

By the way, counterintelligence then existed in great abundance - in all military units, in transport, personal counterintelligence of large white generals.

"Wild" counterintelligence agencies emerged and operated, not obeying anyone. For the most part, they were engaged in blackmail, extortion, or even simply raids and robberies. Counterintelligence turned into a real mafia, from the blows of which even the highest ranks of the Volunteer Army were not immune.

Dmitry FILIPPOVICH: But this paradox that private bodies were created, yes, counterintelligence, this led precisely to the fact that if these private bodies managed to requisition something, including smuggling, then it became the property of the regiment that hid these requisitions from a division or division that hid these requisitions or what they managed to do, get, get from the corps, the corps hid from the front, or rather from the army, and so on. In short, there was complete autonomy in the activities of these counterintelligence units.

In April 1920, Denikin resigned his rank of commander-in-chief and, together with his chief of staff, General Romanovsky, left for Constantinople. Here, in the building of the Russian embassy, Romanovsky was killed by an unknown officer. The name of the killer was revealed only many years later - it turned out to be a certain lieutenant Kharuzin. As it became known, Kharuzin in 1919 was in one of the "wild" counterintelligence - the "special purpose detachment" of captain Baranov.

And again, let us turn to the notes of the counterintelligence investigator Captain Ustinov about the facts of corruption and moral decay of the White Guard special services...

Dmitry FILIPPOVICH: Here he writes that a special counterintelligence was formed in the port, leaving Odessa was prohibited without special permission. Thousands of unfortunate people who accidentally got stuck in Odessa during the last evacuation hurried back to their homes and besieged the ship. But counterintelligence with weapons in their hands blocked their path. More quick-witted, so as not to live in Odessa, they immediately paid counterintelligence on the ship, and thus avoided vain, long ordeals. Port counterintelligence thus recruited hundreds of thousands. It was some kind of legalized robbery of those leaving.

In 1919 alone, the composition of the Odessa counterintelligence changed three times! It didn't help... The requisitions continued.

Denikin, after analyzing the mistakes and miscalculations in the domestic policy of the period of his reign, bitterly admitted: “None of the governments has been able to create a flexible and strong apparatus that can swiftly and quickly overtake, force, act, force others to act. The Bolsheviks also did not capture the soul of the people, they also did not become a national phenomenon, but they were infinitely ahead of us in the pace of their actions, in energy, mobility and ability to coerce. We, with our old methods, old psychology, old vices of the military and civil bureaucracy, with the Petrine table of ranks, could not keep up with them.

Nikolai KIRMEL: The Bolsheviks knew what they wanted, what they wanted, and mobilized all the power of the state repressive apparatus, in particular the Cheka, they subjugated the people. Somewhere with slogans, somewhere with force, somewhere with some promises. As we know after the Civil War, there were uprisings that were suppressed for a long time. The Whites did not create a flexibly controlled state apparatus subordinate to the iron will, and did not attract the people with ideas.

Wrangel's periodically issued orders threatened bribe-takers and embezzlers of public funds, "undermining the foundations of the destroyed Russian statehood", with hard labor and the death penalty, which he introduced in October 20th. However, they did not have any deterrent effect. The reasoning of the semi-official press that "a meager salary, high cost, families - all this is not an excuse for bribery" was just as ineffective as the campaign under the slogan "Taking a bribe now means trading in Russia!", which appealed to the patriotic feelings of officials.. .

The Russian historian of special services A. Martirosyan wrote an article about the betrayal of Admiral A. V. Kolchak, who was recruited by the special services of Great Britain and the United States. The very one who was so glamorously painted in the film "Admiral" with Khabensky in the title role.
He knew something about her, something he didn't. For example, that Kolchak was a descendant of the Crimean Tatar commander Ilias Kalchak Pasha. In general, judge for yourself.

Recently, almost demands have been heard more and more often for the rehabilitation of Admiral Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak as an allegedly innocent victim of the political repressions of the Bolsheviks. Sometimes it comes almost to the point of hysteria on the part of the "rehabilitator democrats" who demand a full justification for the actions of this traitor to Russia. So, shortly before his death, the extremely odious "architect of perestroika" and the same traitor - Alexander Nikolayevich Yakovlev, foaming at the mouth from the TV screens, demanded the complete rehabilitation of A.V. Kolchak. What for? Why do some traitors care so much about the "honest name" of other traitors who preceded them?! After all, since the gray biblical times, betrayal is the only forever and ever a priori unforgivable act and, therefore, regardless of any previous merits to Russia, a traitor must remain a traitor! Have we managed to erect a monument in Irkutsk to a traitor who officially entered the service of the British king!? And a multiple traitor. Even worse. To a traitor who not only managed to officially formalize his transition to the side of ardent enemies of Russia, but also de jure formalize the forcible dismemberment of the Russian State! After all, many territorial and political problems, in particular, with the same Baltic limitrophes, were generated precisely by his activities! Judge for yourself.

