History of Russian literature. Part 1: Tutorial

K.F. Ryleev (1795–1826)

Kondraty Fedorovich Ryleev was born in the St. Petersburg province in the family of a retired colonel and at the age of six was sent to the cadet corps. From 1814 to 1818 he was in the army, passing with it through Germany, Switzerland and France. From 1821 to 1824 Ryleev served in the St. Petersburg Criminal Chamber.

In 1823 he joined the secret Northern Decembrist Society and soon became its de facto leader. After the uprising on Senate Square on December 14, 1825, Ryleev was arrested and, among other most active figures in the Decembrist movement, was executed.

Ryleev is one of the brightest representatives of Russian civic romanticism, the first among the talented Decembrist poets.

His creative path began with satirical poems during his stay in the cadet corps. The work that brought him fame was the satire “To the temporary worker” published in 1820, which boldly denounced the then all-powerful Minister of War Arakcheev.

One of Ryleev's favorite poetic genres is the thought. Here he glorified the civic virtues of various historical figures. Ryleev took plots for his thoughts from N.M. Karamzin. However, these works of the poet were devoid of historicism, and the heroes of the past - Dmitry Donskoy, Svyatoslav, Kurbsky and others - made speeches of a completely Decembrist content. The most successful were the thoughts "Ivan Susanin" and "Death of Yermak".

Most of Ryleev's political poems are agitated pathetic monologues, which denounce indifference to social vices and contain a call to defend freedom and fight against despotism (“On the death of K.P. Chernov”, “I will be in a fateful time ...”).

The genre of the poem in the work of Ryleev is represented by two works - "Voynarovsky" and "Nalivaiko".

The name and poems of Ryleev were banned for a long time. But this did not prevent his poetry from influencing the further development of Russian political lyrics.

Ryleev was my first light ...

Father! In spirit, dear to me -

Your name in this world

I became a valiant covenant

And a guiding star.

We will tear your verse from oblivion,

And on the first Russian free day,

In view of the younger generation,

Restore to worship

Your pained shadow

- wrote N.P. Ogaryov.

TO THE TIME WORKER

(Imitation of Persian satire: TO RUBELLIUS)

[In excerpts)

An arrogant temporary worker, and vile and treacherous,

The monarch is a cunning flatterer and an ungrateful friend,

Furious tyrant of his native country,

A villain elevated to an important rank by slyness!

You look at me with contempt

And in your menacing gaze you show me your furious anger!

I don't value your attention, scoundrel;

From your mouth a crown worthy of praise!

I laugh at your humiliation!

Can I be humbled by your neglect:

Kohl himself with contempt I look at you

And I'm proud that I don't find your feelings in myself?

But if evil fate, falling in love with the villain,

From a fair reward and save you,

All tremble, tyrant! For evil and perfidy

Your offspring will pronounce their sentence!

I SHOULD BE IN A FUCKING TIME...

I'll be at the fateful time

To dishonor a san citizen

And imitate you, pampered tribe

Reborn Slavs?

No, I'm incapable in the arms of voluptuousness,

In shameful idleness to drag out your youthful age

And languish with a boiling soul

Under the heavy yoke of autocracy.

Let the young men, without unraveling their fate,

They do not want to comprehend the destiny of the century

And don't prepare for the future fight

For the oppressed freedom of man.

Let them cast a cold look with a cold soul

To the disasters of their homeland

And they do not read their coming shame in them

And the fair descendants of reproach.

They will repent when the people, having risen,

Will find them in the arms of idle bliss

And, in a stormy rebellion, looking for free rights,

They will not find either Brutus or Riega.

CONFESSION

(Excerpt from the poem "Nalivaiko")

I know that death awaits

The one who rises first

On the oppressors of the people, -

Fate has already doomed me.

But where, tell me when was

Is freedom redeemed without sacrifice?

I will die for my native land, -

I feel it, I know...

And joyfully, holy father,

I bless my lot!

