Unlike the Western European states, Russia began the transition to capitalism after a historically short period of late feudalism (about 100 years). Late Russian feudalism retained serfdom with a landowner economic structure and a peasant rural community, had a developed state (and not private) military industry. Under these conditions, early capitalist relations did not develop within feudalism to the extent that they did in the West. Russia was moving to capitalism in accordance with the development of productive forces, but to a greater extent due to the aggravation of social relations in the countryside and under the influence of external conditions - the need to modernize the economy in order to equalize military and economic power with the Western European powers after the defeat in the Crimean War. This situation was reminiscent of the period of the end of the 17th century, preceding the modernization of Russia by Peter the Great.
In the transition to capitalism, Russia did not become a colonial power of the Western type. The annexed and further annexed territories were included in the "metropolis", largely retained their economic structure and were not strictly subordinated to the economy of central Russia, which had not developed forms of colonial exploitation. Late feudalism in Russia retained a stable class structure of society, the position of the nobility in it and the powerful state apparatus of the Russian autocracy - one of the strongest political structures in the history of world feudalism.
All these features determined the main difference between Russia's transition to capitalism - in the form of social transformations. The establishment of capitalism did not take place in a revolutionary way with the destruction of feudal barriers, but through government reforms with a constant desire to adapt new socio-economic relations to the interests of the moribund feudal classes and their state structures. This inevitably led to an increase in contradictions, slowed down the socio-economic development of society, and, consequently, weakened Russia's foreign policy positions during the period of the struggle of the new bourgeois states for their place in the territorial division of the world. It is here that the historical roots of the social explosion in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century lie.
The most glaring contradiction remained the preservation in Russia in the middle of the 19th century. serfdom - a rotting rudiment of medieval feudalism, which threatened Russian society with a mass peasant revolt. The situation was assessed by his son Alexander II, who ascended the Russian throne in February 1855 after the death of Nicholas I. He went down in history as the "Tsar Liberator" of the peasants (as defined by Herzen). Reforms are connected with his reign, which marked the beginning of Russia's active transition to the capitalist path of development. At the heart of the decisions of Alexander II was the fear that delaying the reforms would result in great social upheavals: “It is better to free the peasants“ from above ”than they free themselves“ from below ”“, he expressed this idea in 1856 in a speech to the Moscow nobles. The experience of the European bourgeois revolutions suggested to the Russian ruling circles the need to carry out transformations in society in accordance with the needs of the time.
Reforms of Alexander II. Territorial gains loss
In his youth, Alexander II, as the heir, was included in the composition of the highest state bodies. Unlike his brother Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich and Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna (who provided strong support for the reforms), Alexander II was still not a liberal. Taking part in public affairs, he showed himself more as a conservative. But, having ascended the throne at the time of an acute social crisis, he turned out to be at the height of the situation - he created the necessary administrative and political conditions for reforms.
The government apparatus began concrete work on the preparation of the peasant reform only at the beginning of 1857, when the Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs was established. However, rumors about the possible abolition of serfdom caused discontent among the nobility. Concerned, Alexander II decided to publicize the preparation of reforms, instructing the Governor-General V.I. Nazimov to appeal to the emperor on behalf of the Livonian nobility with a request to create commissions to develop a reform project. In response to this appeal, a decree was issued on the creation of provincial committees (rescript to Nazimov). At the end of the same year, at the initiative of the emperor, committees began to be created in all provinces to discuss this problem. During 1857, the Secret Committee came to only one conclusion - the need for the personal liberation of serfs without ransom.
The draft “Regulations” (law) on the abolition of serfdom, developed by the Editorial Commissions (appointed by Alexander II), entered the Main Committee (formerly the Secret) in 1861, and then the State Council, where it was further adjusted to meet the interests of the landlords. On February 19, 1861, the "Regulations" were signed by Alexander II and acquired the force of law, on the same day the Manifesto was signed announcing the liberation of the peasants.
