But it was precisely this attitude towards the people that at one time became the main cause of the revolution.
Guests from all over the world came to the coronation of Nicholas II: the Queen of Greece, the princes of Denmark, Belgium, Neapolitan, Japan ... The Pope sent his nuncio, the Chinese god - the State Chancellor of the Celestial Empire.
But no monarchy has shown so much zeal as the French Republic. In Paris, the government demanded a loan of 975,000 francs from Parliament in order to adequately represent the country at the coronation of the Russian Tsar. And almost a million was received: "The Republic is rich enough to cover the costs associated with its fame and feelings for a friendly nation."
France feared a German attack. She could not cope with a powerful neighbor alone. Therefore, there was no end to the joy of the French when Emperor Alexander III, abandoning the traditional German orientation, offered them his mighty hand.
The German Kaiser Wilhelm II sent his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, to the coronation. Wilhelm harbored a grudge against the late Alexander III, who laughed at him, considering him ill-bred, and now he took revenge on the son of the old king. Wilhelm called him stupid and poorly educated behind his back, which did not prevent him from writing long letters to Nicholas, in which he denigrated France in every possible way: “A godless republic stained with the blood of monarchs cannot be a suitable company for you”; "Nicky, take my word for it, God has cursed this nation forever."
It was not about God and not about atheism. France needed a Russian army, Russia - French loans: the imperial double-headed eagle switched to a new diet - gold francs of Paris loans. However, money - their own and others' - was spent in a very peculiar way: in 1896, about twenty-five million rubles (about two percent of the budget) were allocated for public education - and the same amount was allocated for the coronation of Nicholas II.
The coronation took place on May 14, 1896 (all dates according to the old style) in the Assumption Cathedral of the Mother See. In a ray of sunlight falling from a narrow window in the ceiling of the temple, Nikolai's mother, Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, stood alone. The rest of the ceremony participants were in the shadows. The Empress Mother seemed to be a reflection of the reign of Alexander III the Peacemaker, a calm and cloudless reign, overshadowed only by the execution of a group of Narodnaya Volya under the leadership of Alexander Ulyanov ...
Sinister omens began even before the coronation, on the day of the name day of Nicholas, May 9th. An hour before the tsar's arrival at the palace of his uncle - Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, the Moscow mayor - the decorations inside the palace church caught fire. In the evening of the same day, when the electric illumination was turned on, decorative decorations on the facade of the governor-general's palace itself flared up. All this can be explained by the inability to handle electrical appliances new for that time and Russian carelessness. However, there were too many bad omens. In the midst of the coronation, there was confusion among the dignitaries standing around the table with imperial regalia: it turned out that the elderly senator Nabokov (the writer's grandfather) became ill. It was he who fell into a swoon, and not the king, as shown in the film "Matilda". Further more. The link of the diamond chain of the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called, which was supposed to be assigned to the monarch, was broken. The crown turned out to be too big and dangled on Nikolai's small head, so that he had to correct it from time to time so that it would not fall. Metropolitan Isidore led the emperor to the altar not through the permanent royal gates, but through temporarily constructed ones, which was not at all in accordance with the order of the wedding. The trumpet voice of another uncle of the tsar, Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich, was heard: “Sir, back! ..”
As a sign of the unity of the king and the people, they first wanted to hold a holiday for subjects on the day of the coronation, but then they postponed it for four days - until Saturday, May 18th. During this time, rumors spread around Moscow and the Moscow region about the wonderful Khodynka field, where royal gifts would be distributed. And the people poured there like a milky river with jelly banks.
On the evening of May 17, the commandant of the Khodynka military camps, Captain Lvovich, was seized with anxiety: the field was filled with thousands, tens of thousands of people, they kept coming and coming. He sent an urgent dispatch to the commander of the Moscow Military District. The answer came soon: "You and I are not masters here." Indeed, the regulation of the flow of people was not part of the direct duties of the army. Nevertheless, Lvovich began to telegraph to all authorities. In Moscow, along with the guards, who arrived from St. Petersburg to participate in the coronation, there were 83 infantry battalions, 47 cavalry squadrons and over 20 artillery batteries. Finally, the Khodyn commandant was sent to help ... a hundred Cossacks. But the company of the Samogitsky regiment, together with the battalion of the Moscow regiment, led by Lvovich from the camp on his own initiative, turned out to be powerless: about five hundred thousand people accumulated on the Khodynka field ...
On May 19, Moskovskie Vedomosti came out with a traditional set of advertisements on the front page: “Please try the newly released Furor cigarettes; “Today is a race. Beginning at three o'clock in the afternoon"; "Borjom"; "The famous lingerie of May and Edlich, the most elegant, practical and cheap"; "Beautiful Elena", opera-buff in 3 acts. There is a big party in the Hermitage Garden.”
Only on the second page, among other messages, could the townsfolk read the note: “On the Khodynka field, behind the Tverskaya Zastava, where refreshment and entertainment of the people were to take place, the masses of the people reached out in the evening to spend the night under the open sky and be the first to distribution of royal gifts. The royal gift consisted of a bundle with an enamel mug with the monograms of Their Majesties, a pound bait, a half-pound sausage, a Vyazma gingerbread with a coat of arms and a bag of sweets and nuts weighing 3/4 pounds ... No one could have expected that such a terrible drama would play out, which happened at the barracks with the issuance of beer and honey. How such a misfortune happened - the investigation will show; while eyewitness accounts differ. By eight o'clock in the morning it was possible to push back the masses of the people and thereby eliminate the misfortunes of the people. As the official report shows, the number of deaths from injuries has reached an enormous number.
The investigation revealed a picture of an extremely frivolous attitude to the organization of the holiday on the Khodynka field. From some sides it was possible to enter the field freely, but the main entrance line was surrounded by a board fence with numerous passages in the form of tapering funnels. Hundreds of people climbed into these funnels, and only one at a time could enter the field. The crowd pushed up behind and pressed people against the walls, crushing and flattening them. If the inconsistencies that happened in the Assumption Cathedral only tickled the nerves, then the lack of organization on the Khodynka field led to a monstrous tragedy: according to official data alone, the death toll was 1389 people, crippled - 1300.
One of the survivors of the stampede, 17-year-old artisan Vasily Krasnov, wrote poignant memoirs that were published already in Soviet times. He told how whole families, with small children and gray-haired old people, went to the field; how in the morning many wanted to leave, but there was nowhere to go: by dawn the crowd was already standing shoulder to shoulder. There was not enough air, people were sick, many vomited, someone lost consciousness - and at the same time life.
“At times, the crowd, as it were, was seized by meditation - and it calmed down and froze for a while. Then she thinned a little. And in a momentary lull in the movement, a terrible selection of the living and the dead began. Many were already half-dead for a long time and dragged along with everyone else, tightly squeezed by tightness. And as it became more spacious and the props disappeared, they sharply leaned on the shoulder of a neighbor, pouring large drops of sweat over his face and neck. He twitched disdainfully and avoided. And the unconscious one leaned lower and lower, carried away by his own weight to the ground. And people walked over people, mixing them with the earth, disfiguring their faces beyond recognition with their boots. And I walked over the fallen, finishing them off along with everyone else involuntarily. Here you feel that a person is under you, that you are standing on his leg, on his chest, trembling all over in place, but there is nowhere to go. Your legs are tightened by themselves ... But your shoulders and chest are tightly clamped by your neighbors - like it or not, move your legs, keep up with everyone in this devilish round dance.
Neither wind nor time seemed to exist at all. A viscous, tedious infinity took possession of us and carried us across the field. Frantic cries rush from the front: “Orthodox, we are perishing - for God’s sake, do not push!” Screams ceaselessly rush across the field with weeping as a sentence to ourselves. As if at once in a thousand places someone is buried and buried by this crowd.
In the most difficult moments, the crowd begins to greedily and unitely sing: “Save, O Lord, Thy people,” “O Heavenly King, comforter” - and the first words of the prayer were warmly and strongly taken by the crowd; then the singing weakened and was lost, and in the end it turned into a discordant muttering of only a few.
More than once women and old men dragged themselves over my head. Their crowd spared and gave way over their heads. They groaned and crawled over the heads of the crowd like the wounded from the battlefield. And the crowd spared the children and passed them lovingly from head to head, as if repenting of their guilt for bringing them here with them. And just a few younger and healthier people (like me) would climb up, he, almost naked, was quickly and viciously pulled down, tearing off the last remnants of his dress from him. Finally, I don’t remember how, I almost got out of the crowd upstairs. But a new breath of the tide arrived in time; the squall again squeezed the crowd, and I was left hanging in the air, waist-deep squeezed by the shoulders of my neighbors ... "
At the beginning of the seventh hour in the morning, General Ber, who was in charge of preparing the national holiday, appeared on the Khodynka field. He witnessed how the corpse of a sixteen-year-old girl was “splashed” out of the human sea, which the crowd threw over their heads to an empty place, like a wave carrying a drowned man ashore. The general immediately gave the order to start issuing gifts ahead of schedule.
“Suddenly, like a lightning bolt of excitement, passed through the crowd,” Krasnov recalled, “it stirred furiously, stuck together in one impulse, roared:
- Give! Give! Don't yawn, ours!
- Ur-rr-ah!!! Give! Give!
- A-ah-ah ... Oh-oh-oh ...
A wild continuous scream and rumble.
And the bone-breaking mills began to work under the pressure of the human flow. What happened here is impossible to tell. I could hear bones cracking and arms breaking, entrails and blood squishing ... I don’t remember anything further. Fell.
I came to my senses covered in blood, not far from the booths, on the lawn. Carried on my shoulders to the very neck of the funnel-barrier, I probably fell under my feet on the other side, as soon as the people holding me between the shoulders parted, and I was dragged further. The entire space from me to the booths was littered with the fallen, the dead, or those who had not yet woken up from a swoon. Some lay stretched out like the dead at home on their tables, under the icons.
Close to me, next to me, sat a heavy Tatar on the lawn. Streams of sweat streamed from under his skullcap, and he was all red and wet, as if from a bathhouse. At his feet lay a bundle of goodies, and he ate a gingerbread and a pie, biting them in turn, drinking honey from a mug. I asked him to give me a drink, he served mead from his mug. To my complaints that, they say, they crushed me, but I didn’t get anything, the Tatar went and soon brought me a bundle with goodies and a mug from the booth.
The terrible news of the Khodynka disaster quickly reached high-ranking officials. Sergei Yulievich Witte, at that time the Minister of Finance, met with the distinguished Chinese guest Li Hongzhang. The envoy of the Chinese emperor asked:
- Tell me, please, is it possible that everything will be reported in detail to the sovereign about this misfortune?
In response to Witte's affirmative answer, the polite Chinese shook his head:
- Well, you have inexperienced statesmen; when I was governor-general of the Pechili region, I had a plague and tens of thousands of people died, and I always wrote to the bogdykhan that everything is fine with us ... Well, please tell me why I will upset the bogdykhan with the message that people are dying in my country ? If I were a dignitary of your sovereign, of course, I would hide everything from him. Why upset him, the poor man?
“After all, we have gone further than China,” thought Witte. But what was to be done next? Maybe declare mourning? Serve a memorial service? Another delicate question arose. On the evening of May 18, when many already knew about the Moscow tragedy, a ball was to be held at the French embassy - a holiday symbolizing Russia's loyalty to its new ally. The Minister of Finance met with statesmen, including Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. “We started talking about this catastrophe, and the Grand Duke told us that many advised the sovereign to ask the ambassador to cancel this ball and in any case not to come to this ball, but that the sovereign completely disagrees with this opinion; in his opinion, this catastrophe is the greatest misfortune, but a misfortune that should not overshadow the coronation feast; Khodynka catastrophe should be ignored in this sense.
Among those who were in favor of canceling the ball were not only husbands, but also the former chief state wife - the widow of Alexander III, Maria Feodorovna, born the Danish princess Dagmar. However, it is not for nothing that they say: "The night cuckoo will cuckle the day." The main state wife for Nicholas was his wife - Alexandra Fedorovna, nee Alice of Hesse.
The highest state interests and the main woman of the empire demanded a ball. From ten o'clock in the evening dancing began in the embassy. During the intermissions, a choir of Russian singers sang, dressed as noblewomen for the exotic. At the second hour of the night, their Majesties deigned to depart, the rest had fun until morning.
Nikolai did not kneel and did not ask for forgiveness from the people on the Khodynka field, as shown in Matilda. The victims asked for forgiveness from the crowned couple when the king and queen visited hospitals where the crippled lay. They blamed and repented that they ruined the holiday. The emperor ordered to bury the crushed at his own expense and give each family that lost a breadwinner a thousand rubles from personal funds. The tsar was rich... And the empress, during a visit on May 22 by the spouses of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra, acquired five hundred silver icons for distribution to the unfortunate who were injured on the Khodynka field. However, even here there was an overlay: no one met the crowned bearers in front of the gates of the Lavra, as it was supposed to according to etiquette. Finally, they saw Nikolai and his wife, there was fuss, running around, belated greetings. But there was a rumor: “It turned out unsatisfactory, which means that St. Sergius of Radonezh did not approve of the new tsar.”
Those who died during the Khodynka stampede were buried at the Vagankovsky cemetery. “The unidentified,” Krasnov wrote, “were buried in long pits forty-five arshins long, twelve arshins wide and six arshins deep, coffin upon coffin in three rows. Pine six-pointed crosses were placed in rows, like soldiers in the ranks. And the inscriptions, hasty and confused, in pencil, similar to mournful babble: “The victims of Khodynka”, “Receive them in peace, Lord”, “Suddenly deceased, You, Lord, know their names ...” There are no names or surnames. On many crosses hung pectoral crosses, amulets with cherubs, icons of the Mother of God, the Savior ... “The servants of God Mary, Anna, the maiden Tatyana, Volokolamsk district, from Yaropolets, died on May 18” - and one cross over three.
While the soul-rending scenes of identification of the crushed were taking place in the cemetery - on the forehead with a curl of hair, on the surviving earrings, on a piece of colored sweater, Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich, the Prince of Neapolitan and others nearby, in the pigeon garden, amused themselves with shooting "in years". The Prince of Naples even killed a kite above the cemetery: he fell between the lying bodies, near the crushed relatives writhing in tears.
The tragedy during the coronation of Nicholas II seemed a gloomy sign. Gilyarovsky's book "Moscow and Muscovites" says:
“It's a shame. There will be no use from this reign.