A.A. BESTUZHEV

(Dedication to the poem "Voynarovsky")

Like a sad, lonely wanderer,

In the steppes of Arabia empty,

"To D ... vu" Mikhail Lermontov

I ran through the countries of Russia,
Like a poor wanderer among people;
Everywhere the serpent's deceit hisses;
I thought: there are no friends in the world!
There is no tender friendship,
And disinterested, and simple;
But you came, uninvited guest,
And he gave me peace again!
I merge with you feelings
In merry speeches I drink happiness;
But I can't stand treacherous maidens,
And I don't trust them anymore!

Analysis of Lermontov's poem "To D ... vu"

In search of themes and stylistic solutions, the aspiring poet turns to the experience of the masters, and this Lermontov creation is no exception. The text of the poem contains not just identical motifs, but whole quotations from the dedication to Ryleev's poem "Voinarovsky", published in 1825.

The lyrical hero of Ryleev is a “sad wanderer”, who, alone and longing, wanders “from end to end”. His homelessness and orphanhood give rise to a "hateful cold" in the soul, depriving him of faith in the best quality of people - the ability to "disinterested friendship." The unexpected appearance of a faithful comrade eliminates illusions and returns hope to the lyrical "I".

Lermontov's hero is also deprived of rest. His travels are limited to the space of his native country. Ryley's dominant "empty", which refers to the Arabian sandy expanses, the author interprets in a different way: conveying the drama of the situation, he speaks of the loneliness of the hero "between people", full of deceit and malice. Lermontov's wanderer comes to the same conclusion as the hero of Ryleev: "There is no friendship." The lexical anaphora with a negative particle as a predicate emphasizes the importance of philosophical generalization.

Interestingly, in Ryley's text, friendship is endowed with only one definition - "disinterested". Lermontov, characterizing the key concept, expands a number of epithets: "gentle-permanent", "simple".

The young poet, trying to convey the suddenness of finding a friend, uses the same verb that occurs in Ryleev's text - "appeared." With the advent of a kindred person, peace returns to Lermontov's hero, and mutual understanding gives rise to the ability to "speech cheerful" and joy. Women's cunning lies beyond the trust of the lyrical "I". The hero does not forget about him even in happy moments of friendly fun. The presence of the motive of love-deceit distinguishes Lermontov's creation from Ryleev's poem. In the latter, the theme of saving friendship develops into reflections on the purpose of art.

Based on quotes by venerable authors and using the stylistic devices of romanticism, the aspiring poet depicts the conflicting feelings of the lyrical subject: loneliness, a thirst for recognition and bitterness, which is felt even in moments of joy.

In Lermontov's poems - especially early ones - there are echoes of the works of Ryleev and Russian poets of the philosophical and romantic direction; in the work of Lermontov, a strong influence of Pushkin's romantic works and Byron's romantic poetry is noticeable. The young man looked like many, but even in his youth, he looked like himself most of all. His connections with various Romantic literary traditions did not at all interfere with the sharp certainty and individuality of his poetic quest. In Russian literature, Lermontov is one of those poets who, more than others, were distinguished by their "face not in general expression", distinguished by the characteristic poetic handwriting, the uniqueness of the poetic voice ...

Literary, poetic biography of Lermontov is noticeably divided into two stages. The first, youthful, until 1834; it includes a large number of works in various genres that were not published during Lermontov's lifetime. The second stage - mature - includes the works of 1835-1841, which Lermontov published or, in any case, intended for publication.

In the early period of his work, Lermontov acted exclusively as a romantic poet...

The young man Lermontov begins his literary career with poems about the poet. Of the 4 poems written in 1828, two, moreover, the most significant, are devoted to this particular topic: the poems "Tsevnitsa" and "Poet". In the first play, there are echoes of Pushkin's poem "Muse" (1821): the image of the tarsin as a key, meaning-forming one; motives of remembrance (in Lermontov - “holy remembrance of the soul”). The second of these plays is reminiscent of the poem "The Poet" by Pushkin and even more - poems on this subject by Venevitinov and Khomyakov...