The peasants received personal freedom and an established allotment of land, but not for free, but for a ransom, remaining in land dependence until they paid for the land in full, being considered “temporarily liable” to the landowner, that is, they must bear the former duties - corvée and pay dues. The peasant reform preserved the peasant community, placing it under strict state control: village elders and volost foremen, elected by the peasants, were subordinate to the local (noble) administration. Landownership was not only preserved, but also increased. The norms of allotments, which were due according to the “Regulations”, turned out to be, as a rule, less than those that they had under serfdom (peasant land use in the country was reduced by 1/5), in all provinces there was a “land cut” from pre-reform peasant allotments in favor of landlords . Peasants were forced to rent land from the landowner for normal farming. They had to pay the ransom within 49 years to the state, which gave the landlords a lump sum of 80% of the ransom sums.
The abolition of serfdom became an important historical event in the life of Russian society - a powerful impetus was given to the development of new socio-economic relations. The second, already bourgeois period of Russia's modernization began. But the peasants turned out to be robbed, dispossessed of land, and subjected to exorbitant payments for decades. The limited nature of the peasant reform in the interests of the landowners led to the fact that the old production relations remained mothballed. The landowners ran their households as before, and the "work-out system" for the use of peasant labor differed little from the corvée. Agriculture, which was occupied by the main population of the country (more than 80%), slowly and painfully passed to capitalist relations, poverty and wretchedness of rural life intensified. All this ultimately led to a deep crisis.
The peasant reform caused the need to change a number of state and public institutions, led to a certain liberalization of public life. In 1864, a zemstvo reform was carried out, during which a system of local self-government bodies was created at two territorial levels - in the county and the province. Uyezd zemstvo assemblies were elected every three years by the population of the uyezd, provincial assemblies were formed from representatives from the uyezd assemblies. Elections were held from all classes, but with a noticeable advantage of the noble landowners. Zemstvos were in charge of local farms, public education, medicine, statistics - all within the county and province. Zemstvos were forbidden to communicate with each other and coordinate their activities. As representative bodies of local government, distinct from the prevailing bureaucratic system, zemstvos played a significant role in revitalizing public life and in solving many problems of improvement.
However, this reform was only half-hearted. Zemstvos did not have a higher central representative body, their functions were limited, and the artificial creation of a numerical advantage for the landed nobility made them an instrument for protecting the interests of the upper strata. Moreover, the policy of the government in relation to the zemstvos was aimed at depriving them of any independence. The governors received the right to refuse approval to any person elected by the zemstvo, even more rights were granted to the governors in relation to persons hired by the zemstvo for service: doctors, teachers, extras. They could not only be expelled from the Zemstvo, but also sent outside the province. The governor was the censor of all printed publications of the zemstvo - reports, journals of meetings, statistical studies. The central and local executive authorities (the bureaucratic apparatus of the autocracy) suppressed any initiative of the zemstvos and their encroachments on independent activity. At the same time, the government did not stop at the dissolution of Zemstvo assemblies, the exile of their members, or other punitive measures. City governments, created in 1870, also did not become a democratic form of local representative power. The authorities stubbornly backed away, trying to include the zemstvo bodies in the bureaucratic system. Nevertheless, the zemstvos managed to achieve significant success, especially in the field of public education and medicine. In this environment, cadres of diverse intelligentsia quickly grew, a new social stratum of Russian society was created, which was destined to play a big role in the history of Russia.
In the same year, 1864, a judicial reform was carried out - one of the most significant achievements in the entire complex of reforms of the 19th century. The old class courts were completely abolished. Instead of them, the World Court and the Crown Court were created - two independent judicial systems that were subordinate to one judicial supreme body - the Senate. The Magistrate's Court handled minor offenses and civil suits, while the Crown Court dealt with more serious cases. The new system became public and open, the decision was made by jurors elected according to a special system from different classes. Investigators and judges, although appointed by the government, were irremovable. It was assumed that the reform would allow the creation of a court independent of pressure from the administration. But as soon as the new courts showed their best side, the authorities immediately began to subordinate them to the dominant bureaucratic system. Already in the second half of the 60s, and then in the 70s. publicity is significantly limited - the publicity of meetings and their coverage in the press; judicial officials are ordered to obey the "legitimate requirements" of the provincial authorities. Instead of investigators, “acting officers” were increasingly appointed, to whom the principle of irremovability did not apply. Political cases began to be considered by the "Special Presence of the Senate", and then were completely transferred to the jurisdiction of military courts. However, despite these shortcomings, judicial reform was a serious step towards the formation of civil society. The cadres who grew up in this environment made up a significant and active part of the raznochintsy intelligentsia.