Kolchak was recruited by British intelligence when he was a captain of the 1st rank and commander of a mine division in the Baltic Fleet. It happened at the turn of 1915-1916. This was already a betrayal of the Tsar and the Fatherland, to whom he swore allegiance and kissed the cross! Have you ever thought about why the fleets of the Entente in 1918 calmly entered the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea?! After all, he was mined! In addition, in the confusion of the two revolutions of 1917, no one removed the minefields. Yes, because Kolchak's entry ticket for joining the British intelligence service was the surrender of all information about the location of minefields and barriers in the Russian sector of the Baltic Sea! After all, it was he who carried out this mining and he had all the maps of minefields and obstacles in his hands!

Further. As you know, on June 28, 1916, Kolchak was appointed to the post of commander of the Black Sea Fleet. However, this happened with the direct patronage of the British intelligence resident in Russia, Colonel Samuel Hoare, and the British ambassador to the Russian Empire, Buchanan (the tsar is also good - no, to send English allies to the "Bigben mother" so that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of the empire). This is the second betrayal, because, under such patronage, becoming the commander of one of the then most important Russian fleets, Kolchak assumed obligations to fulfill the official task of British intelligence to disorganize and reduce the combat capability of this fleet. And, in the end, he fulfilled it - he simply abandoned the fleet and in August 1917 secretly fled to England. What do you want to call the commander of the fleet, who during the war vilely abandons his fleet and secretly flees from the country abroad?! What does he deserve in this case?! At a minimum, more than a clear definition - TRAITOR and TRAITOR!

Kolchak received the title of Admiral from the hands of the Provisional Government, to whom he also swore allegiance. And who also betrayed! At least by the fact that, having secretly fled to England, already in August 1917, together with the Chief of the Naval General Staff of Great Britain, General Hall, he discussed the need to establish a dictatorship in Russia! Simply put, the question of overthrowing the Provisional Government! If even easier - the question of a coup d'état. Otherwise, sorry, how could a dictatorship be established?! To swear allegiance to the already vile Provisional Government that overthrew the tsar, to receive a promotion from him in rank and immediately betray him too!? This is already a genetic pathology! Below I will explain what is the matter here.

Then, at the request of the American ambassador in England, Kolchak was sent to the United States, where he was also recruited by the diplomatic intelligence of the US State Department. Recruitment was carried out by former Secretary of State Eliahu Ruth. That is, along the way, he now betrayed the British too. Although the Britons, of course, knew about this recruitment. The fact that he temporarily betrayed the British - and to hell with him, and with them. The point is different. Having gone to recruit with the Americans, for the second time in a short time he betrayed the same Provisional Government, to which he also swore allegiance and thanks to which he became an admiral. And in general, the list of his betrayals only lengthened.

As a result, becoming a double Anglo-American agent, immediately after the October 1917 coup, Kolchak turned to the English envoy to Japan, K. Green, with a request to the government of His Majesty King George V of England to take him into service! So after all, he wrote in his petition: "... I completely place myself at the disposal of His government ...". "His government" - means the government of His Majesty the English King George V! On December 30, 1917, the British government officially granted Kolchak's request. From that moment, Kolchak had already officially gone over to the side of the enemy, dressed in the toga of an ally. Why an enemy?! Yes, because at that time only the laziest of the agents of England, the USA and the Entente as a whole could not know that, firstly, on November 15 (28), 1917, the Supreme Council of the Entente adopted an official decision to intervene in Russia. Secondly, already on December 10 (23), 1917, the leaders of the European core of the Entente - England and France - signed a convention on dividing Russia into spheres of influence! And almost a year later, when in November 1918 the German Empire (and the Austro-Hungarian Empire too) was sent to the dustbin of History, and Kolchak was finally thrown back to Russia, under the patronage of the United States, the Anglo-French allies on November 13, 1918 confirmed that the convention itself or, to put it in a purely legal language, prolonged its operation. And Kolchak, who knew all this and was already a double Anglo-American agent, precisely after the confirmation of this convention, under the patronage of the same states, agreed to become supposedly the Supreme Ruler. That's why I say that it was a bastard and a traitor, officially in the service of the enemy! If he simply cooperated (suppose, within the framework of military-technical supplies) with the former allies in the Entente, as many White Guard generals did, then this would be one thing. Even despite the fact that they also took on not too benevolent obligations that affected the honor and dignity of Russia. However, they at least de facto acted as something independent, without formally transferring to the service of a foreign state. But Kolchak officially entered the service of Great Britain. And the same Admiral Kolchak, whom the Bolsheviks shot like a mad dog, was not just the self-proclaimed Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral Kolchak, against whom the Bolsheviks fought, but the official representative of the English king and his government, who was officially in their service, who tried to rule over all of Russia! The British General Knox, who oversaw Kolchak in Siberia, at one time openly admitted that the British were directly responsible for the creation of the Kolchak government! All this is now well known, including from foreign sources.