So said the old compositor of Russkiye Vedomosti, who was typing my article about the Khodynka disaster.
Nobody answered his words. Everyone was frightened silent and moved on to another conversation.
In 1905, the Moscow mayor, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, nicknamed Prince Khodynsky, was killed by the Socialist-Revolutionary Ivan Kalyaev. And in 1907, at the end of the First Russian Revolution, the exquisite Konstantin Balmont published in Paris poems that no one expected from him: rude, evil, poster, artistically weak, but turned out to be prophetic:
Who began to reign Khodynka,
He will finish - standing on the scaffold.
On January 20, 2009, the Rossiya TV channel aired the documentary film Nicholas II. A thwarted triumph”, about the last Russian tsar and the history of Russia during his reign. Due to the fact that domestic television rarely broadcasts historical programs, preferring erotic or ufological films (however, the symbiosis of these genres would not surprise anyone either), this film did not go unnoticed. Users of the Russian-speaking segment of the Internet also responded vividly to it, and their opinions about the “Torn Triumph” turned out to be very diverse, and far from always justified.
As the voice-over reader Mr. Verkhovykh said in the first frames of the film, “the time has come to tell the truth about the last Russian tsar.” This application is very serious. It obliges any conscientious researcher to conduct a presentation of historical events based solely on facts. Consideration of the extent to which the word "truth" is acceptable to the information contained in the film "Thwarted Triumph" is the subject of this article. It should immediately be noted that the presentation of events by the authors of the film is by no means in strict accordance with the chronological sequence, which makes it difficult to perceive them and prevents the creation of a complete picture of the reign of Nicholas II. This review is mainly built on the same principle, so that it would be easier for any interested reader to navigate the individual moments of the film and their critical analysis.
"Thwarted Triumph" begins with a brief account by the announcer of the events of January 6 (OS), 1905, when, during the ceremony of blessing water on the river. Neve volley of guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress was fired not with a blank charge, as usual, but with grapeshot. Commenting on this incident, Mr. Verkhovykh says the following: “The live shot of the fortress gun was not an accident. They wanted to kill the sovereign! But who and for what? .. "
The version of an assassination attempt on the king is postulated as an axiom. Meanwhile, even the apologist of Nicholas II S.S., who was in exile. Oldenburg, in his work “The Reign of Nicholas II” commissioned by the Supreme Monarchist Council, unequivocally indicated: “... rumors of an assassination attempt immediately spread; the investigation later found out that this, apparently, was someone's simple negligence. This point of view seemed unconvincing to Mr. Multatuli, however, in support of his version of the assassination attempt, he does not provide a single confirmation, leaving it suspended in the air, as well as information about the words allegedly uttered by the emperor: “Until the eighteenth year, I am not afraid of anything.” It is even strange that the screenwriter, describing this plot, kept silent about such a significant and undoubtedly mystical (what doubts there can be in this? ..) nuance, like the wounding of a policeman by the name of ... Romanov.
Then the floor is taken by the first historian invited to participate in the film - Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Deputy Director for Science of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences V.M. Lavrov. From his remark, dedicated to the beginning of 1917 (the viewer can forget about 1905 for a while), it follows that at that time “Russia was victorious in a terrible world war, and it was on the verge of triumph! The triumph has already begun! .. And - February of the seventeenth year thwarted the triumph of Russia.
It was this maxim, voiced by Mr. Lavrov, that served as the title for the entire film. The extent to which it corresponded to reality will be discussed below. While the viewer, undoubtedly intrigued and inspired, listens to yet another, this time a spiritual "expert" - Archimandrite Tikhon (Shevkunov), the author of the sensational television propaganda "Death of the Empire. The Byzantine Lesson”, which quite freely interprets the history of medieval Romania and modern Russia in their timeless connection. He regrets "the doom of the figure of Nicholas II to misunderstanding, sometimes even to enmity", apparently not suspecting that misunderstanding will be the only logical reaction of a thoughtful viewer to the presentation of the personality of the last Russian tsar both by himself and his colleagues, and mainly by the screenwriter film by P. Multatuli. The next frame becomes a clear example of this.
It contains a well-known political scientist, Doctor of Historical Sciences V.A. Nikonov says: “Many said that Nikolai was weak-willed, and this predetermined his fate. In my opinion, the situation here is more complicated. He was a man of very strong, resolute convictions." So, who was among these "many" contemporaries of Nicholas II, who mentioned his lack of will?
S.Yu. Witte: "An intelligent man, but weak-willed."
A.V. Bogdanovich: "A weak-willed, cowardly tsar."
A.P. Izvolsky: "He had a weak and changeable character, difficult to accurately define."
M. Kshesinskaya: “... one cannot say that he was weak-willed. Yet he could not force people to submit to his will."
“Nicholas does not have a single vice,” Ambassador M. Paleologus wrote on November 27, 1916, “but he has the worst drawback for an autocratic monarch: lack of personality. He always obeys."
This shortcoming of Nicholas II was repeatedly recognized by his wife, Alexandra Fedorovna. In particular, on December 13, 1916, she wrote to him:
“How easily you can waver and change your mind, and what it takes to make you stick to your mind... How I wish I could pour my will into your veins... I suffer for you, like a tender, soft-hearted child who needs guidance.”
(letter No. 639 - she numbered all her letters to her husband). In them, the queen constantly asked and demanded that the royal spouse be firm, tough, strong-willed:
“Show them your fist... Reveal yourself as a sovereign! You are an autocrat, and they do not dare to forget it” (No. 351 of September 11, 1915);
“Show everyone that you are the ruler... The time has passed... for condescension and gentleness” (No. 631 of December 4, 1916);
"... be Peter the Great, Ivan the Terrible, Emperor Paul - crush them all!" (No. 640 of December 14, 1916). This is how Alexandra Feodorovna instructed her husband during the World War, mainly during his tenure as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief (!) of the Russian Army...
The fact that the direct manifestation of strength of character was not an easy task for Nicholas II is invariably indicated in Russian historiography, however, Mr. Nikonov considered himself more knowledgeable in this matter than his colleagues, contemporaries of the tsar and even his mistress and wife, who specially studied him.
Meanwhile, consideration of the character of Nicholas II is replaced by an excursion into the economic history of Europe at the end of the 19th century. The announcer, Mr. Verkhovykh, rightly states: “By the time of the accession to the throne of Nicholas II ... Russia was still generally an agrarian country,” while Germany was ahead of all countries in the world in terms of economic development. However, the following words about Germany's desire for world domination since the accession to the throne of Kaiser Wilhelm II of Hohenzollern are highly doubtful: it is known that the German General Staff since 1888 advocated a preventive war, but Wilhelm opposed the implementation of this strategy for a long time. Each time he looked into the abyss, he recoiled in horror and rescinded the orders of his generals. But, turning a blind eye to this, the filmmakers thereby bring the viewer to the next plot - the Hague Conference in 1899.
It is positioned by Mr. Verkhovykh as "the world's first conference on the reduction of conventional arms." This wording is surprising, since, in relation to the end of the 19th century, weapons were not divided into “conventional” and, for example, “mass destruction”. However, let's leave this formally incorrect detail on the screenwriter's conscience and turn to the factual side of the issue. Her presentation is completed by the words of the announcer - about the desire of the king to create a system of international relations that would allow avoiding wars - and the doctor of historical sciences N.A. Narochnitskaya (another invited specialist), who calls Nicholas II the founder of "peacekeeping efforts now raised to the shield" - no less.
It would seem that the creators of the film didn’t cheat here, and the information they report is correct. But no! Trying to portray the king as a pacifist, whom the world has never seen, the screenwriter of the film is silent (or simply does not know) that the reasons for convening the Hague Conference were very prosaic - everything rested on money. Initially, the idea of holding a peace conference began to mature not at all in the head of Nicholas II, but in the financial department. Back in 1881, the Minister of Finance of Russia N.Kh. Bunge insisted on cutting spending on armaments. I.A., who replaced him in this post. Vyshnegradsky in the autumn of 1891 in an address to the Minister of Foreign Affairs N.K. Girsu also expressed the idea of the desirability of reaching an agreement on disarmament or the limitation of new weapons. This initiative was also supported by Minister of War A.N. Kuropatkin, but for the sole reason that the suspension of armaments would be beneficial to Russia, which is far behind technically from many European countries. Thus, the 1899 conference in The Hague was not a generous gesture of the "peace-loving" Russian Empire - it was, to a certain extent, a forced step. Moreover, in the conditions of the militarization of most of the great powers, the call of Nicholas II for disarmament - if such was actually thrown - should be considered inappropriate, if not criminal manilovism.
It only remains to add that the goals set for Russian diplomacy at this conference were not achieved by and large - it was not possible to prevent a slide into a world war, nor to avoid local wars and armed conflicts. However, one could not expect a different result, even if one of the members of the Russian delegation, lawyer F.F. Martens, sadly wrote in his diary that members of foreign delegations "notice the constant discord between representatives of the imperial Russian government," while among the delegates of other governments "nothing of the kind is noticed." Despite this, the myth about the exceptional, almost pacifist initiative of Nicholas II turned out to be tenacious, which Mr. Multatuli willingly took advantage of. However, his commentary on the materials of the trial of true pacifists - "Tolstoyans" - justified solely by the efforts of the defense and public opinion, would be interesting; how could this happen in the reign of a convinced opponent of wars? ..
Meanwhile, viewers' attention is once again fixed on the economy; “The first years of the 20th century became a period of rapid development of Russian industry,” he says. Does this correspond to reality? The correct answer would be negative, because in 1900 an industrial crisis arose, which turned into a long depression in 1901-1908. The gross output of Russian industry from 1900 to 1908 grew only by 44.9%, which in no way falls under the definition of "rapid development". Mr. Verkhovykh goes on to report on Russia's claims to the title of "global energy power." Indeed, in the pre-war period, Russia's only competitor in the oil industry was the United States of North America, together these states produced 80% of all oil. However, let's take a look at the dynamics of oil production in Russia in 1900-1911 in millions of tons:
The presented dynamics shows that in the first decade of the twentieth century. the position of the oil enterprises as a whole was not brilliant, the crisis obviously dragged on, and in the aforementioned years, production was still going through hard times; it can also be seen that in 1904-1907. the level of production in the oil industry was significantly lower than in previous years and oil production was significantly reduced, the fall of 1905 stands out in this series.
As for the stock market, at the beginning of the twentieth century. the stock exchange was still reeling from the crisis that began at the end of 1899; it "was dominated by stagnation." According to the Ministry of Finance, "many securities that were already allowed to be issued were left in the portfolio, since they did not dare to put them into circulation." It was not until 1903 that paper prices began to rise. But in the autumn of this year, "with the first alarming news about the state of affairs in the Far East, some weakening of the rates began to be observed again." The way out of the crisis, outlined at the end of 1903, was stopped by the Russo-Japanese War and the revolutionary events of 1905–1907. Under the influence of the protracted economic crisis, the Russo-Japanese War and the Revolution of 1905-1907. The St. Petersburg Stock Exchange was in a depressed state, and only from the end of 1907 did the situation on the stock market begin to slowly improve.
In addition, almost all oil production and refining was concentrated in Baku (83%) and Grozny (13.3%), and, secondly, it was dominated by foreign capital. In addition, the concentration of the industry was high: three firms - “Br. Nobel, Shell and Co., Oil and Co. - produced and processed more than 50% of the oil. However, the creators of "Thwarted Triumph" are prudently silent about all this, insuring the concept they are constructing of the brilliant economic development of Russia during the reign of Nicholas II from doubts about its indisputability.
The presentation proceeds from the plane of economics to an overview of the historical and geographical aspect. The viewer hears: “At the beginning of the twentieth century, Russia increasingly confidently spread its influence to the East. Nicholas II was the first of the highest statesmen to realize the strategic importance of this region.” For a viewer more or less knowledgeable in the history of the Fatherland, this remark should have caused at least severe bewilderment - after all, it formally follows that until 1894 Russia had no diplomatic and trade ties with Asian states! Meanwhile, the announcer does not dwell on the disavowal of the Aigun Treaty of 1858, the Tianjin Treaty of 1858 and the Beijing Treaty of 1860, stating that “thus, Nicholas II was ahead of his time by at least 50 (!) years.”
Being still far from the idea of complete ignorance of Messrs. Verkhovykh and Multatuli of the history of Asian countries in the 19th century. and in particular the "opium wars", I, however, do not presume to explain such a statement by anything else. How far ahead of its time can we talk about if in the same year 1900, along with Russia, all the leading world powers sent troops to suppress the Yihetuan uprising that broke out in China?! Meanwhile, the screenwriter's thought develops further: "The East did not see Russia as an enemy." This argument, obviously, was to play in favor of the image of the last Russian autocrat. In this regard, it is reasonable to ask the question: how did the tsar himself and Russia, who was under his scepter, relate to this very East? ..
According to contemporaries, the king, even in the highest signatures to ministerial reports, rarely referred to the Japanese as other than "macaques." To match the tact of the emperor were especially popular during the years of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. cartoons, according to the writer V.V. Veresaeva,
“surprisingly boorish content. On one, a huge Cossack with a savagely grinning face whipped a small, frightened, screaming Japanese with his leg; another picture depicted “how a Russian sailor broke a Japanese’s nose”: blood flowed down the crying face of the Japanese, teeth rained down into blue waves. Little “macaques” wriggled under the boots of a shaggy monster with a bloodthirsty mug, and this monster personified Russia.
And, by the way, isn't the very fact of unleashing the Russian-Japanese war the most obvious refutation of the words voiced by Mr. Verkhovy?! However, looking ahead, let's say that the cause of this armed conflict (according to Mr. Multatuli & Co) was nothing more than the dissatisfaction of the Western powers with the pace of Russia's economic development - as they say, without comment ... Unless the reader should be reminded of the source of the Far Eastern confrontation - the so-called. "Amnokkan" concession of the East Asian Industrial Company in Korea. Its leader, retired captain A.M. Bezobrazov, close to the throne, lobbied for the development of timber production in the territories of the Tumangan and Amnokkan river basins bordering Russia. As conceived by the industrialist, the well-being of his undertaking was to be guaranteed by ... Russian regular troops, which naturally provoked protests from a number of Asian powers. The presence of Russian military forces in the region was negligible (moreover, parts of the Separate Border Guard Corps on the Russian-Korean cordon were not even familiar with the elementary documentation issued to diplomats by decree of His Imperial Majesty), but it was quite enough to escalate the conflict.