In April 1865, a press reform was carried out: preliminary censorship for books was abolished and journal censorship was relaxed. Even earlier - in April 1863 - a new university charter was issued, pushing the limits of the administrative freedom of higher educational institutions. In 1864, an accessible all-class education was introduced in gymnasiums, and zemstvo schools were also developed.
The circle of transformations was closed by a series of military reforms. In 1874, general conscription was introduced, military settlements were completely destroyed, and the military court was reorganized on the basis of judicial reform. As early as 1864, the use of corporal punishment in the army was limited, and the management and organization of training in military educational institutions was changed. The military reforms carried out under the leadership of Minister of War D. A. Milyutin significantly increased the combat capability of the Russian army. In a short time, a new steam-powered armored navy was created.
Summing up the reform activities of the government, it should be emphasized that it tried to solve urgent problems in a comprehensive manner and in such a way as to provide the country with the opportunity to develop rapidly and keep pace with other powerful powers. However, when the ruling bureaucracy and the ruling class - the local nobility - practically faced the need to give up their power, the reforms immediately began to slow down and curtail. The vital problems of society remained unresolved.
The transition of the countryside to the capitalist path of development caused a large outflow of capital abroad. The Russian feudal lord in the vast majority could not master new forms of management and most often left for the capital and abroad. There he ate his redemption certificates, and then his family nests of nobles, demanding in letters from abroad in French: “Sell Russia as soon as possible, send money” (wrote Saltykov-Shchedrin). According to the estimates of the historian I. Ya. Froyanov, for 1860 - 1867. the total balance of the outflow of money abroad (despite external loans) amounted to at least 450 million rubles in gold and goods.
Carrying out transformations within the country in order to strengthen the military and economic power of the state, Alexander II takes a number of foreign policy steps to preserve Russia's position as a great power. Taking into account the colonial aspirations of the West and the growth of Japan's military power, Russia is strengthening its positions in the Far East. According to the Aigun (1858) and Beijing (1860) treaties with China for assistance in resisting the colonial claims of England and France, which rushed to China after the Crimean War, the territories along the left bank of the Amur and the Ussuri Territory were transferred to Russia. Russo-Japanese treaties of 1855 and 1875 secured the entire island of Sakhalin for Russia, for which Japan received the Kuril Islands. In 1867, Alexander II sold Alaska to the United States for $7.2 million, citing the impossibility of protecting it from English colonization and the need to replenish the treasury (part of the money went to the royal family). Russia has lost, as it turned out, the richest raw materials (gold, oil, etc.).
The primary task of diplomacy was the abolition of the neutralization of the Black Sea (according to the Paris Treaty) and the restoration of the right to have the Black Sea Fleet. It was decided by a talented diplomat, Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov, a classmate of A. S. Pushkin in the lyceum. Taking advantage of the situation during the Franco-Prussian War, he announced Russia's refusal to comply with this clause of the treaty. The London Conference of the Great Powers in 1871 secured Russia's rights in the Black Sea. In 1864, the Caucasian War, begun under Alexander I, ended, Transcaucasia was united with the territory of the Russian Empire.
The next step was the annexation of Central Asia, where the tentacles of British colonialism stretched from India through Afghanistan. The feudal states of Central Asia were the source of systematic attacks on Russian lands and the deportation of the population into slavery. Using the contradictions between Bukhara and Kokand, Russian troops captured Tashkent, and in 1867 the Turkestan Governor General was formed in the conquered territories of the Kokand Khanate. In 1867 - 1868. Samarkand and Bukhara were taken, the Emirate of Bukhara became a vassal of Russia. After the Khiva campaign of the Russian army in 1873, the Khiva Khanate also became part of Russia with the preservation of autonomy. Russia went to the Pamirs - the natural frontiers of the Eurasian power - and acquired the opportunity to receive the necessary raw materials for the economy and military affairs - cotton, previously imported from the United States.