And along the way, Kolchak also carried out an equally important task for the Americans. No wonder E. Ruth "trained" him for the role of the future Cromwell of Russia. And do you know why?! Yes, because the excessively “compassionate” E. Ruth developed a barbaric plan for the enslavement of Russia that had a decent name - “A plan for American activities to preserve and strengthen the morale of the army and the civilian population of Russia”, the essence of which was simple, like the revered Yankee popcorn . Russia had to continue to “supply” the “cannon fodder” to the Entente, that is, to fight for the interests of the Anglo-Saxons alien to Russia itself, paying at the same time with its political and economic enslavement, in which the United States was supposed to play the “first violin”. I emphasize that the central place in this plan was occupied by the economic enslavement of Russia, primarily the seizure of its railways, especially the Trans-Siberian Railway. Damn Yankees even formed a special "railway corps" to manage Russian railways, especially the Trans-Siberian (by the way, the British at that time set their sights on Russian railways in our North, in the area of Arkhangelsk and Murmansk). And in parallel, the Yankees set their sights on the natural resources of Russia.

So it's time to end the hysterical screeching about the supposedly innocently murdered allegedly honest and decent Admiral A.V. Kolchak. A bastard and a traitor - he is a bastard and a traitor! And he must remain so in history (without denying at the same time his previous scientific merits to Russia, it is impossible not to notice that he crossed them out with his own hand). It has now been finally and documented for sure that he was a traitor to Russia and that he must and will remain so in its history of the 20th century. In the documents of British intelligence, the US State Department, in the personal correspondence of the "grey eminence" of American politics during the First World War - Colonel House - A.V. Kolchak is directly called their double agent (these documents are known to historians). And it was precisely as their double agent that he had to implement the most criminal plans of the West towards Russia. And the "finest hour" of this traitor came in 1919. However, the West began to pave the way for his future crimes against Russia back in November 1918, at the end of the First World War.

As you know, on November 11, 1918, in the suburbs of Paris - Compiègne - the Compiegne Agreement was signed, which put an end to the First World War. When it is mentioned, it is usually quite "elegant" to forget to mention that it was just a 36-day armistice agreement. In addition, it was signed without the participation of Russia, which bore the brunt of the war in the status of the tsarist empire, and then, having already become Soviet, rendered a colossal service to the same Entente with its revolutionary banditry in Germany. Without the help of Lenin and Co., the Entente would have been fiddling with Kaiser Germany for a long time to come. But this is so, a saying ...

The main thing is that Article 12 of the Compiègne Armistice Agreement stated: “All German troops that are now in the territories that constituted Russia before the war must equally return to Germany as soon as the Allies recognize that the moment has come for this, accepting into account the internal situation of these territories. However, the secret subparagraph of the same Article 12 already directly obliged Germany to keep its troops in the Baltic to fight Soviet Russia until the arrival of troops and fleets (in the Baltic Sea) of the Entente member countries. Such actions of the Entente were openly anti-Russian, because no one had the slightest right to decide the fate of the occupied Russian territories without the participation of Russia, I emphasize, even if it was Soviet. But it's still "flowers".

The fact is that the terminological "pearl" - "... in the territories that made up Russia before the war" - meant that the Entente de facto and de jure not only agrees with the results of the German occupation of territories, the legality of which became part of Russia before August 1 1914 and even throughout the entire First World War, it never occurred to anyone to challenge, at least openly, but in the same way, that is, de facto and de jure trying to reject, or, as then the Anglo-French allies expressed themselves “elegantly”, to “evacuate” these territories already after the fact of the German occupation. Simply put, as if in the order of the "legitimate trophy" obtained from the defeated enemy - Germany.