From describing the very warm and unusually friendly relations between Russia and its eastern neighbors, the filmmakers turn to the national question in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. As Mr. Verkhovykh reports: "The Sovereign's special concern was the preservation of religious and national peace in Russia." The hope begins to glimmer in the audience that these words behind the scenes can be trusted - after all, they are supported by the authority of the heads of religious denominations of modern Russia appearing on the screen - for example, the chairman of the Central Spiritual Board of Muslims of Russia, Sheikh-ul-Islam Talgat Tajuddin. However, in this case we are dealing with a maximum of half-truths; how else to explain the fact that in 1923, Mufti R. Fakhretdinov, who held the same post, complained to the chairman of the Central Executive Committee M.I. Kalinin on the complete absence of the history and biographies of prominent personalities among the Muslims of Russia and Siberia? Or the decision shortly before the First World War to exempt from military service up to 2.5 million Kyrgyz, who, like the Uzbeks, Tajiks and Karakalpaks, were considered potential enemies of the empire due to ... their annual mass pilgrimages to Mecca? ..
The following words of the Supreme Mufti of Russia also do not correspond to reality: "... in every village, in every city there was a madrasah ... among Muslims there was a very high percentage of literacy." Documents show that at the beginning of 1914, the percentage of students of educational institutions of the Ministry of Public Education who professed Islam was inferior to the number of adherents of other confessions, except, perhaps, for the traditional cults of a number of peoples of the empire (for example, shamanism in the Uryankhai region), placed in the column "other non-Christians". In terms of the number of national-religious educational institutions, Mohammedan schools barely surpassed Jewish schools:
| Educational districts | Jewish educational institutions | Mohammedan educational institutions | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Total | Number of students in Jewish schools | Mektebe | Madrasah | ||
| M | F | ||||
| Saint Petersburg | 17 | 234 | 38 | 1 | - |
| Moscow | 24 | 421 | 139 | 102 | - |
| Kharkov | 42 | 909 | 301 | 114 | 12 |
| Odessa | 1029 | 21148 | 15161 | 406 | 24 |
| Kyiv | 2450 | 45989 | 8182 | - | - |
| vilensky | 2474 | 15377 | 8522 | - | - |
| Kazansky | - | - | - | 1938 | 150 |
| Orenburg | 4 | 101 | 21 | 1129 | 424 |
| Caucasian | 12 | 801 | 490 | 2 | 4 |
| Riga | 157 | 3792 | 1531 | - | - |
| Warsaw | 2905 | 61014 | 13133 | - | - |
| West Siberian | 3 | 156 | 23 | - | - |
| Irkutsk gene. lips | 8 | 369 | 151 | 9 | 2 |
| Turkestan gene. lips | 23 | - | - | 6022 | 445 |
| Amur gene-lip. in | - | - | - | - | 2 |
| Total: | 9248 | 150311 | 47692 | 9723 | 1064 |
The screenwriter's thought, and with it the speaker's presentation of events, freely moves from one area of problematics to another; from the level of literacy of Muslims in Russia, bypassing the malicious instigators of the Russo-Japanese war from the West, the viewer's attention is drawn to one of the most tragic events of the reign of Nicholas II - "Bloody Sunday" on January 9 (22), 1905.
Anticipating the announcer's message about this tragedy, V.M. Lavrov authoritatively declares from the screen that “the petition prepared by Gapon with the participation of socialist parties - this petition was ... a provocation. It required both land and parliament, and all at once and instantly. If a viewer unfamiliar with the text of the petition itself trusts the words of the historian, then he will be deeply mistaken. After all, the “demand for land immediately and instantly” mentioned by Mr. Lavrov and the necessary, according to Gapon, “GRADUAL transfer of land to the people” are, as they say in Odessa, two big differences, as well as the demand of the parliament with the participation of representatives indicated in the petition working classes in drafting a bill on state insurance for workers. It is hard to believe that such a knowledgeable specialist is not familiar with such a trivial historical source - why does he allow himself to falsify its content on television?!
In the same spirit, the presentation of events “voice-over” continues: he claims that the Minister of the Interior, Prince P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, who arrived on the evening of January 8 at the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoye Selo, where the emperor was at that time, "did not say a word to him about the scale of the impending catastrophe." However, this is not true. The minister, without thinking of anything better than to decide on the delivery of additional troops to the capital, reported to Nicholas II on the situation in St. Petersburg. At the same time, the autocrat wrote in his diary: "Troops were called from the surrounding area to reinforce the garrison ... Mirsky came in the evening to report on the measures taken." Thus, the authors of "Bloody Triumph," speaking of "Bloody Sunday," allowed themselves to falsify the most important sources of personal origin on this topic. This could be expected from the writer Multatuli, but not from the professional historian V.M. Lavrov. In a word, as the announcer correctly noted this time, “one can only guess about the reasons for this disinformation.”
Mr. Verkhovykh also reports that allegedly "contrary to popular belief, the first shots were fired from the crowd of demonstrators at the troops." Due to the lack of confirmation of these words in the scientific literature and documentary sources, they have to be recognized as fiction.
However, on that really “Bloody Sunday”, a lot of people died - not fictional, but quite real, moreover, driven by loyal feelings. The filmmakers of volens-nolens have to mention this as well. It is logical to assume that issues relating to human lives should be free from speculations on them, which obviously run counter to at least the concept of morality.
Doctor of Historical Sciences A.N. Bokhanov, on the other hand, declares from the screen about only 93 victims of this absurd and senseless bloodshed, underestimating at least half the actual number of those killed alone, although there are reports in the literature about 5,000 dead. At the same time, earlier, in one of his apologetic books about Nicholas II, he completely preferred to remain silent about the number of those killed and wounded on January 9, 1905. It is difficult to say what explains such an approach to the problem, but it definitely has nothing to do with science.
Along with this, it is argued that the main financier of the first Russian revolution, which began with Bloody Sunday, was Japanese intelligence. This assumption to this day is one of the persistent myths from the history of the Russo-Japanese War. The authors of the film did not bother with any justification for this message, including no comments from specialists in the history of special services. Meanwhile, the points of view of the leading researchers of this problem - D.B. Pavlova, S. Petrova - agree that subsidizing the activities of Russian revolutionary and opposition parties by Japan did not affect the outcome of the Russian-Japanese war in any way, and all undertakings richly flavored with Japanese gold did not have a serious impact on the course of the Russian revolution. Reports about them by the “agents” of the official for special assignments under the Minister of Internal Affairs I.F. Manasevich-Manuilov at least did not quite correspond to reality.
In addition, in this case, Mr. Verkhovykh clearly did not finish the phrase he had begun and did not focus the attention of the audience on the only important conclusion from his message - the only condition for free contacts between representatives of Russian opposition parties and Japanese military intelligence can only be the unsatisfactory work of domestic counterintelligence. In this case, such a verdict regarding the latter is considered fair by the recognized expert in this field of historical knowledge I.V. Derevianko.
Concluding the conversation about Bloody Sunday, Mr. Verkhovykh voices another semi-truth: “The tsar allocated 50,000 rubles from personal funds to each of the affected families. That was a huge sum for those times." In fact, this money was allocated, as they say, “for everyone”, which cannot be considered an auction of unprecedented generosity on the part of Nicholas II - after all, his personal annual income was about 20 million rubles.
Then, for several minutes, the film tells about the terrible scope of the revolutionary terror in 1905–1907, which culminated in the Moscow armed uprising in December 1905. The viewer is told in traditionally general terms about the feat of the Life Guards of the Semyonovsky regiment, “which cleared the capital from the revolutionary squads ". Let us turn to the revelations of his officers, Russian nobles - those to whom Multatuli literally applauds:
“... The entire 3rd battalion with a punitive expedition, upon arrival in Moscow, was sent along the line of the Kazan railway [road]. My company left and occupied the Golutvino station. At this station, we shot about 30 people, of whom one railway worker arrested with a weapon was shot by me personally ...
For the suppression of the 1905 revolution, all officers received awards. They gave me Anna of the 3rd degree. Upon the return of the regiment to St. Petersburg, later, on a specially arranged holiday, as a sign of the highest mercy, Nicholas II came to us.
“...Captain Tsvetsinsky ordered his subordinates to shoot one worker. The execution took place under the following conditions: Tsvetsinsky brought one worker, suspected of shooting at soldiers. He kept him beside him for some time, shouted: “Well, go away!” As a sign of carrying out the given order, the arrested worker ran. Before he had time to run away, Tsvetsinsky ordered the soldiers to shoot at him, the escaping man was shot down by the last shot, after which he crawled into the yard ... The officers received various awards for the brutal reprisal against the rebels ... "
“... Upon arrival at the Perovo station, our company was given the task: to clear Perovo of revolutionaries, to shoot people who had weapons found, etc. At the command of Zykov’s company commander, then on my at the Perovo station, fire was opened on the peasants. As a result of firing by the soldiers of our company, 10 peasants were killed ... ".
Undoubtedly, for screenwriter P. Multatuli and his colleagues, these ruined lives of ordinary people are of no value, which in itself is very significant. However, I believe that readers will draw their own conclusions from the facts presented.
In the film, the viewer is quite predictably informed about the gift of a manifesto by Nicholas II on October 17, 1905, and none other than the vice-speaker of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation B.V. Gryzlov, declares from the screen that the tsar has chosen "a democratic path for the development of the country, a democratic path for the development of Russia."
Let's check this statement with the facts. According to the Minister of War, in 1905 more than 4,000 troops were sent out to "assist the civil authorities". For the war with its own people, the War Ministry was forced to allocate (taking into account repeated calls) 3398361 people. Consequently, the number of soldiers involved in the fight against the revolution was more than 3 times the size of the entire tsarist army by the beginning of 1905 (about 1 million people). In total in 1906–1907. courts-martial executed 1,102 people; 2694 hanged in 1906–1909 by the verdict of the military district courts; 23,000 were sent to hard labor and prisons, 39,000 were sent without trial; hundreds and hundreds of thousands were subjected to searches, arrests and drives to the police stations ... It is difficult to say how this correlates with the already 2 times democratic path of the country's development.
However, Mr. Verkhovykh continues, not only military massacres stopped the revolution - one of the main reasons for its defeat allegedly was the agrarian reform; "November 9, 1906, the tsar's manifesto came out, encouraging the peasants to create strong individual farms." Let us clarify right away that on November 9, 1906, it was not the “Tsar's Manifesto” that was issued, but a personal imperial decree to the Senate “On supplementing some provisions of the current law concerning peasant land ownership and land use”, which was adopted as a law on June 10, 1910. to the formulation may seem scholastic, however, at the level of the problem under consideration, a free and not quite competent disposal of definitions is unacceptable.
The main goal of the reform initiated by this decree was the elimination of the peasant community with its inherent system of land ownership and land use and the creation of a wide layer of personal peasant owners leading an entrepreneurial market economy. As you know, it was not achieved. According to the information of the governors, who were far from being interested in downplaying the successes in the reform and had the most extensive data on the state of affairs in the provinces, by January 1, 1916, 2.5 million householders (27% of all communal households), which had 15.9 million dess. (14% of all communal lands). The most active exit from the community was in 1908–1910. (More than half of all the detached households left), and since 1911 the exit from the community has sharply decreased.
The policy of resettlement of peasants outside European Russia did not justify itself. The results of this process are well known. We only recall that in 1880-1895. 461.7 thousand people moved to the eastern regions of the country, in 1896-1905. - 1075.9 thousand and in 1906–1911. - 3078.9 thousand About a fifth (18.6%) of those who moved in 1896–1916 returned back. At the same time, the resettlement movement reached its maximum in 1907–1909, after which it began to decline.
Thus, the results of the Stolypin agrarian reform indicate that it failed even before the First World War, and all sorts of statements that peacetime was not enough for the reform to succeed (which N.A. Narochnitskaya will later mention in the film) follow recognize as unfounded.
The assertion that "Stolypin was noticed, appreciated and appointed head of government by Emperor Nicholas II" is also doubtful. P.A. Stolypin could not be seated in the ministerial chair by anyone other than the tsar. In addition, the appointment of the Saratov governor to the post of Minister of the Interior, which became the first step for Stolypin in ascending the Russian political Olympus, was made by Nicholas II, according to a number of testimonies, at the suggestion of the then Chief Prosecutor of the Synod, Prince Obolensky.
Moving in the narrative from the political to the socio-economic sphere, the filmmakers report that under Nicholas II
“The largest railways were built in the east of the country, including the famous CER. The Baikal-Amur Mainline - BAM was designed, a plan for the electrification of the entire country was developed. These great plans will subsequently be implemented by the Bolsheviks and presented as their own.”
It would seem that it is just right to applaud the merits of Nicholas II! However, it would be good to know that:
According to such qualitative indicators as the length of railways per 100 sq. km., Russian imperial indicators (0.3) approached only those of France (0.4) and the British Empire (0.1), but were 6 times less than those of the United States, 20-50 times less than the metropolitan structures of European states. In terms of the length of railways per 10 thousand inhabitants (4.2?5.2), the Russian Empire was ahead only of the traditional maritime powers - the Japanese and British empires, but compared to the United States, this figure was 8 times less;
on the eve of the First World War, out of 1231 cities of the empire, only 162 settlements were provided with electric lighting.
In this regard, it would be more appropriate to give honor and praise to the Bolsheviks for the implementation of such important state projects. which would hardly have taken place during the blessed reign of Nicholas II. However, one should not expect this from the "non-party monarchist" © Multatuli.
Meanwhile, “show must go on” - Mr. Verkhovykh argues: “The word “first” is the best fit for the era of Nicholas II. The following is a list of innovations in the social and technical spheres of life in Russian society. How do they fit with the facts?
"... the first tram..." - this information is incorrect. The first electric tram on the territory of the Russian Empire was put into operation in 1892, before the accession of Nikolai Aleksandrovich Romanov. At the same time in Moscow, the first steam tram line was built from Butyrskaya Zastava to Petrovsko-Razumovskoye. Of course, he was a contemporary of these events, but had nothing to do with them;
"... the first submarine ..." - indeed, in 1903 the first Dolphin submarine was accepted into the combat structure of the Russian fleet, and three years later the submarines were separated into an independent class of warships. However, Mr. Multatuli, of course, is silent that by the beginning of the First World War, with its 22 submarines, the Russian Empire was ahead of only Japan (8) in their number, while the German submarine fleet numbered 25, Italian - 49, American - 51, French - 69, and the British - 105 ships.