The theme of the poet is one of the most popular and developed among Romantic poets. Lermontov thus begins with the pinnacle and key themes of romantic poetry...

Lermontov's connection with the Ryley literary tradition is very tangible and significant. In 1829, Lermontov wrote a message "To D (urn) vu". This is a poem about friendship, which allows you to overcome the tragic (and romantic) loneliness of the poet:

I ran through the countries of Russia,

Like a poor wanderer among people,

Everywhere the serpent's deceit hisses;

I thought: there are no friends in the world! -

There is no tender friendship,

And disinterested, and simple;

But you came, uninvited guest,

And he gave me peace again...

Let us recall what Ryleev wrote in his dedication to the poem "Voynarovsky", referring to Bestuzhev:

Like a sad, lonely wanderer,

In the steppes of Arabia empty,

From end to end with deep longing

I wandered in the world as an orphan...

The similarity of Lermontov's early poem with Ryleev's poetic dedication is sometimes literal. This is not an imitation of Ryleyev, but a kind of quotation from Ryleyev. Imitation in poetry can be unconscious, citation is always conscious. Lermontov is well aware of his connection with the Ryley traditions and partly demonstrates it.

In line with the Ryley traditions, Lermontov also wrote another poem of 1829 - “Complaints of a Turk” ...

The lyrical hero of Lermontov is endowed with signs that equally characterize him as a person, as a representative of humanity, as a person of a certain time. He is a bright personality, and at the same time, in his characteristic, he is inseparable from people, from the era. These qualities of the hero largely determine the originality of Lermontov's lyrics...

The confession of Lermontov's hero is always correlated with universally significant, with the eternal problems of man and human existence. Lermontov's hero's confession contains both psychological and philosophical interest...

In the mature period of his work, which falls in the second half of the 30s, both in lyrics, and in poems, and in prose, Lermontov expresses a strong tendency towards a realistic depiction of the world and man, without ceasing at the same time to be a romantic. Romanticism and realism often coexist in Lermontov's works of this time...

The romantic hero in the mature Lermontov is compared with the real world and, no less, with real heroes close to the earth and to the earthly, folk truth. Next to the lonely, disappointed, denying, tragic hero, a hero appears who understands and accepts ordinary, earthly life values ​​- the hero of Borodino and Motherland ... In the poetry of the mature Lermontov, the sublime and the romantic not only get along, but also internally interact with the desire to simplicity, to age-old folk truth, to the real.

(From the article "Lermontov's Romanticism")

If the homework is on the topic: » Romantic pathos of Lermontov's lyrics turned out to be useful to you, we will be grateful if you place a link to this message on your page in your social network.

 
  • (!LANG:Latest News

  • Categories

  • News

  • Related essays

      Finishing the article “Lermontov’s Poems”, Belinsky gives the following assessment of Lermontov’s poetry: “Throwing a general look at Lermontov’s poems, we see in them on January 27, 1837, Pushkin’s duel with Dantes took place. Pushkin was mortally wounded. The news of the death of the great poet quickly spread Lermontov returned to St. Petersburg. Now he was a well-known poet, the author of such first-class works as "Death of a Poet", "Borodino", "Song about a Merchant" Lermontov's poem "Angel" is one of the most mysterious poets. It was written in 1831, when the poet was only sixteen, Lermontov returned to St. Petersburg. Now vin buv vіdomy sings, the author of such first-class dobutkіv, like “Death of a Poet”, “Borodino”, “Song about a Merchant
  • Essay rating

      The shepherd at the Brook sang plaintively, in anguish, His misfortune and his loss is irreparable: His beloved lamb Recently drowned in

      Role-playing games for children. Game scenarios. "We go through life with imagination" This game will bring out the most observant player and let them

      Reversible and irreversible chemical reactions. chemical balance. Shift in chemical equilibrium under the influence of various factors 1. Chemical equilibrium in the 2NO(g) system

      Niobium in its compact state is a brilliant silver-white (or gray in powder form) paramagnetic metal with a body-centered cubic crystal lattice.