An important event in the struggle to restore its status as a great power was the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Russia came to the defense of the peoples of the Balkans in their struggle against the Turkish yoke. Solidarity with the South Slavs is a long and enduring tradition of Russian civilization. Back in the 17th century. fugitives from Ottoman arbitrariness found shelter on Russian soil (such as Yuri Krizhanich). Peter I received envoys from Serbia. Since then, the support of the South Slavs has become part of the official doctrine of Russian diplomacy. In the 19th century in Russia since the 40s. a social movement arose in support of Slavic unity. Slavic committees, officially authorized by the authorities, held extensive events (scientific conferences and congresses), collected funds in defense of the Slavs. The collected amounts were directed to support the culture and education of the southern Slavs. There were stable ideological ties between the public of the Slavic countries. The ideas of the Russian revolutionary democrats and populists had a great influence on the social thought of the Balkan peoples. Some Russian revolutionaries entered into secret ties with the Serbs and Bulgarians, illegally supplying them with weapons. Thus, N. K. Sudzilovsky, a participant in the “going to the people,” provided armament for the partisan detachment of the great Bulgarian poet Hristo Botev, who carried out a revolutionary raid on the occupied territory of Bulgaria. In 1875 an uprising began in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the spring of 1876 the Slavs in Bulgaria revolted. The Turks brutally cracked down on the rebels (about 30 thousand people were slaughtered in Bulgaria alone). Serbia and Montenegro declared war on Turkey, but the forces were unequal, their struggle without external help was doomed. The Russian public demanded from Alexander II the protection of the Slavs. The European powers shied away from intervention, as they had their own interests in Turkey and did not want to increase Russian influence in the Balkans.
In 1877 Russia declared war on Turkey. Military operations unfolded in two theaters: the Balkan and the Transcaucasian. The Russian army, under the leadership of talented generals I. V. Gurko and M. D. Skobelev, crossed the Danube and took the city of Plevna. In the winter of 1877 - 1878 the Russian army crossed the Balkan mountains, surrounded and captured the Turkish group. The Bulgarian people provided great assistance to the troops. The Bulgarians cleared the roads, served as guides, assisted the wounded and frostbitten. After overcoming the Balkans, the troops in January 1878 moved swiftly to Constantinople, but the capture of Constantinople had to be abandoned due to threats from England and Austria. The fortress of Kare was taken in Transcaucasia. Turkey was defeated and went to the conclusion of the San Stefano peace treaty, according to which Serbia, Montenegro and Romania received full independence; Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina became autonomous principalities. Russia returned South Bessarabia and received new strongholds - Batum, Kare, Ardagan, Bayazet. The West refused to recognize the treaty, at the Berlin Congress in June 1878, Russia found itself alone and forced to yield. Bulgaria was divided into parts, the southern part remained under the Turkish yoke. Bosnia and Herzegovina was occupied by Austria-Hungary. England for the support of Turkey received from her the island of Cyprus. Despite this, the victory in the war became an important milestone in the liberation of the Slavic peoples and raised the prestige of Russia as a great power, lost after the defeat in the Crimean War.
Continuous, costly wars weakened the economy and placed a heavy burden on the working population, intensifying the hardships caused by developing capitalism. The half-heartedness of reforms and economic hardships provoked protests from peasants and workers in the city. The government is stepping up repression. The revolutionary raznochintsy intelligentsia actively oppose the oppression of the autocracy.
Development of revolutionary movements
The manifesto of February 19, 1861 did not lead to the general joy of the peasants. They didn't expect the kind of freedom they got. Immediately after the Manifesto and the Regulations were published on March 5, peasant unrest began in many areas. At this time, a major uprising broke out in Poland. At the last stage of its suppression - in the summer of 1864 - 126 thousand soldiers and officers with 176 guns took part in the hostilities on the part of the autocracy. The public enthusiasm that flared up in 1857-1859 was also replaced by bitter disappointment. in the midst of preparations for the peasant reform.
A significant part of the educated society, disappointed with the nature of the reforms, was captured by revolutionary sentiments. The reforms opened the way to higher education for people from all classes. The children of peasants, petty bourgeois, the clergy, the impoverished nobility within the walls of higher educational institutions quickly turned into raznochintsy intellectuals who lived their own special lives. A historical phenomenon is being formed - the Russian raznochintsy intelligentsia. The break with the class structure engendered in them a sense of responsibility to the common people, "due to whom" they received their position in society.