At the same time, state funds were actively invested in such crazy projects as, for example, the famous Lebedenko tank - for its manufacture, the Union of Zemstvo Cities, by order of the tsar, allocated a huge amount of 210,000 rubles, and this was in 1916, during the most difficult war period, despite the fact that even in the midst of the “July crisis” of 1914, the General Directorate of the General Staff promised 10 times less money for the extraction of information, crucial for the country, about the military plans of Germany! However, even these episodes pale before the order by the Highest order of the War Ministry from the inventor A.A. Bratolyubov of a combustible liquid invented by him - a kind of napalm - in the amount of ... 7 million rubles, which was to be paid in US dollars with a guarantee of additional payments, if necessary. However, this is only one single item in the list of orders addressed to Bratolyubov, the implementation of which required a total of 100 (!!!) million rubles.
Against the background of examples of such a highly approved waste of crazy money, it is not surprising that by the eve of the February Revolution, the army was extremely poorly provided with such important equipment. However, it is not clear why the authors of the film keep silent about this, ranting about the first plane and car, and about Russia on the verge of victory.
Indeed, by the end of the war in all the warring countries there were more than 11 thousand aircraft, including in Russia (at the beginning of 1917) - only 1039; in the pre-war period, this lag was more modest in size - the air force of the empire then totaled only 150 airplanes, of which there were 2 in Germany, and 3.5 times more in France. In general, during the First World War, the Russian aircraft industry satisfied the army's need for aircraft by only 9%, and even less for aircraft engines, by 5%; aircraft engines were practically not produced in the Russian Empire, they had to be purchased from abroad - as a result, 15 different types of engines were installed on 80 Ilya Muromets machines. The automobile fleet of the Russian army by 1917 consisted of only 9930 cars, while in total there were about 200 thousand cars in the armies of the Entente countries, and about 70 thousand in the German army. Is there any need to comment on these figures, which testify to the hopeless lag of the Russian industry in these sectors? ..
Meanwhile, Mr. Verkhovykh continues: “Each technical innovation did not go unnoticed by the sovereign ... Here we see how the emperor is testing a plow of a new design” - it is not clear why the announcer calls the test of the plow a light touch of the monarch’s hand on it, and the image of interest by standing around dignitaries in frock coats and top hats? The photograph below from the same “tests” shows that it is by no means an autocrat who manages a double-horse (by the way, English) plow and horses harnessed to it ...
“And here he boarded a giant plane and listens to the report of its creator, the aircraft designer Igor Sikorsky” - on the several newsreel frames shown, the tsar is depicted in a winter overcoat, while the mentioned aircraft “Russian Knight” was presented to Nicholas II in July 1913 .. There is discrepancy between facts and video.
Further, apparently trying to demonstrate the rapid development of sports in Russia during the reign of Nicholas II, the filmmakers report on the participation of the national team in the 1912 Olympic Games held in Stockholm. Mr. Verkhovykh calls them the first for Russia, which allegedly took the most active part in the Olympics. However, this statement is incorrect. The 1912 Games were the third in a row for Russian athletes - before that they participated in the second Olympics, held in 1900 in Paris (3 representatives of the Russian Empire competed there: 2 cavalrymen and a shooter), and at the fourth, held in 1908, in London, the Russian figure skater N. Panin-Kolomenkin won the gold medal, wrestlers N. Orlov and O. Petrov - silver. Russian athletes were forced to miss the first and third Olympics due to ... lack of financial resources; the screenwriter tactfully kept silent about this shameful nuance for the "leading economy of the world" - for him and for gullible TV viewers, the Olympic era began in Russia only in 1912.
Well, perhaps, at least speaking about the most active participation of the Russian team in the Games, the creators of "Thwarted Triumph" were not deceitful? It would be logical to judge this by the success of the athletes, but alas, there is no need to talk about them. Of the entire large team (178 athletes, half of them are specially selected combat officers), only civilian athletes showed themselves to any noticeable extent, having won only 2 silver and 2 bronze medals. In the unofficial team standings, the Russian team shared 15th and 16th places out of 18 with Austria, ahead of only the teams of Greece and the Netherlands. It only remains for me to add here that there is no personal merit or guilt of Nicholas II himself in such modest results of the performance of the Russian team - he simply ignored the process of recruiting the national team and organizing the Russian Olympic Committee, entrusting this to his uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Jr.
Narration moves from sports to the area of demography - V.M. Lavrov speaks of a "population explosion" during the reign of Nicholas II. The fact that, in terms of the mortality rate of the population, then Russia among the largest states was second only to Mexico, is logically silent.
“If we take the calculations made by scientists of that time, then by the middle of the 20th century we should have had 2 times more population than we have now,” continues Mr. Lavrov. It is strange that the venerable historian did not indicate the true author of this demographic forecast - the great Russian chemist D.I. Mendeleev, and the scientist’s confidence in his conclusions is doubly surprising - after all, demographers in practice have long abandoned the method used by Mendeleev - mathematical extrapolation into the future of data on natural population growth for some period of time in the past. Such a primitive calculation of compound interest for any lengthy period has shown its complete failure, because it does not take into account the forthcoming changes in the sex and age structure of the population, in the ratio of the urban and rural population, and many other factors that determine the birth rate.
“There are different estimates of the population of the empire by the beginning of the First World War,” V.A. Nikonov. - "They are from 170 to 180 million people." In theory, a doctor of historical sciences should not get confused in such key information, however, in this case, Mr. Nikonov's statement needs to be corrected - the population of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War totaled 185.2 million people, which was not 14% of the global population , as V.A. Nikonov, but 10%, and this is not a trifle even on a planetary scale to neglect it. In addition, the "population explosion" was observed rather in 1861-1865, after the abolition of serfdom; birth rates in the specified period in most provinces exceed the vaunted data "for 1913":
| provinces | fertility | |
|---|---|---|
| 1861-1865 | 1911-1913 | |
| Arkhangelsk | 41,1 | 43,5 |
| Astrakhan | 50,3 | 54,1 |
| vilenskaya | 50,2 | 30,6 |
| Vitebsk | 48 | 33,3 |
| Vladimirskaya | 52 | 40,2 |
| Vologda | 46 | 47 |
| Volyn | 46,9 | 39,5 |
| Voronezh | 46,3 | 48,8 |
| Vyatskaya | 54,9 | 51,3 |
| Grodno | 50,2 | 32,8 |
| Yekaterinoslavskaya | 55,5 | 43,7 |
| Lands of the Don Cossacks | 48, 9 | 50,5 |
| Kazanskaya | 48 | 42,8 |
| Kaluga | 50 | 46,5 |
| Kyiv | 46,7 | 37,5 |
| Kovno | 42,3 | 27,3 |
| Kostroma | 48 | 45,1 |
| Courland | 36, 2 | 24,6 |
| Kursk | 53,5 | 46,4 |
| Livonian | 40,6 | 22,6 |
| Minsk | 53 | 37,5 |
| Mogilevskaya | 50,8 | 36,8 |
| Nizhny Novgorod | 52,7 | 46 |
| Novgorod | 45,7 | 42 |
| Olonetskaya | 48,5 | 45,8 |
| Orenburg | 55,3 | 53,7 |
| Orlovskaya | 58,1 | 44,8 |
| Penza | 51,3 | 43,7 |
| Perm | 55,2 | 55,2 |
| Podolskaya | 45,7 | 36,7 |
| Poltava | 53,8 | 36,5 |
| Pkovskaya | 51,1 | 39,1 |
| Ryazan | 52,7 | 40,6 |
| Samara | 58, 2 | 55 |
| Saratov | 54 | 47,2 |
| Simbirskaya | 52,4 | 49,5 |
| Smolensk | 54,1 | 44,9 |
| Tauride | 49 | 42,8 |
| Tambov | 51,6 | 47,2 |
| Tverskaya | 48,7 | 40,1 |
| Tula | 55,9 | 40,4 |
| Kharkiv | 53,1 | 43,9 |
| Kherson | 53,5 | 43,8 |
| Chernihiv | 54,9 | 39,7 |
| Estonian | 39,1 | 24,6 |
| Yaroslavskaya | 45,4 | 36,4 |
Further in the film, we are talking about the prosperity of the multinational people of the Russian Empire, and the viewer is invited to talk about "specific numbers." Well, gentlemen, if you please, but - "note that I did not propose this!" ©.
“A worker of the lowest category received 130 kopecks a day” - even laborers in the capital who were content with 1 ruble 10 kopecks did not receive such high daily wages. At the same time, for example, in the Kazan province this figure was 60 kopecks, and in Tambov - even less, 54 kopecks. In general, on the eve of the First World War, only a third of all workers in the country received daily wages in the amount of more than 1 ruble, while earnings from 50 kopecks to 1 ruble - half of their total number.
“... an elementary school teacher - up to 2,500 rubles a year ...” - according to official data from the Ministry of Public Education, more than 1/3 of elementary school teachers received less than 200 rubles a year, ? teachers - less than 100 rubles, a fairly significant number of teachers received less than 50 rubles, and there were those who received no money at all (they were paid in kind);
"... a doctor - 900 rubles a year ..." - the earnings of a paramedic of a district zemstvo hospital amounted to a maximum of 500 rubles a year.
As we can see, the “concrete figures” in the indication of the wages of the population of the then Russia do not agree with reality among the authors of “Thwarted Triumph”; Is it not because they are taken from the ceiling? ..
To test this assumption, let's look at the food prices given in the film:
"... a chicken cost 40 kopecks ..." - the average prices on the eve of the First World War: in St. Petersburg - 97 kopecks, in Moscow - no less than 93;
"... a loaf of rye bread - 3 kopecks ..." - in fact, this is the average price of just a pound of rye bread. In addition, by the end of 1914 food prices had risen by 25%, and by the end of 1915 they had risen by 122% over their pre-war levels;
"... a bottle of vodka - 17 kopecks ..." - a measured bottle of vodka was 1/16 of a government bucket. Even in Podolsk province, remote from the capital with its biting prices, a bucket of vodka cost 8 rubles. 40 kopecks, which in terms of bottles exceeds the price indicated in the film by 3 times;
“... renting a good apartment cost 155 rubles a year” - this definition is very streamlined, but if we take a five-room apartment with heating, lighting and furnishings as such, then renting it cost 718 rubles 80 kopecks, and by no means in St. Petersburg , but in Kyiv. For 155 rubles in the same place, one could only die of hunger in a very good, but maximum one-room apartment.
Thus, instead of “specific figures”, no less specific lies appear to the attention of the audience.
From it, the announcer turns to the golden Russian ruble - during the reign of Nicholas II, one of the hardest currencies in the world. And perhaps for the first time in the entire film, the exact data on the international exchange rate of the ruble against the German and French currencies turn out to be reliable! Unless the creators of "Thwarted Triumph" are silent about the fact that in addition to the British pound sterling and the US dollar, the ruble was ahead of the Portuguese krone, Egyptian and Turkish lira, and the Japanese yen was literally stepping on its heels.
In addition, the summary data on national income and per capita income in the great powers in 1914 are very expressive.
It is symbolic that from the field of finance the attention of the audience is switched to the Church during the reign of Nicholas II. Another invited expert, Archbishop of Yekaterinburg and Verkhoturye Vincent, voiced the following figures: “During his [Nicholas II] reign, about 7,000 churches were built ... again, about ... 19 monasteries were built.” These data are given without comparison with any other period in the history of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church. Meanwhile, according to the head of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, General of the NKVD Karpov V.M. Molotov dated January 19, 1944, during the Great Patriotic War, as many as 75 Orthodox monasteries and 9400 churches were opened on the former territory of the USSR under occupation. I made this comparison only in order to show the senselessness of the categorical announcement of exact data, supposedly self-valuable, which, unfortunately, is typical for the authors of "Thwarted Triumph".
However, I'm not quite right - Mr. Multatuli knows the concept of comparative analysis. The screenwriter of the film resorts to it - or rather, tries to resort to it, comparing the religiosity of the tsar with the spiritual atmosphere in contemporary Russian society; the latter changes the Orthodox religion into "various surrogates, bizarre mixtures of mysticism and the occult." And now it becomes curious - is the author's team of the film in question aware of the concept of the "silver age" of Russian culture? Indeed, during this very period, the rulers of the thoughts of the intelligentsia, convicted by Mr. Multatuli in Satanism, were the religious philosophers S.N. Bulgakov, Vl. Solovyov, V.F. Ern, V.P. Sventsitsky, P.B. Struve, S.L. Frank... The creators of "Thwarted Triumph" simply do not remember these now half-forgotten names. They also keep silent about the fact that a number of mystics, mediums and occultists were close to the throne of Nicholas II, and in reality - ordinary rogues, to whom the imperial couple paid exceptional attention.
For example, since the early 1900s a certain Monsieur Philippe, a Frenchman who became the court oracle, becomes very close to Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. This false doctor, who had no education, but was engaged in medical practice and was repeatedly convicted for this, was constantly engaged in mystical sessions with the royal couple. He "summoned" to Nicholas II spirits (mainly the shadow of his father, Alexander III), who allegedly dictated orders to the autocrat regarding the administration of the country. Having first met with Philip on March 26, 1901, the emperor and his wife from July 9 to 21, 1901 see him daily, and often several times a day. By the autumn of the same year, Nicholas II obtained a diploma for the title of doctor from the military medical academy for Philip. In the future, his “holy” place will not be allowed to be empty by the magician Papus, the holy fool, or rather, the holy fool Mitya Kozelsky, Pasha the perspicacious, Matryona the sandal ... And this is the pinnacle of Orthodox spirituality ?!
Moreover, for example, Dzhamsaran (P.A.) Badmaev, being just a court homeopathic doctor, included in the orbit of his activities such key sectors of management and infrastructure as the construction of railways - at the height of the First World War, he was in concession with the general Lieutenant P.G. Kurlov and G.A. Mantashev draws up the “Project for the construction of a railway to the border of Mongolia and within it”, and despite the fact that a year earlier, the transport collapse on the western borders of the empire caused the enemy to leave vast territories and threatened to defeat the entire Russian army!