      Noun. Saturation of the text with nouns can become a means of linguistic representation. The text of the poem by A. A. Fet "Whisper, timid breathing ...", in his

Kondraty Fyodorovich Ryleev


Voinarovsky


…Nessun maggior dolore

Che ricordarsi del tempo felice

Nella miseria…


(* There is no greater grief than remembering a happy time in misfortune ... Dante (it.).)


A. A. Bestuzhev


Like a sad, lonely wanderer,
In the steppes of Arabia empty,
From end to end with deep longing
I wandered in the world as an orphan.
The cold is hateful to people
Noticeably penetrated into the soul,
And I dared in madness
Do not believe in selfless friendship.
Suddenly you appeared to me:
The bandage fell from my eyes;
I completely lost faith
And again in the sky
The star of hope shone.

Accept the fruits of my labors,
The fruits of careless leisure;
I know friend you will accept them
With all the care of a friend.
Like Apollo's strict son,
You will not see art in them:
But you will find living feelings, -
I am not a Poet, but a Citizen.


BIOLOGY OF MAZEPA


Mazepa is one of the most remarkable persons in Russian history of the 18th century. The place of birth and the first years of his life are shrouded in obscurity. It is only certain that he spent his youth at the Warsaw court, was a page of King John Casimir, and there he formed himself among the elite Polish youth. Unfortunate circumstances, still unexplained, forced him to flee Poland. History presents him for the first time in 1674 as the chief adviser to Doroshenko, who, under the protection of Poland, ruled over the lands that lay on the right side of the Dnieper. The Moscow court decided at that time to annex these countries to their state. Mazepa, having been taken prisoner at the very beginning of the war with Doroshenko, contributed greatly to the success of this enterprise with advice against his former boss and remained in the service of Samoylovich, the hetman of Little Russian Ukraine. Samoilovich, noticing in him a cunning mind and cunning, carried away by his eloquence, used it in negotiations with Tsar Feodor Alekseevich, with the Crimean Khan and with the Poles. In Moscow, Mazepa entered in connection with the first boyars of the royal court, and after the unsuccessful campaign of Sosria's favorite, Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Golitsyn, to the Crimea in 1687, in order to deflect responsibility from this nobleman, he attributed the failure of this war to his benefactor Samoilovich; sent a denunciation about this to Tsars John and Peter, and as a reward for this act, in the machinations of Golitsyn, he was elevated to the rank of hetman of both Ukraines.

Meanwhile, the war with the Crimeans did not get tired: the campaign of 1688 was even more unsuccessful than last year; here at that time there was a change in the government. The dominion of Sophia and her favorite ended, and power passed into the hands of Peter. Mazepa, fearing to share the unfortunate fate with the nobleman, to whom he owed his elevation, decided to declare himself on the side of the young sovereign, accused Golitsyn of extortion and remained hetman.

Approved in this dignity, Mazepa tried in every possible way to win the favor of the Russian monarch. He participated in the Azov campaign; during Peter's travels to foreign lands, he happily fought with the Crimeans and was one of the first to advise breaking peace with the Swedes. In words and deeds, he seemed to be the most zealous champion of the benefits of Russia, expressed complete obedience to the will of Peter, forewarned his desires, and in 1701, when the Budzhatsky and Belgorod Tatars asked him to accept them as patrons, in accordance with the ancient customs of the Kozaks,"прежние козацкие обыкновения миновались, - отвечал он депутатам, - гетманы ничего не делают без повеления государя". В письмах к царю Мазепа говорил про себя, что он один и что все окружающие его недоброжелательствуют России; просил, чтоб доставили ему случай показать свою верность, позволив участвовать в войне против шведов, и в 1704 году, после похода в Галицию, жаловался, что король Август держал его в бездействии, не дал ему способов к оказанию важных услуг русскому царю. Петр, плененный его умом, познаниями и довольный его службою, благоволил к гетману особенным образом. Он имел к нему неограниченную доверенность, осыпал его милостями, сообщал ему самые важные тайны, слушал его советов. Случалось ли, что недовольные, жалуясь на гетмана, обвиняли его в измене, государь велел отсылать их в Малороссию и судить как ябедников, осмелившихся поносить достойного повелителя Козаков. Еще в конце 1705 года Мазепа писал к Головкину: "Никогда не отторгнусь от службы премилостивейшего моего государя". В начале 1706 года был он уже изменник.!}