And in this regard, I want to draw attention to the following circumstance. As mentioned above, on November 15 (28), 1917, the Supreme Soviet of the Entente made an official decision to intervene in Russia. Unofficially, this decision was agreed upon back in December 1916 - they were only waiting for the now vaunted "February workers" to plant their "revolutionary ax" in the back of the Entente's most faithful ally - Nicholas II. And in the development of this decision, on December 10 (23), 1917, the Anglo-French convention on the division of the territory of Russia was signed. For the information of readers: this vile convention has not been officially canceled so far! According to this convention, the allies deigned to divide Russia as follows: the North of Russia and the Baltic states fell into the zone of British influence (this, of course, did not exhaust the “appetites” of the Britons, but this is a separate conversation). France got Ukraine and the South of Russia. On November 13, 1918, the same Anglo-French allies, under the patronage of the United States, brazenly extended the duration of this convention. Simply put, they declared Russia for the second time, even if it was Soviet, really a war, and really a world war, and really the second in a row in the scenario “from the wheels” of the First World War! In fact, it really was a re-announcement of the first "Second World War" in the 20th century in the "off-the-wheels" scenario of the First World War.

As for the second "pearl" from Article 12 of the Compiègne Agreement - "taking into account the internal situation of these territories", - here is another international legal "trick" of the Entente. Not risking calling these territories states - the question of recognizing their fake sovereignty will be raised only on February 15, 1919 during the Versailles so-called "peace" conference - the Entente, nevertheless, prepared to steal them. Especially in the part concerning the Baltics, although I knew very well that it would be completely illegal! Because in this way, behind the scenes and without any participation of Russia, the Nishtad Treaty of August 30, 1721 between Russia and Sweden will be brazenly broken! According to this agreement, the territories of Ingria, part of Karelia, all of Estonia and Livonia with the cities of Riga, Revel (Talinn), Derpt, Narva, Vyborg, Kexholm, the islands of Ezel and Dago passed to Russia and its successors in full, undeniable and eternal possession and ownership! By the time the Compiègne truce was signed, for almost two centuries no one in the world even tried to challenge it, especially since the Nishtad Treaty itself was confirmed in writing and guaranteed by the same England and France.

But the Entente was afraid to openly steal. First of all, because during the period of the actual German occupation, as well as after the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the German occupation authorities forcibly “cut” huge pieces of purely Russian territories to the Baltic territories. To Estonia - parts of the St. Petersburg and Pskov provinces, in particular, Narva, Pechora and Izborsk, to Latvia - the Dvina, Lyudinsky and Rezhitsky counties of the Vitebsk province and part of the Ostrovsky county of the Pskov province, to Lithuania - parts of the Suwalki and Vilna provinces inhabited by Belarusians (not very , obviously capable of understanding something, but with giblets sold to the West, the authorities of the modern Baltic limitrophes are now trying all the time, speaking in a purely folk language, to “spread their mittens” wider on these lands). The Entente was also afraid because first it was necessary to change the power structures of a purely pro-German orientation formed by the German occupation authorities (German intelligence widely planted its agents of influence there) to authorities with a pro-Entente orientation. But this is just one side of the coin. The second was the following.

Under the direct pressure of the Entente, which put this as a strict precondition for a truce, on November 5, 1918, the Kaiser's government of Germany unilaterally severed diplomatic relations with Soviet Russia. There was no need to look for a blessing and a reason - the Soviet embassy, headed by a long-time patient of the best European and Russian psychiatrists A. Ioffe, interfered so openly and so brazenly in the internal affairs of Germany that it was impossible not to notice this. However, it was, as they say, "debt paid off" - a year before that, the Nemchura behaved in exactly the same way in Russia.

The rupture of diplomatic relations meant that even according to the norms of the then robbery international law, all previously signed and ratified agreements between the two states automatically lost their legal force. Moreover, on November 9, 1918, the Kaiser's empire also sank into oblivion: the monarchy fell, the Kaiser went on the run (he took refuge in Holland), and the Social Democrats led by Ebert-Scheidemann came to power in Germany. At the time of the signing of the November 11, 1918, Compiègne truce, the Social Democratic, we use the parliamentary rule and put an end in order not to use foul language, .... led by Ebert-Scheidemann, she managed a super-unique, super-unprecedented even for the robbery history of the West and the same trick of its jurisprudence. Automatically devoid of any legal force, the already predatory Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of March 3, 1918, just six days after its, I emphasize, automatic denunciation by the German side, is suddenly resurrected by the Social Democrats who came to power in Germany . Even worse. Together with the function of control over its execution, as if supposedly continuing to operate, the treaty was voluntarily handed over to the Entente as a "trophy"!? Naturally, with all the ensuing extremely negative geopolitical, strategic and economic consequences for Russia, even for the Soviet one! After all, it was about the theft of a Million Square Kilometers of Strategically Important Territories of the Russian State, along with their natural, economic and demographic resources! Resources, which, even at that time, were measured in more than tens of billions of gold rubles!