This example is very indicative - after all, even before the start of the First World War, when the western regions of the empire, in particular, the Warsaw Fortified Region, required the development of not only road infrastructure, but also surface communications, their construction was hampered due to the development of river communications in Central Asia, a project was considered the use of bridge-building material intended for work on the Vistula in building bridges across the Amu Darya.
Speaking about the spiritual fragmentation of Russian society, Mr. Verkhovyh smoothly leads the viewer to the story of the "terrible disaster" that befell the empire - the First World War. The conversation about it begins with the statement of V.M. Lavrov that "Russia did everything to prevent the First World War." As an example of this, the expert mentions the meeting of Nicholas II and Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1912, at which the emperor allegedly renounced all geopolitical claims of Russia in order to preserve peace. However, how was it in reality?
Firstly, an authoritative historian kept silent about the creation, not without pressure from Russia, in the same 1912 of the Balkan Union, which included Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Greece and was directed against the Ottoman Empire and, in fact, Austria-Hungary - therefore, against the interests of Germany's allies and its herself. This fact alone puts an end to the concepts of Russia's anti-war foreign policy in the period under review, invented by the screenwriters of "Thwarted Triumph"; in comparison with him, the participation of Russian pilots in the first Balkan war as part of the Bulgarian army is an insignificant trifle. Secondly, Lavrov ignored the fact that in 1912 new directives for the strategic deployment of troops were approved, which were fundamentally different from the plan of 1910, which pursued only defensive goals. There are no words, this is a very original form of manifestation of the peacefulness of the empire ...
However, the multifactorial and very difficult issue of international relations in Europe on the eve of the First World War can be considered for a very, very long time, since a huge number of studies on it have been published in Russia and abroad; in this case, we are only interested in the meeting of the "admirals of the Pacific and Atlantic oceans."
Kaiser Wilhelm II in his memoirs mentions the hospitality of the Russian Tsar, the excellent training of the 85th Vyborg Infantry Regiment sponsored by him, and ... nothing more! Unless, in conclusion, he is justly indignant about the complete silence of cousin Nika about the Balkan Union. Minister of Foreign Affairs S.D. Sazonov tells in detail about the persistent attempts of Wilhelm II to convince him of the need to reorient Russian foreign policy from Europe to the Far East - well, the German emperor was true to himself, adhering to this point of view even before the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. But where can we find at least a small mention of what the doctor of historical sciences Lavrov told from the TV screen? The answer is simple and categorical: nowhere. This conversation just didn't happen.
Also very interesting in this regard is the mention in the memoirs of the head of the St. Petersburg security department V.A. Gerasimov about the intentions of Nicholas II to declare war on Austria-Hungary back in October 1908, after its occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, when P.A. Stolypin dissuaded the tsar from this step with great difficulty. Mr. Lavrov either does not know about him (which is unlikely), or deliberately does not remember.
In the end, the war was declared anyway, its millstones set in motion, and very soon Russia's main ally, the French Republic, was on the verge of defeat. Another expert appears on the screen - as indicated in the subtitles, "Andrey Rachinsky, Doctor of History." Standing on the bridge laid by "Emperor Alec... Nicholas II" (?), he utters some beautiful, but frankly chaotic phrases about how Russia saved France. And then Mr. Verkhovykh immediately starts talking about 1915.
The question arises: why was not a word said either about the circumstances of the outbreak of the war, or about the notorious salvation of France by Russia? Indeed, even Marshal Foch was not cited as an authority, whose expression “The fact that France was not wiped off the face of the earth, it owes only to Russia” is so fond of recalling in such cases. The answer to these reasonable questions is simple: the war for Russia began with the tragic defeat of the 2 armies in East Prussia, which lost a total of 250 thousand soldiers killed, wounded, captured and missing. This invasion was not carried out by a third of the army mobilized, it was not properly prepared; the creators of the film are silent about this “price” of saving France, which looks at least hypocritical.
However, let us return to 1915, which was marked for Russia by the “Great Retreat” of its army along the entire length of the front and the abandonment of most of the country’s western territories to the enemy. Mr. Verkhovykh reports this honor by honor, but the reasons for such grave military failures are not voiced. And one can try to understand the screenwriter - could he, narrating about the great Sovereign Nicholas II, say that due to the poor functioning of his military department, the soldiers did not have enough banal boots? That the army was sorely lacking shells, and sometimes even food? That the vaunted western fortresses were defended by militias with one rifle for three, and field artillery by crews with axes at the ready?!
Of course not. After all, such information would make the viewer think about the validity of the following statement from the lips of V.M. Lavrova: “In this very difficult situation in 1915, Emperor Nicholas II himself assumed responsibility for the situation on the fronts as supreme commander in chief.” This information is reliable, although information about the true motives of this act of the autocrat is silent. This is followed by statements that are rare in terms of the degree of absurdity, revealing either Mr. Lavrov's complete ignorance of the history of the Great War, or his complete disrespect for himself and for television viewers - since the doctor of historical sciences without hesitation voices the next one from the screenwriter's pen Multatuli is nonsense: "He was able to consolidate the leadership of the Russian army ...".
In fact, the opinion of the army elite about the replacement of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich by the emperor as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief is clearly seen in the reaction of one of its representatives - cavalry general A.A. Brusilov, who later recalled:
“The impression in the troops from this replacement was the most difficult, one might say - depressing. The whole army, and indeed the whole of Russia, certainly believed Nikolai Nikolaevich. It was well known that the Tsar knew absolutely nothing about military matters and that the title he had taken upon himself would be only nominal.
In this case, the memoirist, in contrast to Messrs. Multatuli and Lavrov, did not cheat - the epistolary evidence of contemporaries of those events preserved in the archives very eloquently confirm this. A soldier who was in the active army informed his correspondent in February 1915: “Don't be surprised that everything is so well arranged. This is all the Grand Duke, who became our second Suvorov. We trust Him and hand our lives boldly into His hands...”. Another soldier wrote from the front in March: "Nikolai Nikolaevich is almost adored." “All our victories only went to us thanks to the sobering of the country and the appointment of Nikolai Nikolayevich as Supreme Commander-in-Chief, whom we, soldiers, all love for his truth and steadfastness” - this is how, and not otherwise, the role of the Grand Duke in the fate of the army was determined by its lower ranks. He was extraordinarily popular in the rear as well; a certain resident of Petrograd wrote in a private letter in January 1915: “Having such a talented, serious and strict Commander-in-Chief and such valiant assistants as Ivanov, Ruzsky, Brusilov, Radko Dmitriev, Lechitsky, etc. - we cannot help but win.” These few testimonies make it clear that the measure taken by Nicholas II not only did not consolidate, but rather unpleasantly impressed both the leadership of the army and society as a whole.
Meanwhile, V.M. Lavrov continues:
“... the panic stopped, the retreat stopped ...” - in fact, the front did not stabilize immediately, as Lavrov imagines, but only 2 months later, after the next retreat of the Russian army to the line of the river. Western Dvina - Dvinsk - Vileyka - Baranovichi - Pinsk. The panic that had ceased in the imagination of the screenwriter of the film continued in the vast masses of the population of the front line, who during the entire campaign were evacuated inland, which almost put railway communications in the west of the country at risk of collapse, and in the army in 1915, the facts were first recorded fraternization with enemy soldiers.
And now - a few words about the probable reasons for the dismissal of his uncle by Nicholas II from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief. From the beginning of the war, and especially - in the difficult year of 1915 - opinions about the commander in chief as a suitable candidate for the role of "good king" were gaining weight in society. Describing the mood of the participants in the anti-German pogrom in Moscow in May 1915, the French ambassador wrote in his diary: “On the famous Red Square, the crowd scolded the royal people, demanding the abdication of the emperor, the transfer of the throne to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich ...”. According to the testimony of Protopresbyter of the Russian army and fleet G. Shavelsky, in court circles at that time they even pointedly talked about the portrait of the Grand Duke with the inscription "Nicholas III" that went from hand to hand. This trend worried the empress more and more, she was annoyed by the participation of the Grand Duke in the meetings of the Council of Ministers; “It seems that Nikolay Nikolayevich controls everything, he has the right to choose, and he makes the necessary changes. This state of affairs makes me extremely indignant,” the queen wrote to her husband. But not only a certain special policy of the Headquarters, but also a peculiar sovereign style cultivated by the Supreme, increasingly worried the tsar, the tsarina, some other members of the imperial family, as well as Rasputin. Official documents, appeals coming from the Headquarters increasingly imitated the style of the tsar's manifestos. The emperor did not share all of the queen's concerns about the grand duke's ambitions, but in this case he apparently considered the situation serious enough to intervene. The consequences, unlike the speculations of the royal couple, were quite real and very deplorable for the army and the state as a whole.
Meanwhile, the "Thwarted Triumph" continues to delight viewers - they are informed that in the spring of 1916 the Russian army carried out the largest offensive of the First World War, which was forever included in the annals of history under the name "Brusilovsky Breakthrough". Further, the operation is referred to as "victorious". Should we trust these far-reaching claims? Once again, the answer is in the negative. Firstly, the scale of this military operation - undoubtedly grandiose - in terms of losses in manpower is comparable to the battle on the Somme that broke out on the Western Front in the summer of 1916, or rather, with its first day, July 1. If by August 1916 the losses of the parties in the "Brusilovsky breakthrough" looked like this:
then only on July 1, 1916, troops on both sides of the Western Front lost 57470 people, which is no less impressive, especially if we take into account the difference in the population of the Russian Empire and, for example, France or the British Isles. As for the victoriousness of the Brusilov breakthrough, the researcher S.G. Nelipovich, relying on an array of archival sources, reasonably doubted the acceptability of such formulations. After all, A.A. Brusilov did not fulfill any of the tasks facing him: the enemy was not defeated, his losses were less than those of the Russians (only according to rough estimates according to the statements of the Stavka, Brusilov's Southwestern Front lost from May 22 (June 4) to 14 (27 ) October 1916 1.65 million people), success for the attacks of the Western Front was also not prepared by this large-scale distraction operation.
Of course, there was not even a hint of this in the film. On the contrary, the off-screen reader spoke enthusiastically about Russia, which was on the verge of victory, which was supposed to bring an offensive operation in the spring of the next, 1917. In fairness, we note that it took place - the so-called. The Mitav operation to break through the enemy's fortified positions on the Northern Front developed successfully, but already on January 12, offensive operations were stopped. Being the last of the successfully carried out by the Russian army in the campaign of 1917 and in the war in general, even with the optimal development of events, due to its locality, it could hardly visibly bring Russia's victory closer. And can such a situation in the country be considered a “threshold of victory” in which the government is forced to introduce a surplus appraisal?!
Yes, for the first time this emergency measure was introduced back in tsarist Russia, although the opinion of the surplus appraisal as a Bolshevik "know-how" is much more common. By the way, in general, the experiment gave rather modest results: instead of the planned volume of grain products, according to various estimates, only 100-130 million pounds were received from peasant farms and about 40 million from landowners. It is unlikely that readers will be surprised by the fact that the creators of "Thwarted Triumph" keep silent about the food crisis in the country - in the context of the entire film, this is rather the norm. However, wishing or not wishing it, Mr. Verkhovykh is forced to move on to talking about the revolutionary events of February 1917. It would be logical for the viewer to be puzzled - how, why did shocks overtake the empire at the peak of military power? .. The authors of the film have a ready answer to this question ... traditionally having practically nothing to do with the truth.
For the first time, the ominous word "conspiracy" is woven into the outline of the narrative, localized at the address "USA, New York, Broadway, 120". In this case, P. Multatuli relies on the frankly anti-scientific conspiracy theories of the American writer Anthony Sutton, who “registered” a certain “Order” at the specified address, allegedly organizing both the Russian revolution of 1917 and A. Hitler’s coming to power in Germany in 1933. , etc. The comments of such “experts”, as already known to us A. Rachinsky and a certain Nicolas Tandler, corresponding to this version, are logical and should not be taken seriously, but the tolerance of domestic professional scientists commenting on the film to this unscientific fiction.
In enumerating the representatives of the Duma opposition, Mr. Verkhovykh once again disagrees with common sense: in rejecting A.F. Kerensky has a central role in the "conspiracy", he does not explain why he initially took the post of Minister of Justice in the Provisional Government?!
Once again appearing on television, political scientist V.A. Nikonov voices, perhaps, the most sensible idea throughout the film - he talks about the support of the revolution by large financial circles, but at the same time operates with modernized terms like "oligarchy". Indeed, some of the major Russian entrepreneurs found in military orders a source of superprofits and did not stop at financial and political machinations to achieve their goals. Their activities to create a management structure parallel to the state bodies; discrediting the state as incapable of solving the pressing problems of a belligerent country; propaganda of their "achievements", quite skillful and quite modern in terms of methods, was successful, which was clearly shown by the events of February 1917. In an effort to give political changes the most apex character, to control the army through the generals, the labor movement - through part of the social democracy, they, however , were unable to maintain control over the masses that had set in motion. However, to bring a conspiracy base under these events means to simplify the history of the revolution at times, and mislead a huge number of viewers. This, apparently, did not bother the creators of "Thwarted Triumph".
Here, in the context of the preparation of the "anti-monarchist conspiracy", for the first time in the entire film, the name of Grigory Rasputin is pronounced. Of course, a conversation about him would be more appropriate when discussing the rogue "mystics" close to the emperor, but Mr. Multatuli has his own peculiar opinion on this matter. One way or another, this figure has been preserved in history as one of the most expressive and vile symbols of the reign of Nicholas II, the devaluation of the monarchy as an institution of power in Russia, dressed in the omophorion of Orthodoxy. In this regard, it is not surprising that a priest speaks about Rasputin - Fr. Tikhon (Shevkunov). “This is undoubtedly a mysterious figure and, probably, it is not our business to admire the trial of him,” the viewer hears. I, in turn, want to remind you that this person, the closest to the king and queen, was known to the whole society for countless orgies with the participation of representatives of high society - “in the baths ... Rasputin delivered long sermons, and on the other hand forced his admirers to wash their sexual organs." While still living in Siberia, he was repeatedly sentenced to punishment for rape and theft; agents of the St. Petersburg "okhrana" reported to A.V. Gerasimov about Rasputin's stay in brothels. The “holy devil” was extremely negative towards the official clergy; “They think about ribbons, about worldly things, but they don’t have Christ in their hearts,” he said about bishops, but Fr. Tikhon doesn't seem to care. It was clear to any sane person then that Rasputin could not even be brought closer to the royal palace by a cannon shot. But he was close to him... And, what is especially terrible, he controlled the fate of millions and the levers of power; at the behest of this illiterate peasant, ministerial portfolios were handed over from one mediocrity to another, even in the most difficult years of the war. The assassination of Rasputin, if it had been more timely, might have played a much more significant and beneficial role in the fate of the crumbling monarchy. However, according to P. Multatuli, it only brought its inevitable collapse closer.