The desire to change the "damned Russian life" as quickly and radically as possible was inherent in many raznochintsy intellectuals, and their rapid general educational and spiritual growth gave confidence that these transformations were within their power. Having taken the baton from the noble revolutionaries, having accepted their high spirituality, their ability to sacrifice themselves, they considered the liberation of the people, the happiness of the people, to be the main goal of their lives. The successor of the ideas of Herzen, Ogarev, Belinsky, the revolutionary democrat N. G. Chernyshevsky becomes the idol of the radical intelligentsia of the 60s. The proclamations and appeals written by him and his entourage sharply criticized the peasant reform and contained the threat of a popular uprising. In response, the authorities made a number of arrests of many leaders of the revolutionary movement, including Chernyshevsky, bringing them to trial and repression. Throughout the 60s. radical circles of the intelligentsia tried to create revolutionary organizations: "Land and Freedom" (1862 - 1864); the circle of N. A. Ishutin (a member of which D. V. Karakozov shot at Alexander II in 1866); "People's massacre" (1869) under the direction of S. G. Nechaev.
In the early 60s. a revolutionary populist movement emerges. Its ideological basis was the thoughts expressed in the works of Herzen and Chernyshevsky about socialism based on the peasant community. The ideology of populism acquired its final expression in the works of M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov, and P. N. Tkachev. Firmly convinced that mankind would inevitably come to socialism, they pinned special hopes on Russia, where the peasant community, regarded as the embryo of a socialist society, had survived.
The populist movement gradually embraced broad strata of the raznochintsy intelligentsia. In 1874, about 200 populist circles were created in the European part of Russia, which coordinated the places and dates of "going to the people." Mass circulation to the people in 1874 covered more than 50 provinces, it was attended by 2-3 thousand active figures (mostly students - boys and girls), who were helped by three times as many sympathizers. But the peasants did not respond to calls for rebellion, and the government brought down repressions - thousands of people were arrested. The trial against the organizers (“trial of the 193s”) took place in 1877-1878. and became a high-profile political process.
The new organization under the former name "Land and Freedom" decided to raise the peasants by organizing rural settlements. However, this tactic did not bring success, the "settlers" were quickly identified and arrested. The populists go over to a political struggle directly with the tsarist government, one of the forms of which was individual terror against representatives of power. On January 24, 1878, a young teacher, Vera Zasulich, shot at the St. Petersburg mayor Trepov, who ordered the flogging of a political prisoner who did not take off his hat to him. She was put on trial, but the court acquitted her, outraged by Trepov's actions.
On the issue of terror, the populist organization "Land and Freedom" split into "People's Will" and "Black Redistribution", the members of the latter advocated propaganda in the village. Narodnaya Volya became the largest revolutionary organization. Its Executive Committee included such outstanding personalities as the people's tribune, the son of a serf A. I. Zhelyabov, the unique conspirator A. D. Mikhailov and the daughter of the St. Petersburg governor, a representative of the Russian aristocracy S. L. Perovskaya. The organization proceeded from the basic proposition: "The main creative force of the revolution is in the people," i.e., the peasantry; the peasant uprising will be supported by the workers and the military, while "the party must take upon itself the initiative for the revolution." Terror, contrary to the opinion established in the literature, was not the main activity of the organization. It was a response to the repressions of the government in order to arouse the revolutionary mood of the masses, to disorganize the government.
Alexander II, after a series of assassination attempts on him, established in 1880 the "Supreme Administrative Commission for the Protection of State Order" headed by Count Loris-Melikov, to whom he granted dictatorial powers. Cracking down on the revolutionaries, he simultaneously prepared a series of reforms to overcome the government crisis, the project of which was dubbed the “Loris-Melikov Constitution”. It was only about the creation of an elected advisory body under the State Council. However, this project was not destined to come true.
On March 1, 1881, Narodnaya Volya carried out its death sentence against Alexander II. I. I. Grinevitsky killed the tsar with a bomb, while he himself was mortally wounded. The death sentence of the Executive Committee recorded all the tsar's repressions against popular uprisings and revolutionaries, his particular predilection for the death penalty by hanging. The assassination of Alexander II was the first regicide in Russia, which was committed not to occupy the throne, but in the struggle for the liberation of the people from exploitation.