Lenin, who tried to recapture the Baltic states by force of arms, no matter how you treat him personally, was absolutely right de facto. And, what is especially important in this regard, de jure too. Because official diplomatic relations were unilaterally severed by the Kaiser's Germany, which soon collapsed, and the Brest-Litovsk Treaty automatically lost any force whatsoever. Consequently, the Baltic States, which remained under German occupation, both de facto and de jure, turned into the territory of Russia, illegally seized and occupied by the troops of the state that had died in the Bose, which the Entente also openly steals! Yes, and for the second time declaring Russia, even Soviet, the next, that is, the next world war, the second in a row and in the scenario “from the wheels of the first”! From a purely military-geopolitical point of view, the armed onslaught of the Bolsheviks on the Baltic states that began on November 13, 1918 was absolutely justified in the nature of an objectively necessary counter-offensive in order to protect the state's own territory.

But from an ideological point of view, Lenin was just as wrong, for he gave this armed campaign the appearance of an attempt to "come to the aid of the German revolution", violently rejected by all of Germany, which Ilyich and Co. did not want to understand, since their enthusiasm at that moment, to put it mildly to put it, the idea of a “field revolution”, inadequate to the then realities, simply turned off in their minds even the shadow of a hint of any kind of rational thinking. The result was logical - the defeat was inevitable, especially since all of Europe, with desperate efforts, up to inciting vicious anti-Semite phobia in most of its countries, repelled the attacks of Lenin, Trotsky and Co., stunned by the bloody taste of the "world revolution" and their German and other "colleagues" .

But, despite the failure of this armed campaign, the fate of these territories could not be decided without the participation of Russia, even if in the person of some traitor. And the Entente entrusted this vile deed to the now praised Admiral Kolchak, who by that time had become a direct agent of the strategic influence of the Entente.

On May 26, 1919, the Supreme Council of the Entente sent Admiral Kolchak, who was completely controlled by British intelligence (his actions on behalf of the allied command were directly led by the British General Knox and, subsequently, the legendary British geopolitician, and then, as, indeed, until the end of his life, the most authoritative British military intellectual intelligence officer J. Halford Mackinder) a note in which, announcing the break in relations with the Soviet government, he expressed his readiness to recognize his own double agent of strategic influence in admiral's shoulder straps for the Supreme Ruler of Russia!? And here is what is typical. To admit, they recognized him, but only de facto. But de jure - miles sorry, the three fingers of the Entente were shown. But with all this, they demanded purely legal actions from him - they put forward a tough ultimatum to him, according to which Kolchak had to agree in writing to:

1. The separation of Poland and Finland from Russia, in which there was no point, especially in relation to Finland, except for the furious desire, especially of Great Britain, to arrange everything in such a way that these countries allegedly gained independence from the hands of only the Entente (the West). The fact is that the independence of Finland was granted by the Soviet government on December 31, 1917, which, by the way, Finland is still celebrating. That was the right step, because her stay in Russia, where, according to the Friedrichsham Treaty of 1809, Alexander I included her (by the way, at the request of the ancestor of the future Fuhrer of Finland, Mannerheim), was not only meaningless, but also dangerous due to separatism blazing there purely nationalist.

As for Poland, after the events of October 1917, it already became independent - Lenin did not interfere. Consequently, from this point of view, the ultimatum to Kolchak was also meaningless.

2. Transferring the issue of the separation of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania (as well as the Caucasus and the Trans-Caspian region) from Russia for consideration by the arbitration of the League of Nations in the event that agreements necessary for the West are not reached between Kolchak and the puppet governments of these territories.

Along the way, Kolchak was given an ultimatum to recognize that the Versailles "peace" conference had the right to decide the fate of Bessarabia as well.

In addition, Kolchak had to guarantee the following:

1. That as soon as he captures Moscow (the Entente, obviously, naturally "went crazy" that he set such a task for him), he would immediately convene the Constituent Assembly.