The further plot of the film is a retelling of the plot of Mr. Multatuli's book "Emperor Nicholas II at the Head of the Army and the Conspiracy of Generals" published several years ago. It is widely represented on the Internet and everyone can get acquainted with this essay and the image in it of the same imaginary "conspiracy".
In the context of this, Mr. Verkhovykh mentions the assurances of Nicholas II by the Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov regarding the calm mood in the capital, and at the same time adds: “If the sovereign knew that at the end of 1916 Protopopov had already stopped close contact with one of the secrets of the organizers of the revolution ... Felix Warburg.”
The announcer no longer traditionally introduces specifics into his passage, apparently believing his remark to be valuable in itself and explaining everything. In fact, it has to be recognized as false. Firstly, the meeting of Protopopov, then Chairman of the State Duma, with the banker Fritz Warburg, who during the war years carried out special assignments of the German Foreign Ministry in Stockholm, took place on July 6, 1916, and this date can be called the end of the year, only without knowing it. It is also difficult to call a single meeting a relationship, at which a member of the State Council D.V. was also present. Olsufiev.
During this meeting, Warburg tried to convince his interlocutors of the senselessness of continuing the war, which was beneficial only to England, and as compensation for the losses suffered by Russia during the war years, he offered part of Galicia, thus offering to make peace at the expense of an ally. However, Warburg's efforts were in vain - after reading Warburg's report, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs G. von Jagow disappointedly wrote in its margins: "These Russians milked Warburg, and in fact they themselves did not say anything." In view of the fact that this report is practically the only source on the content of the negotiations between Warburg, Protopopov and Olsufiev, the allegations of the organization of an international conspiracy with the participation of these persons have to be classified as fabrications, due to their unprovability. And, finally, Mr. Verkhovykh vainly believes that Nicholas II was in the dark about this meeting - Protopopov, upon returning to St. Petersburg, asked for a personal audience with the tsar and told him about a meeting with Warburg.
The creators of the film do not give a description of the abdication of Nicholas II - in their opinion, it is "covered with a veil of darkness." On the screen, photographs of the tsar replace one another, and among them is a reproduction from a painting by V.R. Alekseev "Nicholas II on the eve of abdication".
It should be said that on this canvas there are a number of flaws in the reproduction by the artist of the military costume and awards of the king (a blue beshmet, while it should have been white or red; the order of St. George of the IV category on the chest of the emperor, similar in size rather to the neck cross of the order II degree), which the filmmakers already habitually neglected, or which they did not know about.
Without paying much attention to the screenwriter's groundless doubts about the authenticity of the manifesto about the abdication of Nicholas II, we note only a few more frankly falsified moments. For example, according to Mr. Verkhovykh, British Prime Minister Lloyd George, having learned about the February Revolution in Russia, exclaimed: “One of the goals of the war for England has been achieved! ..”
In fact, the British Prime Minister, in a speech before Parliament, said: "The British Government is confident that these events begin a new era in the history of the world, being the first victory of the principles over which we started the war." Of course, armed with a “conspiracy theory”, one can, on the basis of this remark, accuse Lloyd George of organizing the February Revolution in Russia - however, this accusation will have nothing to do with either reality or common sense.
What follows is the speaker's startling statement: "More than 40 million Russians have died since the revolution." After sustaining a theatrical pause, Mr. Verkhovyh begins to list the series of hardships brought down by Providence on Russia, and sums up this mournful list with nothing more than 1945! And I don’t know how the audience and readers of this article will react to this passage, but in my opinion, including among the victims of the February Revolution and the “dark forces” (?!) that gave rise to it ... those who died in the Great Patriotic War is almost mockery of their sacred memory and elementary ignorance.
Then taking the floor about the canonization of the royal family shot in 1918, Archbishop Vikenty asserts that "the Emperor was a saint in life." As following this, B.V. Gryzlov, his murder was "a crime of Bolshevism." But - as the historian E.S. Radzig, can this serve as a basis for now justifying all the crimes committed by Nicholas II? ..
So, the analysis of the film "Thwarted Triumph" showed that instead of telling the truth about the last Russian tsar, its creators shot a pseudo-documentary film-tale. The lion's share of the information contained in it is completely untrue. Relatively truthful nuances are literally drowning in heaps of half-truth, and outright lies. Particularly - and extremely unpleasant - is the participation in the film of a number of prominent scientists, religious and political figures of modern Russia, who, instead of objective expert assessments, made statements that overwhelmingly disagree with historical reality.
It is quite obvious that this film was designed for a certain segment of the audience that adheres to monarchical or political views close to them. The leafy image of the last Russian tsar, dear to their hearts, could not be shown in any way reliably - otherwise the illusory ideas of the mourners for "Russia that we lost" would inevitably be destroyed. However, the documentary film genre a priori implies the reliability of the information reflected in it. The fundamental basis for such television projects should be only historical analysis, which the creators of "Thwarted Triumph" preferred to neglect. I would like to believe that in the future such low-grade "historical" programs will be broadcast on television as rarely as possible.
Read also on this topic:
Notes
Oldenburg S.S. Reign of Nicholas II. M., 2003. S. 87.
Neither the voice-over reader nor the invited experts will return to this remark more than once during the film, even speaking about 1918 itself. It is obvious that this rather naive trick - a banal posturing with a claim to mysticism - was designed to interest the category of viewers who are trusting in the realm of the supernatural in all its manifestations. The beginning of this kind for a documentary historical television film looks, to put it mildly, doubtful.
Witte S.Yu. Memories. M., 1960. V.2. S. 280.
Bogdanovich A.V. The last three autocrats. M., 1990. S. 371.
Izvolsky A.P. Memories. Mn., 2003. S. 214.
Dyakonova I.A. Oil and coal in the energy sector of tsarist Russia in international comparisons. M., 1999. S. 166.
Konovalova A.V. Shares of oil companies in the early twentieth century on the St. Petersburg Stock Exchange. Economic history. Review. Ed. L.I. Borodkin. Issue. Moscow, 2005, pp. 33–34.
Shirshov G.M. "We must not allow the oil industry ... to remain in the hands of a handful of persons on the rights of private, unrestricted property." "Military Historical Journal". 2004. No. 8. S. 20.
See: Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856–1917 Moscow, 1952, pp. 47–48, 49–55, 74–84.
Witte S.Yu. Memories. T.1. pp. 438–439.
Cit. by: Ryzhenkov M.R. "Patriotic newspapers and magazines wrote ... about the beginning of the great struggle of George the Victorious with the dragon." "Military Historical Journal". 2001. No. 9. P. 64.
Chirkin S.V. Twenty years of service in the Far East. Notes of the tsarist diplomat. M., 2006. S. 231.
See: "Muslims ... are full of hope that they will fully enjoy and enjoy the rights ... granted by the RSFSR." "National Archives". 2006. No. 5. P. 99–114.
Podpryatov N.V. National Minorities in the Struggle for "Honor, Dignity and Integrity of Russia...". "Military Historical Journal". 1997. No. 1. S. 55; Hagen, von M. The Limits of Reform: Nationalism and the Russian Imperial Army in 1874–1917. "National history". 2004. No. 5. P. 41.
The Most Submissive Report of the Ministry of National Education for 1913. Pg., 1916. Supplement. pp. 186–191, 238. . Alekseev M.A. Fake maps of Wilhelm II. "Military Historical Journal". 1995. No. 6. P. 53. Obedkov I.V. Russian officers at the V Olympic Games. "Military Historical Journal". 1990. No. 1. S. 89. . Cit. by: Foch F. Memoires pour servir a l "histoire de la guerre de 1914–1918. Paris, 1931. P. 178.
Soviet military encyclopedia. M., 1976. V.2. S. 379.
An elementary example - from the beginning of the 1915 campaign, 76-mm field artillery guns - the famous Russian "death scythes" - required up to 1,750,000 shells per month, while the Main Artillery Directorate by May 1915 was able to provide troops with a maximum of 530,000 shells. The logical outcome of this state of affairs was a military tragedy. befell the Russian army in the summer of that year. See: Manikovsky A.A. Combat supply of the Russian army in the world war. M., 1937. S. 581–582.
In March 1915, the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief demanded that the rear be supplied daily with 15,000 heads of cattle. In turn, the Council of Ministers recognized that it was possible to satisfy the front with deliveries of no more than 5,000 heads daily and, as a temporary measure, suggested that the Headquarters make purchases in the areas closest to the theater of operations. This act laid the foundation for army arbitrariness - the military authorities considered themselves entitled to apply requisitions in the front-line territories. See: Oskin M.V. Army and food supply. "Military Historical Journal". 2006. No. 3. S. 52.
Bazanov S.N. "German soldiers began ... to crawl to the Russian comrades and fraternize with them." "Military Historical Journal". 2002. No. 6. P. 43. Nelipovich S.G. Brusilovsky breakthrough as an object of mythology. World War I: Prologue to the 20th century. M., 1998. S. 634.
Zayonchkovsky A.M. World War I. SPb., 2002. S. 626.
In October 1916, 49 million poods of grain were purchased, which was only 35% of the planned amount of grain, in November - 39 million poods (38%). The government realized that the bread itself would no longer come to the market and that urgent measures must be taken. On November 29, the new Minister of Agriculture A.A. Rittich signed a decree on the introduction of surplus appropriation. For each province, the volume of state purchases was set at fixed prices, then it was distributed among the counties and within 35 days had to be brought to the producers - landowners and peasants. Within 6 months, the unwrapped amount of bread had to be handed over to the state commissioners. In total, it was planned to purchase 772 million poods of grain to supply the army, the defense industry and large cities. See: Kitanina T.M. War, bread, revolution. Food issue in Russia. 1914-October 1917. L., 1985. S. 217, 255–259.
Gerasimov A.V. On the edge with terrorists. S. 341.
Forgotten Silver Age. Inciting social discord, justifying terrorism and calling for the violent overthrow of the autocratic system...
From the collection "Songs of the Avenger" (1907)
IF YOU WANT
If you want to sweep away the web,
So look and start with the spider.
If you want to cut the hole, pull out the heavy
ice floe.
If you want to sing a song, let it be that song
call.
Live if you want. If in life there are only prisons and
walls,
Arise as a mighty wave - and a barrier with aspiration
smash.
If the walls are stronger, scatter the lace of foam,
But if you live, live like that, and never feel sorry for yourself.
OUR KING
Our king is Mukden, our king is Tsushima,
Our king is a bloodstain
The stench of gunpowder and smoke
In which the mind is dark.
Our king is blind squalor,
Prison and whip, jurisdiction, execution,
Tsar hangman, the low twice,
What he promised, but did not dare to give.
He's a coward, he feels stuttering
But it will be - the hour of reckoning awaits.
Who began to reign - Khodynka,
He will finish - standing on the scaffold.
KING-LIE
The people thought: here is the dawn,
The sadness has come to an end.
The people went to ask the king.
His answer is lead.
Ah, low despot! You are forever
In the blood, in the blood now.
You were an insignificant person
Now you are a dirty beast.
But the worker's blood rose
Like an ear, in front of him.
And the henchman of evil trembled
Before such an ear.
He is red, he does not have a sickle, -
Anyone will break.
The ears are humming like a crowd,
Growing ears of corn.
And each ear is a sharp knife
And each ear is a look.
No, king, now you won't come,
No, vile king, back!
You won't fool us now
January ninth.
You are the king, and, therefore, you are all a lie
And we will destroy the king!
THE BEAST IS DOWN
The beast is down. Here it is, fun
Exposed executioners.
Animal face. Bursts of laughter.
Animal voice: "Beat! Beam! Beam!"
And along all over Russia again
Tossed up, always dirty,
Rotten autocracy
Enraged horde.
The mighty blow of the general strike
Knocked them out of the rut.
They need booty, handouts
From their Romanov family.
But we don't sleep, we see clearly
The fighters of the uprising are countless.
And those we hate
In due time revenge will come.
Walk, Beast of autocracy,
Reveal all the abomination to the eyes.
The chaos has ended forever.
You are condemned. Your hour has struck
AS A ROMANOV
The Romanovs were weakened. It's high time to remove them.
The words of the Kostroma peasant
We had kings and princes.
Ruled. They ruled differently.
You, depraved bastards family,
You're doing pretty disgracefully.
You don't even get it right. You're just poor
Evil, half-witted and arrogant.
House of executioners, historical shame,
Stupid, untalented and deceitful.
There was a mad Ivan in those years,
He was monstrous-faced,
I was drunk with bloody arbitrariness,
Still, he was awesome.
He was obsessed with a demonic dream,
He was a toy for the devils;
This, now, is only an idol,
Puppet, Petrushka.
Was in those years, quite an idiot,
Face ugly Pavel,
Doll-soldier - but still the same
Left the best memory.
Paul before the present must be valued,
Paul be praised:
He did not pull his vile thread,
Palen was quickly created by him.
The same vile, with a fox tail,
With a mouth fit for a wolf
Calls to the world of people, - besides
Robbing the whole world on the sly.
Robbery, blaspheme, shrink, lie,
Pity whines like puppies.
You bastards are the stronghold of the court,
Praise the good brother.
Will. It's over. We see you all.
You've got a chopping block.
The sin of the deformers is mortal sin.
Wait for the realm of fear!
INEVITABILITY
Murders, executions, prisons, robberies,
Investigation, search, search, human tentacles,
Weaves of shameless lies,
Words are one thing, and actions are another.
The Romanovs with the servile crowd,
With the permission of all who are low in heart,
They lead workers like cattle to the slaughter.
One, two, end. But the hour of reckoning is near.
There is an accurate account for all days,
Movement in its very essence is recursive.