REASONS FOR THE RISE OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT 1) Preservation of the old socio-political system. 2) Unresolved agrarian question. 3) The half-heartedness of the reforms of the 1990s. 4) Fluctuations in the government's course. 5) Social contradictions.
CONSERVATIVES The main goal: to protect the government from the influence of the liberals, to preserve the privileges of the nobility, to preserve the autocracy. Main ideas: We continued to develop the ideas of the theory of official nationality. They considered the reforms to be harmful for the country. they led to a rupture between the intelligentsia and the people, to the growth of the revolutionary movement. It was argued that the autocratic form of government is the most suitable for Russia. They defended the idea that only an autocratic monarch, standing above all classes, is a true spokesman for the interests of the people.
CONSERVATORS Main figures: 1. Mikhail Nikiforovich Katkov - journalist, publisher of the newspaper "Moskovskie Vedomosti" 2. Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev - professor of law at Moscow University, educator of the royal children, chief prosecutor of the Synod (since 1880). 3. Petr Andreevich Shuvalov - chief of the gendarme corps and head of the III department
LIBERALS Origins: views of Westerners and Slavophiles. The main goal: to support the implementation of liberal reforms by the government, to persuade them to carry out constitutional reform. Main ideas: The number of liberals is insignificant, the social base is weak (part of the intelligentsia and the nobility). Some rise of the liberal movement in the 1970s was associated with the activities of the zemstvos. They failed to work out a common program of action and act jointly. Some believed that Russia had not yet matured to popular representation (constitution) The reputation of the liberals was hampered by “flirting” with the socialists (an attempt to negotiate with Herzen, proposals to the populist revolutionaries)
POPULISTS (REVOLUTIONARY) Origins: views of Russian revolutionary democrats, primarily A.I. Herzen. Main ideas: based on the theory of communal socialism by A.I. Herzen; the ideas of N.G. Chernyshevsky Key figures: Alexander Ivanovich Herzen, Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky
NARODNIKI (REVOLUTIONARY) Theory of communal socialism: The peasant community contains the "embryo of socialism": collective ownership of land, egalitarian land use, periodic redistribution of land, mutual responsibility (collective responsibility) for the payment of taxes and duties. Russia will be able to move to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage of development Socialist sentiments among the Russian peasants are of an unconscious nature, so the revolutionaries must create their own organization and prepare the peasants for the revolution. The reasons for the new upsurge of the revolutionary movement: 1) The radical intelligentsia was dissatisfied with the moderate nature of the reforms The preservation of landownership The introduction of a temporarily liable state The conditions of the redemption operation were difficult for most peasants 2) The slowness and inconsistency of the government in implementing reforms
REBELLION Ideologist: Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin Objectives: the Russian peasantry is ready for revolution, the intelligentsia should only push the people to take action Tactics: start a rebellion, a spontaneous peasant uprising that will destroy the state - the main weapon of oppression
CONSPIRACIOUS Ideologist: Pyotr Nikitich Tkachev Tasks: it is generally impossible to raise the peasantry to the revolution. Power should be seized by a well-organized group of revolutionaries Tactics: create a revolutionary party, undermine the state with the help of terrorist acts and seize power; maintain a strong state (revolutionary dictatorship) to carry out socialist transformations
POPULAR ORGANIZATIONS 60 - EARLY 70's. N. Ishutin's circle - set the task of preparing a revolutionary coup. The Hell group was formed in 1865 and began to prepare regicide. On April 4, 1866, a member of the group D. Karakozov tried to kill Alexander II in the center of St. Petersburg, at the exit from the Summer Garden. Consequences of the Karakozov case: Karakozov hanged by a court verdict; Members of the Ishutinsk circle were punished with imprisonment and exile to hard labor; The magazines Sovremennik and Russkoe Slovo are closed forever; The power of governors has been significantly strengthened; The rights of the zemstvo were curtailed.
POPULAR ORGANIZATIONS 60 - EARLY 70's - S. Nechaev formed the society "People's Reprisal". S. Nechaev organized the murder of one of the leaders of the People's Punishment, student I. Ivanov, who criticized some of his statements. After that, the police uncovered the organization. Nechaev fled abroad, was extradited to Russia as a criminal and ended his days in the Peter and Paul Fortress. The majority of the Narodniks condemned the city's "nechaevshchina" - the beginning of the activities of the "Chaikovites" circle (named after one of the leaders, N. Tchaikovsky). The "Chaikovites" were able to create a network of their groups in different cities of the city - A. Dolgushin's circle was created, which included supporters of Bakunin's ideas.