Several times already Stanislav Leshchinsky sent his attorneys to Mazepa with magnificent promises and convictions to bow to his side, but the latter always sent these proposals to Peter. Having planned treason, the ruler of Little Russia felt the need for pretense. Hating the Russians in his soul, he suddenly began to treat them in the most friendly way; in his letters to the sovereign, he assured more than ever of his devotion, and meanwhile, by secret means, fanned displeasure among the Cossacks against Russia. Under the pretext that the Cossacks were complaining about the hardships they had endured in the previous year's campaigns and in fortress work, he disbanded the army, withdrew the garrisons from the fortresses, and began to fortify Baturin; Mazepa himself pretended to be ill, went to bed, surrounded himself with doctors, did not get up from his bed for several days in a row, could neither walk nor stand, and while everyone considered him close to the coffin, he put his intentions into action: corresponded with Charles XII and Leshchinsky, negotiated at night with the Jesuit Zelensky sent from Stanislav about the grounds for surrendering Little Russia to the Poles, and sent secret agents to the Cossacks with disclosures that Peter intended to exterminate the Sich and that they were preparing for resistance. The hetman began to pretend even more when Charles entered Russia. In 1708, his illness intensified. Secret transfers with the Swedish king and letters to Peter became more frequent. He begged Karl for a speedy arrival in Little Russia and delivering him from the yoke of the Russians, and at the same time he wrote to Count Gavrila Ivanovich Golovkin that no charms could tear him away from the high-powered hand of the Russian Tsar and shake his immovable loyalty. Meanwhile, the Swedes were defeated at Good and Lesnoy, and Charles turned to Ukraine. Peter ordered the hetman to follow to Kyiv and attack the enemy convoy from the other side; but Mazepa did not move from Borzna; his feigned suffering increased hour by hour; On October 22, 1708, he wrote to Count Golovkin that he could not toss and turn without the help of his servants, that he had not eaten for more than 10 days, was deprived of sleep and, preparing to die, was already taking unction with oil, and on 29, having appeared in Gorki with 5,000 Kozaks, put a mace and a bunchuk at the feet of Charles XII, as a sign of allegiance and loyalty.

What prompted Mazepa to betray? Was it his hatred for the Russians, which he received as a child, during his stay at the Polish court? Is it a love affair with one of the relatives of Stanislav Legtsinsky, who forced him to go over to the side of this king? Or, as some believe, love for the fatherland, which instilled in him an inappropriate fear that Little Russia, remaining under the dominion of the Russian Tsar, would be deprived of its rights? But in modern acts, I don’t see it in the act of the Hetman of Little Russia of this lofty feeling, which implies rejection of personal benefits and sacrificing oneself to the benefit of fellow citizens. Mazepa in his universals and his letters to the Cossacks swore by the most sacred names that he was acting for their good; but in a secret agreement with Stanislav, he gave Little Russia and Smolensk to Poland in order to be recognized as the sovereign prince of Polotsk and Vitebsk. Low, petty ambition led him to treason. The good of the Cossacks served him as a means to increase the number of his accomplices and as a pretext for concealing his treachery, and could he, brought up in a foreign land, having twice stained himself with betrayal, move with a noble feeling of love for his homeland?

Judge General Vasily Kochubey had long disagreed with Mazepa. His hatred for the hetman intensified from 1704, after the latter, using his power for evil, seduced Kochubey's daughter and, laughing at the complaints of his parents, continued his guilty relationship with her. Kochubey vowed revenge on Mazepa; having learned about his criminal plans, perhaps, driven by zeal for the king, he decided to reveal them to Peter. Agreeing with the Poltava colonel Iskra, they sent their denunciation to Moscow, and soon afterwards they themselves appeared there; but Mazepa's twenty years of loyalty and sixty-four years of life removed any suspicion from him. Peter, attributing the act of Kochubey and Iskra to personal hatred for the hetman, ordered them to be sent to Little Russia, where these unfortunate ones, having shown under torture that their testimonies were false, were executed on July 14, 1708 in Borshchagovka, 8 miles from Belaya Tserkov.