Throw a bunch of heavy stones into the air,
Their gravity will become clear to you in an instant.
You will feel a miserable head,
Inventing such amusements,
What is order in the life of the world,
You love blood - you will enter into a bloody dream.
From the blood that is shed, blood will rise,
Life wants to live, to those who execute - the punishment is severe.
Rather, Life, prepare retribution,
Death to Death, and let the Word live!
CRIMINAL WORD
As long as there are madmen in prisons,
He must himself know the whole horror of imprisonment,
Understand that here - around - a prison.
Feel that the mind that burned proudly in you
He became timidly seeking pleasure even in the abyss of sleep,
That the music was erased - to the extreme chord:
Wall, wall and silence.
Who will speak about the word of reconciliation,
He betrays himself and betrays others,
And I'm in his face, like a bright contempt,
I drop my whipping verse.
From the poems of 1906
POET - WORKING
I am a poet, and I was a poet,
And I will die as a poet.
But I saw from childhood
In the windows of factories late light, -
He left a mark in his mind
I will not erase this trace.
I also heard the beep -
At noon, at midnight, in the morning,
Well I know the time
What a great lesson
I couldn't forget the beep
Here - I take the sound of it.
Why am I singing now?
Why didn't you sing before?
I used to sing my song,
I'm a caster - I pour forms,
I am a blacksmith - I forge calmly,
I sang that I was young and brave.
I was busy with myself
Well, I don't hide it.
The hour has passed. Here is another hour.
In front of me is a sea rampart,
O worker, I am with you,
I sing your storm.
TO WORKING
Worker, it's strange for me to talk to you:
Looks like I'm different. Oh, trust me, just in appearance.
In the factory rumble you twist your thread,
I'm in my thread, my brother, I'll twist your resentment.
Cut off, like you, from the silence of the fields,
Which seemed like a grave to the soul,
I'm in a noisy city, among strangers,
More than once he was exhausted in overwork.
I was like a plague in my own family,
Among the traders of words, I was a stranger undeniably.
On the free sea I sailed in my boat -
And the sea expanded boundlessly, all-round.
I am happy to think that my great-grandfathers
Wandered the seas in the foggy North.
In my soul they always sing, streams murmur,
They grow to fall into the sea in an undeceitful aspiration.
In the swampy lowlands of the jubilant philistines
The free spirit is yearning, mad, restless.
But the marked one who remembers is the ocean,
Liberation awaits - and he will wait for the storm.
She came sooner than I could have thought
You got up - and thunder boomed, everyone came out of the antechamber.
At the crossroads of all cross roads
I only feel trust in you.
I know that you have a steel will, -
No wonder you stand near the flame and steel.
You managed to read the words in the fate of the motherland,
Which the wise, while reading, have not seen.
I know you can weave a beautiful fabric,
Once you think about it, you will do what you need to do.
You awakened the peaceful, you said to the corpse: "Get up," -
The corpse is alive, the fighters are coming, it is rising, the bulk is growing.
A whirlpool grows in powerful circles,
Vain babble, vain cries of fear, -
Now he will absorb everything that is around him,
It will realize itself with all the power of the swing.
CLEAN
Who does not believe in the victory of the conscious, courageous workers.
He is playing a dishonest double game.
He takes someone else's, - they are quite eager for someone else's, -
He takes freedom, stained with the blood of workers, -
Well, take it, she is for everyone, but say: "I'm taking someone else's."
Yes, freedom is for everyone, forever, and yet, this freedom,
And, however, this minute is not room showers,
Not talkative, cowardly, but brave from the abyss of the people,
This will is captured with a fight, and this freedom -
Not eloquent table speech, not miserable meandering.
This is the blood, I say, of the workers who have dared and risen,
And now - whoever is not with us, that cheater is corrupt and a coward.
These peaceful, oblyzhno-cultural, tinsel and other
I call: "Old rubbish!" And in the name of the rebellious workers
You will be swept away! I swear to you like the voice of the tide!
LAND AND WILL
"Land and freedom" - the cry of the people,
"Land and freedom" - the cry of the peasants.
The worker called out through the mist.
"Everything - anew, and everyone - freedom" -
It's like the ocean echoes.
It seems to me that at a rapid pace
There is a tidal wave.
The end - low prison vaults,
The prison wall has been destroyed.
The fate of Russia by all the people
Now must be resolved.
It grows stronger, howling bad weather,
But the mind of the worker is a beacon.
In the Land and Will - the life of the people,
Again, the darkness will not be able to choke.
Everything is anew, and everyone is free.
Let it be so! Let it be so!
RUSSIAN WORKER
Worker, only for you
The hope of all Russia.
The heavy hammer fell, crushing
Strongholds of fortresses.
That hammer is yours. I sing to you
In the name of all Russia!
You knew the need, you know the work,
You know hunger too well.
But you have risen. They go with you
All those who are young at heart.
Be firm, still show your judgment,
The fort is not entirely split.
They want to deceive you
Again, again and again.
But you have marked the path for all of us,
He gave everyone freedom of speech.
So in the battle with darkness, and chest - chest, -
That is the call of the watchman.
Watchman in the dark
Watchman in the middle of the night -
Only you, fearlessly brave, you!
Your eyes light up for us.
All dreams will come true
You win, worker!
From the collection "The Song of the Working Hammer" (1922)
FREE VERSE
To the Ivanovo-Voznesensk Workers
What a proud happiness to know that people need you,
Feel that you can sing a verse that reaches the heart.
Sisters! I see you sisters. We will partake in fire.
Cup of intoxicating freedom, brothers, let's drink to the end!
By the strength of those who thought boldly, by the accomplishment of soldiers and workers
The great country in the world tells us to be free.
The chains rang for centuries. The chains are worn out. Away with them.
Let's drain the cup of intoxicating happiness, brothers, to the bottom!
Brave sisters, I love you! In the wind you are living birds.
The wings of freedom rustle with the rustle of the first rains.
Glory to you and greatness, fertile in the countries of Russia,
A multi-vertex tree with a roll call and a buzz of branches!
POET - WORKING
Worker I give you my verse
Like a free gift from a loving heart,
In it is the measuring hammer of echoing workshops,
And in it is a candle, the testament of a co-religionist.
It's not a stranger talking to you here
Not a pampered and idle minion:
I put many slender slabs into a pattern,
Taking them by thought from the ugly heap.
My crowbar, my stubborn pick
Worked in the nights of the quarry
Not a day, not two, but long centuries.
I am a worker of centuries. Know and remember.
Seer, architect, waiter and poet,
I am the elder brother of those who walk through the night,
I am the memory of days, the link of countless years,
Guardian of all radiant centers.
Do you think that the heights of the pyramids
Raised the hand and those that bent their backs?
Oh yeah! But I was the connection of these plates,
I conceived a blueprint for everything.
And, drawings changing over the centuries,
Diversifying the face of human centuries,
I did not let my pupils sleep,
And I didn’t weave nets for the free self.
When the kings clouded you
I was the first to start a riot with a free word
And announced to you the coming of the dawn,
In it is the death of decaying foundations.
Didn't I go to the block for you?
Didn't I go to prison, to exile?
But you can easily walk a hundred roads, loving, -
Whoever wants sacrifice does not run away from sorrow.
I waited and longed for your liberty,
I dream of the universal holiday of brotherhood -
Such a stream of caressing rays,
That not even a shadow of gloating will arise.
And the hour has come to start creativity,
To double and triple the happiness of all.
So why separate print
On the palace you want to build?
Who believes in his creation,
He sees the lie in the split of division.
The dawn has risen, it burns, look into it,
The sun shines without limit.
So let's be like the sun at last
Recognition of all desires embracing,
And freely accept the liberty of all hearts
In the name of blooming May.
NAMED AFTER HERZEN
Russia of executions, torture, investigation, prisons,
A country where the thought of minds is chopped off,
The country where we eat and joke
In the bloody hour of the executioner's deeds.
A country where serfdom dances,
Where the serpent is the king, the serpents are kings,
Where the rule is revelry in mud and pus,
A country of blizzards, slavery and melancholy, -
He knew her, noble thinker,
Whose spirit is a string calling to fight,
But he foresaw a flood,
He guessed the well in it without a bottom.
Where a valuable treasure is hidden for centuries, -
And in a fairy tale giants sleep for a long time,
But in the tale there is a reed pipe.
In such a reed, die - will answer with a song,
And that melody is called by will,
It grows brighter and more wonderful,
The dream is dissected, anger shines like a diamond.
The mysterious forge rumbles
A heavy hammer strikes an anvil,
The reed sings, it reads victory to the fire,
And in the flames there is a dance and a turn.
In the radiance of all the white space,
The polar star burns in the snow,
Life needs a new outfit
And the giant lightly goes to the enemies.
Oceans splash to the oceans
And the bell broadcasts the veche:
There are enchanted countries in the world,
Russia, to be like in a fairy tale - your lot.
Destroyed forever your ancient tower
With all its good and bad,
Over your city and over your village
The fire has passed and red smoke is curling.
But if in everyone there is the spirit of a fellow believer,
And this faith is the happiness of the free of all,
We will all be a flaming heart,
And all the old sin will be redeemed.
Who struck the bell believed in it,
Let only a brother see a brother in a brother,
Let's build a life from only one light,
So that the running of the clock was a sonorous waterfall.
SONG OF THE WORKING HAMMER
Knock-knock, hammer,
Each plank has its own nail.
Every carnation just right
We will have a round table.
Complete the lesson
Knock-knock, hammer.
We will sit at the table together -
The whole working family.
Outside the window it will be blizzard
And in the frost your song.
Knock-knock - on the walls,
Cold, hunger come to us.
Knock-knock - in the attics,
We are not happy for you guys.
Corner them
Knock-knock, hammer.
Knock knock, hurry up
Prepare a bed for us.
Make it denser
Heart with heart will be in it.
There is an hour and a time for happiness,
Knock-knock, hammer.
For hugs and conceptions
We are in a faithful gazebo - in it.
We are born in bed
We sleep. Let's fall asleep even more.
Knock-knock, hammer,
Dancing loudly fast lope.
Let's end our time here
We will be remembered with a kind word.
The sheaf is ready, and the sheaf is on the current,
Knock-knock, hammer.
Beat, beat, my hammer,
In the forge - darkness and in the forge - heat.
Let's pour the darkness into the flame.
Where is the iron? We forge the path.
In the sun - we go for a plow,
Sing, sing, my hammer.
Hear all who are alive and young:
Free labor is like an emerald.
I am in a dance, I am a working hammer,
Centuries sing in me.
In Egypt, which was called differently,
And in ancient India, and where -
Everywhere I marked my face,
Like a silver moon on the water.
Like a messenger of the solar Horus,
What is: dawn dawn, -
I forged blades for a dispute,
He opened the virgin soil, creating his hour.
I forged hoes and plows,
Metal like lightning, swords,
I've been north and south
I am a hammer - listen and be silent.
I forged sickles and scythes,
And a cutting ax
They go, mowers - in rows - barefoot,
But in the dawn - a golden headdress.
I danced cheerfully and loudly,
He loved to inhale and drink fire,
Forged a toy for a child
Crown - to break it.
How to touch the target
Like a falcon shooter
So I rock in the cradle
In work, a hammer is a hammer.
Swing right and left
Rain splashes of gold
Be a word of truth, a cry of anger
Be our star on the way.
In a flowing flame - blossoms,
In the smelter for ore - comfort,
Not all the tunes have been sung yet, -
For the first time, centuries sing to me.
I have crossed seas and mountains
I took a look at the darkness
My road patterns
I'm scouring the mountain range.
I will shout - a response to the east,
I'll knock - the west trembled,
My shine is wide
And my flame is alarm-al.
I am the riot, I am the explosion, I am the one that
Destroyed blindness with laughter
I spin garments from the glow,
Grab the stars on the fly.
The granite of high rocks is split,
I dug the passages in the depths,
I am the heart of the world, listen hammer
I am blood, I am life, be true to me.
I am where laughter splatters in abundance,
Where pale blue steel,
Where the sun is golden bars
And the coolest crystal.
I'm where the fresh diamonds are
Where is the blue yakhont and ruby,
I will shake all countries with a blow of communication,
I am a worker, I am a ruler.
And since childhood, the story is familiar to me,
That the May downpour, shine and rumble -
There is a dance, a cheerful laughter of thunder, -
Thunderbolt shook his hammer.
Over the first bright morning of May,
Where poppies of lightning - through the centuries,
Lifting a heavy hammer
The hand of victory went up.
Knock-knock, my hammer,
Darkness after light, light after darkness.
We're hitting the anvil
We know a song about ours.
With the sun - fortunately and home,
Knock-knock, my hammer.
Here is the Russian emperor.
I. Repin. Nicholas II. 1896. Historical I. Repin Museum, Moscow
In 1913, on Easter, which was early that year, Nicholas II presented his dearest wife with an egg, and not a simple one, but a golden one - from Faberge. Alexandra Feodorovna was touched by everything, looking at the precious gift for a long time from all sides: on the egg, which barely fit in the palm of her hand, there were watercolor, framed by diamonds, portraits of all the Romanovs who had reigned since 1613, starting with Mikhail Fedorovich and ending with Nikolai Alexandrovich himself.
The Faberge Egg united everyone - both those who ruled by right and those who seized the throne by force, removing and sometimes killing the monarch who stood in the way. And there were at least three such cases in the history of the Romanov dynasty: in 1741 (the overthrow of Ivan VI), in 1762 (the death of Peter III) and in 1801 (the assassination of Paul I).
But after all, you can’t write on an egg who and how began his reign, who inherited power, and who usurped it. And that is why the portrait row looked so charming and slender. But between the portraits of Alexander III and Peter I, Nicholas II himself is depicted. From under a rock crystal plate, her beloved Niki looked at Empress Alexandra Feodorovna (although another place would suit him - somewhere near Alexei Mikhailovich Tishaishy; it was this tsar, the second of the Romanov dynasty, who was the ideal for the last Russian autocrat, Nicholas II and I named my son Alexei.
Looking at her favorite features, the Empress was surprised: how similar her husband was to his cousin, the English King George V. Well, just one face! This is what genes mean, in which no European blood was mixed (except for Russian, we add, because the last emperor was only 1/64 Russian)! True, along with thoroughbred English blood, a hereditary disease came to the Romanov family - hemophilia, from which the Empress's brother, Prince Friedrich, suffered. The heir to the Russian throne, beloved son Alyosha, also suffered from this incurable "royal" ailment. The boy could hardly walk, and therefore he was often carried in his arms. But in the future he was to take the royal crown.