"GOING TO THE PEOPLE" The peasants did not understand and did not accept revolutionary propaganda and often denounced the police agitators themselves. The peasants were waiting for an improvement in their lives not from the revolutionaries, but "from above" - from the tsar. This and the next attempt to "go to the people" ended in failure, led only to mass arrests among the revolutionaries and the tightening of government policy. However, these failures did not stop the growth of the revolutionary movement.
"Land and Freedom" 1876 - the populist organization "Land and Freedom" was created in St. Petersburg Creators: M. Natanson, A. Mikhailov, G. Plekhanov and others Goals: Transfer all land to the peasants Reorganize the life of society on the principles of communal self-government Decision of the national question Methods: They believed that the achievement of the goal is possible only by force. It is necessary to conduct propaganda among the peasants and workers (organizational actions) - "sedentary" propaganda. To weaken the current government, use terror (disorganizing actions) Actions: New wave of "going to the people" December 6, 1876 - anti-government demonstration near the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg March 1878 - organization of strikes at the New Paper Spinning Mill in St. Petersburg and a number of other enterprises
THE SPLIT OF "LAND AND FREEDOM" The failure of propaganda among the people caused the disappointment of many populists. At the same time, a number of high-profile acts of terror were carried out: January 1878 - In Zasulich, she wounded the St. Petersburg mayor Trepov. August 1878 - chief of gendarmes Mezentsev was killed February 1879 - governor-general of Kharkov Kropotkin was killed April 2, 1879 - populist A. Solovyov tried to kill the tsar on Palace Square. in St. Petersburg, the authorities responded by intensifying repression. Contradictions grew among the populists between supporters of propaganda (“village people”) and followers of conspiratorial tactics (“politicians”)
SPLIT OF "EARTH AND VOLIA" "Land and Liberty" split into two organizations: 1. Black Repartition (Year of Year) Ideologist: G.V. Plekhanov 2. Narodnaya Volya (year) Ideologist: Executive Committee 1880 - "Black Repartition" ceased to exist. Its members emigrated abroad. "Narodnaya Volya" operated until 1884.
DIVISION OF "EARTH AND FREEDOM" Plans of the Narodnaya Volya: Convocation of a constituent assembly on the basis of universal suffrage; Transfer of land to peasants; Replacing autocracy with a people's republic. The executive committee of Narodnaya Volya sentenced Alexander II to death. The "hunt for the king" began.
"HUNTING FOR THE Tsar" November 1879 - the third attempt to blow up the royal train February 1880 - explosion in the Winter Palace After another assassination attempt, Alexander II created the Supreme Administrative Commission for the Protection of State Order and Public Peace, headed by M.T. Loris-Melikov, who was given virtually dictatorial powers.
"DICTATURE OF THE HEART" M.T. LORIS-MELIKOVA Struggle against the revolutionaries: Eliminated the III branch; Subordinated the political police to the Minister of the Interior; Reoriented the political police from mass arrests to well-prepared targeted strikes (Zhelyabov, Mikhailov, Kletochnikov)
MARCH 1, 1881 The members of Narodnaya Volya, who remained at large, headed by S. Perovskaya, developed several new options for the assassination attempt on the tsar. On March 1, 1881, Emperor Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb on the Catherine Canal in St. Petersburg and died in the Winter Palace. The Loris-Melikov project, approved on the eve of the tragedy, was rejected by the new emperor Alexander III. The people were shocked by the death of the king-liberator. The peasant revolution did not start, and the "Narodnaya Volya" was crushed.
The era of Alexander 1 is characterized by upheavals, both external and internal. At this time, the development of movements and secret communities began, which led Russia to the Decembrist uprising of 1825. The secret social movement under Alexander 1 is a small organization operating in secret from the authorities, adhering to liberal views. For them it was important not so much to reform Russia as to bring about the overthrow of the autocracy.