A. Kornilovich


VOYNAROVSKY'S BIOLOGY

Andrei Voinarovsky was the son of Mazepa's sister, but there is no correct information about his father and childhood. We only know that the childless hetman, seeing talent in his nephew, declared him his heir and sent him to Germany to study sciences and foreign languages. Having traveled around Europe, he returned home, enriching his mind with the knowledge of people and things. In 1705, Voinarovsky was sent to the royal service. Mazepa then entrusted him to the special patronage of Count Golovkin; and in 1707 we already meet him as the chieftain of a five thousandth detachment sent by Mazepa near Lublin to reinforce Menshikov, from where he returned in the autumn of that year. A participant in the secret plans of his uncle, Voinarovsky went to Menshikov at the decisive moment of the influx of Charles XII into Ukraine in order to excuse the slowness of the hetman and obscure his behavior. But Menshikov was already disappointed: doubts about Mazepa's betrayal turned into probabilities, and probabilities leaned towards reliability - Voinarovsky's stories were left in vain. Seeing that the danger of his situation increased every hour, without bringing any benefit to his side, he secretly rode off to the army. Mazepa was still pretending: he showed a look as if he was angry with his nephew, and in order to remove from himself the painful waiter, Colonel Protasov, he begged him to ask Menshikov personally for forgiveness to Voinarovsky for leaving without saying goodbye. Protasov gave in to deceit and left the hetman, it seemed, dying. The obvious betrayal of Mazepa and the attachment of a part of the Cossack army to Charles XII immediately followed this, and from now on the fate of Voinarovsky was inseparable from the fate of this glorious traitor and crowned knight, who more than once sent him from Bendery to the Crimean Khan and the Turkish court in order to restore them against Russia. Stanislav Leshchinsky named Voinarovsky crown governor of the Kingdom of Poland, and Karl gave him the rank of colonel of the Swedish troops and, after the death of Mazepa, appointed hetman of both sides of the Dnieper. However, Voinarovsky lost the brilliant and true hope of being the hetman of all Little Russia, for his uncle’s intention and the desire of his friends called him to the successors of this dignity, he rejected the landless hetmanship, to which only the fugitives condemned him, and even paid off from it, giving Orlik 3000 chervonny to the hetman's name and paying the Koschevoi 200 chervonets for inducing the Cossacks to this choice. Having inherited a considerable amount of money and precious stones from his uncle, Voinarovsky came from Turkey and began to live very luxuriously in Vienna, Breslau and Hamburg. His education and wealth introduced him to the most brilliant circle of German courts, and his dexterity, courtesy brought him an acquaintance (it seems very ambiguous) with the glorious Countess Koenigsmark, the mistress of his opponent, King Augustus, the mother of Count Moritz de Sachs. While happiness caressed Voinarovsky with fun and gifts, fate was preparing its thunderbolts for him. Intending to go to Sweden to receive from Karl the 240,000 thalers borrowed from Mazepa, he arrived in Hamburg in 1716, where he was seized on the street by a magistrate at the request of the Russian resident Bettacher. However, due to the protest of the Vienna court, by the rights of neutrality, his departure from Hamburg lasted a long time, and only Voinarovsky's own determination to surrender to the mercy of Peter I betrayed him to the power of the Russians. He introduced himself to the sovereign on the empress's name day, and her intercession saved him from execution. Voinarovsky was exiled with his whole family to Yakutsk, where he ended his life, but when and how is unknown. Miller, when he was in Siberia in 1736 and 1737, saw him in Yakutsk, but he had already gone wild and had almost forgotten foreign languages ​​and secular manners.