How insistent Nikolai Alexandrovich was once, asking his reigning parent Alexander III for permission to marry her - Victoria-Alice-Helena-Louise-Beatrice of Hesse-Darmstadt, a German princess and granddaughter of the English Queen Victoria! One of the arguments of the crown prince was that the Romanovs had already intermarried with this monarchy - in 1884, the marriage of the brother of Alexander III, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, with the eldest daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse Ludwig IV, Princess Elizabeth-Alexandra-Louise-Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, took place. She was the elder sister of Nikolai Alexandrovich's chosen one, and after baptism she became Elizaveta Feodorovna.
But Alexander III persisted, apparently foreseeing something was wrong, believing that his son, the future Russian monarch, was worthy of a different marital share. And the heir was adamant, and, dying, his father still blessed him. The marriage took place in November 1894, a week after the funeral of Alexander III. This wedding itself, the atmosphere accompanying it, evoked bad thoughts. There is such a Russian expression - only through my corpse. It seems to be justified in this case. And if Nikolai Alexandrovich called the wedding day “wonderful and unforgettable in my life”, then the other day - accession to the throne in the Assumption Cathedral on May 14, 1896 - frightened him. Yes, he did not want to be a king, more than once talking about this to his father - a healthy, strong man, whose reign promised to be long and prosperous ...
So Nicholas II did not expect tsarist power, did not look forward to it. And in this he repeated the fate of his distant ancestor - Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov. When 400 years ago, deputies of the Zemsky Sobor came to him, the boyar son Mikhail Romanov, who hid in the Kostroma forests, with the joyful news of his election as tsar, he even opened his mouth in surprise. Still - after all, he was not even 16 years old then! Monomakh's hat was obviously too big for him.
For Mikhail Fedorovich, his mother, nun Martha, said everything. “My son is in his imperfect years, and the people of the Moscow state were exhausted, they swore allegiance to the former sovereigns - Tsar Boris, False Dmitry and Vasily Shuisky and then changed; in addition, the Muscovite state has been completely ruined: there are no former royal treasures, land has been distributed, service people have become impoverished; and the future tsar how to favor service people, maintain his court and how to stand against enemies? Finally, Metropolitan Filaret is captured by the Polish king, who, having learned about the election of his son, will avenge this on his father, ”wrote Klyuchevsky.
In response to this, the ambassadors calmed down, declaring that “Michael was elected by God's will, and under the previous sovereigns they sat on the throne at will, wrong, which is why there was discord and civil strife in all the people of the Muscovite state; now the Russian people were all punished and came to unite in all cities. The ambassadors begged Michael and his mother for a long time, threatening that in case of refusal, God would exact on him the final ruin of the state; finally, Marfa Ivanovna blessed her son to take the throne,” noted S. Solovyov.
Let us especially note the very essence of the events that made them fateful: Mikhail Fedorovich was elected to the royal throne, and his predecessors themselves occupied it. A huge burden of responsibility for the country devastated by the Time of Troubles fell on the frail shoulders of Mikhail Romanov, who did not differ in excellent health and strategic mind. He was clearly not Alexander Nevsky. But on the other hand, the mother of Mikhail Romanov was nearby, and in 1619, his father, Patriarch Filaret, finally returned from Polish captivity, who could well have been elected tsar at the Zemsky Sobor back in 1613, if he was then in Moscow.
The case, I must say, is rare - a patriarch, the head of the church and at the same time the father of the family. He became patriarch under False Dmitry II, after the death of Boris Godunov, who tried his best to exterminate the Romanovs. After all, they, the Romanovs, had much more rights to the throne (than the Godunovs), having become related to Ivan the Terrible back in 1547, when the tsar chose Anastasia Romanovna Zakharyina as his wife. And Godunov was just the brother-in-law of the son of the Terrible, Tsar Fedor. That is why Godunov tonsured Fyodor Romanov a monk, exiling him to a monastery under the name Filaret. It was the parents of the young autocrat Mikhail Romanov who shared with their son all the responsibility for governing the country. And Filaret was even called the great sovereign. Without it, often even another royal decree was not signed.
So, if in 1613 the question of whether or not to be the first tsar of the Romanov family was actually decided by his mother, nun Martha, then the monarchical future of Nicholas II was predetermined by his father Alexander III. We add to this that Mikhail Fedorovich reigned, relying on his parents, and Nikolai Alexandrovich had no one to rely on: “What should I do? What will happen to us now, to Russia? I'm not ready to be king. I don't understand anything about administration. I don’t even know how to talk to ministers,” the newly-made autocrat complained. Like all representatives of the Romanov dynasty, Nicholas II was crowned king in the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin. It happened on May 14, 1896. During the ceremony, a nuisance happened - when the sovereign was climbing the steps of the altar in the cathedral in order to take communion, the chain of the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called slipped from his shoulders. Bad sign! Witnesses of what they saw regarded what happened as a bad omen and preferred not to spread. But if only they knew what a trifle this is compared to what will happen in a few days on the Khodynka field and firmly, forever, will become part of the history of the Romanov dynasty.
It was on this field, known among Muscovites for festivities and all-Russian exhibitions, that people gathered on May 18 to look at the young tsar and receive generous gifts on the occasion of his ascension to the throne. And although the start of the festivities was officially scheduled for 10 am, people began to gather on the Khodynka field since the evening of the previous day. This led to the fact that by the dawn of May 18 there were already half a million people here, for such a number of people the Khodynka field was not designed in any way. And people keep coming and coming...
As Leo Tolstoy wrote in his story “Khodynka”, “there were so many people that, despite the clear morning, there was a thick fog over the field from the breaths of the people.” And Maxim Gorky, through the eyes of Klim Samgin, “remembered the view from the roof of the Khodynka field, of a thick, densely compressed layer of human caviar.” Crowded holidays on the occasion of the coronation took place on the Khodynka field before, on the days of the coronations of former emperors, but this time the organizers did not foresee that so many people would come. In addition, everyone was gathered in a huge moat, along which people moved to buffets with free refreshments.
“By five o'clock the gathering of the people had reached an extreme degree ... The mass was shackled. You couldn't move your hand, you couldn't move. Pressed in the ditch to both high banks, they did not have the opportunity to move. The ditch was packed, and the heads of the people, merged into a continuous mass, did not represent a flat surface, but deepened and rose, according to the bottom of the ditch, dotted with pits. The pressure was terrible. About 6 o'clock... terrible, soul-rending groans and cries filled the air... The crowd behind them threw thousands of people into the ditch, standing in the pits were trampled... Several dozen Cossacks and sentries guarding the sideboards were those who had earlier made their way into the field from the opposite side climbed after the bundles, not letting those who came in from outside, and the pressing crowd pressed people to the sideboards and crushed. It lasted no more than ten painful minutes.
In total, 1380 people died in the stampede on Khodynka, not counting the mutilated. The disgusting organization of the celebrations on the occasion of the coronation of Nicholas II led to such sad results. The city authorities were not properly prepared for such a large-scale event. And then the uncle of the tsar, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, later nicknamed Khodynsky, ruled Moscow.
Vladimir Gilyarovsky, the author of the report “Catastrophe on the Khodynka Field”, which we quoted, called the reason for the tragedy that happened “the unfortunate arrangement of buffets for distributing mugs and treats.” But it seems that the reason was different and deeper - the one that would later lead to the collapse of the Romanov dynasty. It is, so to speak, their heart failure.
As proof of this diagnosis - the reaction of the royal family to the tragedy, which turned out to be, to put it mildly, inadequate. Neither Nicholas II nor his uncle considered it necessary to declare mourning. After the field was cleared of corpses - they were buried at the nearby Vagankovsky cemetery - the celebration on the occasion of the coronation continued, and a concert was held at the place where a few hours ago, miraculously surviving people groaned among the mountains of dead Muscovites. The king was greeted with hymns. The "feast during the plague" continued at a reception in the Kremlin Palace, at which numerous courtiers made flattering speeches about the beginning of a new era of the Romanov dynasty. The tsar's nobles and foreign diplomats gathered for the celebration did not hear the groans of people dying in Moscow hospitals.
Of course, they helped the orphaned families with something, giving them a hundred or two royal banknotes. Those who remained in the hospitals were sent a bottle of Madeira from among those not drunk at the coronation banquet. One way or another, the imperial family did not become impoverished on donations - many times more government money was spent on the coronation than on the treatment and funeral of those crushed on the Khodynka field.
It is not surprising that many perceived what happened as the finger of God, and following Konstantin Balmont, who composed the prophetic poem “Our Tsar” in 1906, they repeated: “Whoever began to reign - Khodynka, He will end - standing on the scaffold." Since then, Khodynka has become the personification of the curse of the last Russian tsar from the Romanov family, on which the entire reigning dynasty was cut short. Did Alexandra Fedorovna remember the bloody beginning of her husband's reign, looking at the Faberge egg he presented? Have you read Balmont? Yes, she, apparently, could not even imagine that the Russian Empire would break like a golden egg from a Russian folk tale in a few years.
By 1913, Nicholas had been in power for almost two decades, during his reign the three-century anniversary of the Imperial House of the Romanovs fell, which it was decided to celebrate with great pomp. The Faberge Egg, given by the emperor to his beloved wife, was only a small, family gift, a continuation of the tradition started by his father back in 1885. Since then, these precious and luxurious items have become the personification of the wealth of the Romanov dynasty.
The egg contained a surprise: a tiny globe of unusual content - with two golden images of the Northern Hemisphere with the borders of Russia marked on them in 1613 and 1913. A comparison of these two miniature maps of Russia, outlined three centuries apart, showed how powerfully the territory of the empire increased under the Romanovs, which inspired confidence in the inviolability of the borders and the firmness of the royal power. The imperial eagle firmly held Russia in its claws - it might have seemed so in 1913 ...
In this spirit, it was supposed to celebrate the 300th anniversary of the royal House of Romanov throughout Russia, and Moscow was supposed to become the center of celebrations. It all started with the publication on February 21, 1913 of the “Highest Manifesto” of Nicholas II, timed to coincide with the date of the election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom. The manifesto was read to the people at the Execution Ground, where three centuries earlier the historic decision of the Zemsky Sobor, which proclaimed a new royal dynasty, had been announced.
Soon the emperor also signed the "Order of the solemn celebration of the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanov dynasty in Moscow in May 1913", although preparations for the anniversary began several years before. Back in January 1911, the issue of a monument in honor of the anniversary was discussed at the Moscow City Council, for which a competition was held in 1912. The advantage was given to the work of the architect Vlasyev, whose project, although not the most outstanding, had an undeniable advantage - relatively low costs for the manufacture and installation of the obelisk.
It was also planned to create in Moscow the All-Russian National Museum in honor of the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanovs, which could include monarchical relics and related exhibits from Moscow museums - Rumyantsev, Historical, Polytechnic, Bakhrushinsky. But this idea was not implemented, as, indeed, another one - the renaming of the Kremlin embankment and the streets around the Kremlin into one Romanovsky Boulevard.
The royal family was solemnly welcomed at the Aleksandrovsky railway station in Moscow on May 24, 1913. Nicholas II was greeted by the guard of honor of the 12th Grenadier Astrakhan Emperor Alexander III Regiment. Having received reports from the Moscow authorities, the sovereign saddled the submitted horse, and the empress and her family sat in carriages, and the whole procession, accompanied by the royal retinue, set off along Tverskaya Street, dotted with people, to the Kremlin. Everything testified to the greatness of the moment.
These three days, spent in the Mother See, were remembered by the Romanovs as an endless string of loyal letters, addresses and gifts from representatives of all segments of the population. The emperor was pleased - his people doted on him.
Nicholas II also liked the design of the obelisk in the Alexander Garden (originally it stood at the entrance to the garden from Resurrection Square). The monument was laid after the end of the celebrations - in April 1914, and three months later the "Romanovsky obelisk in memory of the 300th anniversary of the reign of the Romanov dynasty" was opened. On it, everyone could read the names of the Romanovs who reigned for three centuries.
When the tsar was also informed about the loyal feelings of the Moscow Duma members, he almost shed a tear, but how could it be otherwise, after all, there were those who openly neglected the royal grace. In particular, the great Russian singer Fyodor Ivanovich Chaliapin simply refused to participate in the anniversary celebrations: “I committed an act that, in essence, contradicted my inner feeling: I refused to participate in the celebrations on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. I don't think I had any reason to do so. ... It seemed to me that this was a fig in my pocket. The Romanov House existed for 300 years. He gave Russia bad, mediocre and wonderful rulers. They did a lot of bad and good things. This is Russian history. And when the tsar enters and when the anthem played for hundreds of years is played, among all those who have risen - one person sits firmly in his chair ... This kind of protest seems to me petty. No matter how much I would like to protest sincerely, no one is warm or cold from such a protest. So my feeling completely allowed me to sing in the solemn anniversary performance. I, however, declined. ... No one thought to deprive me of the title of soloist. Only representatives of the proletarian culture thought of the fact that a gift made to him can be taken away from a person. So they really "deprived" me of the title of people's artist.
The Romanovs really did not deprive Chaliapin of his title for not participating in their anniversary, although they could, but when the singer remained abroad under the Bolsheviks, he ceased to be a people's artist of the republic. And what is interesting - no matter how bad the monarchy may seem to someone, it never occurred to any artist to leave the country forever. Fedor Ivanovich realized this later, in exile.
And the Romanov obelisk did not stand in its original form for long - in 1918 it was disfigured by the Bolsheviks, who also destroyed the Romanov family (in this the new government succeeded more than Godunov). Instead of the royal names, the names alien to Russian ears appeared on the monument - Saint-Simon, Bebel, Proudhon, etc., upon reading which Muscovites were often baptized (in July 2013, this monument was also dismantled). And from the 300th historical anniversary, the very Faberge egg remained, and to this day it is stored in the Armory on an amazing stand in the form of a gilded double-headed eagle, raising its wings up. The Imperial House of the Romanovs did not possess such stability in 1917. But how opposite was the reflection in the mirror of history of two events separated by three centuries: the beginning of the reign of the Romanovs ended the Time of Troubles in the Russian state, and the end again led to civil war ...
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