2. That he will not interfere with the free election of local self-government bodies. A little explanation. The fact is that under an outwardly very attractive wording, a delayed-action mine of enormous destructive power was hidden. The country then blazed a fire of separatism of various stripes. From purely nationalist to regional and even small-town. Moreover, literally everyone was involved in this destructive process, including, regrettably, even purely Russian territories, almost completely Russian in terms of population composition. And giving them the freedom to elect local self-government bodies automatically meant giving them the freedom to separately declare the independence of their territory, and, accordingly, secession from Russia. That is, the ultimate goal was to destroy the territorial integrity of Russia by the hands of its own population! The West, by the way, always tries to do just that. In the same way, by the way, in 1991 the USSR was destroyed.

3. That he will not restore "special privileges in favor of any class or organization" and in general the former regime, which restricted civil and religious freedoms. A little explanation. Simply put, the Entente was not at all satisfied not only with the restoration of the tsarist regime, but even with the regime of the Provisional Government. And if it is even simpler, then a single and indivisible Russia, as a state and country. It is at this point, not to mention others, that the meanness of Kolchak's repeated betrayal is most clearly manifested. Already someone, but he was well aware that the news of the overthrow of the king was received, in particular, in the same England, to the service of the king of which he volunteered, the British Parliament stood with a standing ovation, and its Prime Minister - Lloyd - George - just like that and exclaimed: "The goal of the war has been achieved!" That is, he openly admitted that the First World War was started precisely for this! And, therefore, recognizing this point of the Entente's ultimatum, Kolchak once again proved that he was a traitor deliberately acting against Russia!

On June 12, 1919, Kolchak gave the necessary written answer to the Entente, which she considered satisfactory. Once again I draw attention to the special meanness of the Entente. After all, she recognized Kolchak only de facto, but she issued an ultimatum de jure. And the answer from the only recognized de facto traitor to Russia, the Entente recognized de jure! That's what the West means!

As a result, some Kolchak in one fell swoop crossed out all the conquests of Peter the Great and the Nishtad Treaty of August 30, 1721 itself! When he completed the tasks assigned to him and huge chunks of the territory of the Russian state were de jure torn away, his fate was sealed. The Moor has done his job - the Moor can not only retire, but it is also obliged to be killed, preferably by proxy. So that the ends would all really be in the water. Through the hands of the representative of the Entente under Kolchak, General Janin (the Anglo-Saxons remained true to themselves here too - they framed the representative of France for this unseemly deed) - and with the assistance of the Czechoslovak corps (they were still enemies of Russia, who raged at the direction of their Western masters on the Trans-Siberian Railway), the puppet admiral was surrendered Bolsheviks. Well, they shot him like a dog, and rightly so! There is no need to squander the territory of a great state and a great country that has been gathering for centuries!

It remains to say the following. On what the Anglo-Saxons "took" Kolchak - whether on boundless vanity, whether on the use of drugs (Kolchak was an avid cocaine addict) or on both at the same time, or on something else - now can not be established. But something can still be said. Apparently, in Kolchak they “kindled” a sense of tribal revenge for their distant ancestor - the commander of the Khotyn fortress in 1739, Ilias Kalchak Pasha, from whom the Kalchak clan in Russia began. Ilias Kalchak Pasha - this is how his name was written in the 18th century. - was forced to surrender to Russian troops under the command of Minich during the next Russian-Turkish war. After 180 years, a distant descendant of Ilias Kalchak Pasha - A.V. Kolchak - handed over to the West all the conquests of Peter I and his heirs!

That was an openly Jesuit move of the West! With the hands of a traitor, it was in admiral's shoulder straps, moreover, not of Russian origin - after all, Kolchak was a "Krymchak", that is, a Crimean Tatar - to deprive Russia of access to the Baltic Sea, for the right to have which, Russia of Peter the Great waged the Northern War with Sweden for over 20 years ! All the works of Peter the Great, his predecessors and successors were completely crossed out, including the famous Nishtad Peace Treaty of August 30, 1721, which legitimized Russia's right to free access to the Baltic Sea and further to the Atlantic! Furthermore. This is how Russia got a headache in the face of the viciously Russophobic so-called Baltic states. So it was before the Second World War, so it continues today.

And now the "democratic scum" - this inherently charming expression belongs to one of the most respected people in the whole world, the "king of dynamite" and the founder of the world-famous Nobel Prizes Alfred Nobel - sing Kolchak not only allegedly as a patriot of Russia, but also as innocently murdered victim of political repression of the Bolsheviks!?

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