Reasons for the emergence of secret societies
The starting point in the activities of the secret organizations of the Russian Empire under Emperor Alexander 1 was the war with Napoleonic France in 1812. It was after her that the formation of public organizations began. The reasons for their appearance:
- Campaign of the army to the West, to Paris. The Russian army drove Napoleon to France. during this time, many officers managed to see the world without serfdom. The same officers did not see the main thing - the Western world without serfdom was built on colonies. The prosperity of countries grew only because of the colonies.
- The elite of the Russian Empire opposed Alexander 1, directly and indirectly supporting secret societies. The reasons for the negative attitude towards the emperor: the Peace of Tilsit and rapprochement with Napoleon, as well as the rejection of liberal reforms.
- The development of a social ideology of progress. In Russia, the ideas of the democratic development of the country were actively promoted, with partial or complete rejection of the monarchy.
- Government indecision in reforms. Alexander 1 after 1812 finally left the ideas of liberalism, carrying out reforms conservatively and very carefully. Therefore, there were dissatisfied who believed that the changes should be faster and more massive. It is noteworthy that, in general, the goals of secret organizations (at the initial stage) and the government coincided.
These are the 4 main reasons for the emergence of secret societies in the Russian Empire. The key point here is the following (as a rule, this is not written in textbooks) - the active rise of these movements began with a new wave of liberalism that hit Russia after the events of 1812. This was the second wave, and the first came during the reign of Catherine II.
Secret societies of the era of Alexander 1
The secret societies operating in Russia in the 19th century (1816-1825) are interesting in that they, as a rule, did not exist for long, but constantly transformed into new forms with new ideas and tasks. At the same time, the leaders of the societies did not change. Pay attention to the table below, where you can see that the names of the leaders remain unchanged. Only the names change.
| Society name | Dates of existence | Leaders | Main Document |
|---|---|---|---|
| Union of Salvation | 1816-1818 | Muravyov A.N. Number - 30 people. | - |
| 1818-1821 | Muraviev A.N., Pestel P.I., Pushchin I.I., Trubetskoy S.P. Only 200 people. | "Green Book" | |
| Southern Secret Society (SUT) | 1821-1825 | Davydov V.L., Muraviev-Apostol S.I., Volkonsky S.G., Bestuzhev-Ryumin M.P., Pestel P.I. | "Russian Truth" |
| Northern Secret Society (STO) | 1822-1825 | Muravyov N.M., Pushchin I.I., Trubetskoy S.P., Lunin M.S., Obolensky E.P., Turgenev N.I. | "Constitution" |
Union of Salvation
The Union of Salvation is the first large secret society in Russia of the era of Alexander 1. It was small in number and consisted of 30 people, and Andrey Nikolaevich Muravyov (1806-1874) was the leader. Another name for this organization is Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland. The secret organization existed for 2 years, after which it broke up. This society had 2 main tasks:
- The abolition of serfdom and the allocation of land to the peasants. There were no disagreements.
- Restriction of autocracy. There were disagreements on the principles of limitation: the Constitution or complete overthrow.
Achieving the set goals required mass participation. The Salvation Union consisted of only 30 people, so in 1818 it ceased to exist, having been modernized into a more massive form.
The secret organization "Union of Welfare" was a response to the change in the position of the authorities. The Union began work in 1818 on the basis of the Salvation Union. In the new formation, the society consisted of 200 representatives, the backbone of which was all the same Muravyov, Pestel, Pushchin and others. The Charter of the Union was created, which was called the "Green Book". It is important to note the mass character - if until 1818 the societies worked only in the capital, then the Welfare Union worked in 4 cities of the empire: St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tulchin and Chisinau.
This organization rejected the ideas of a coup d'etat and any restriction of the monarchy. The main task was to spread their ideas to the masses. This was achieved through the publication of magazines and newspapers, the creation of "educational" societies, the opening of private schools, and so on. Due to this, the leaders of the movement wanted to send Russia on the path of reforms.
The union was liquidated due to disagreements between the leaders about further development, since the emperor finally refused to carry out reforms. Therefore, the current activity was no longer possible. The second reason for the collapse of the Union is much more serious - in Spain, Portugal and Italy, revolutions began in 1820, which led to coup d'état, as a result of which these countries adopted a rather liberal Constitution. This forced Russian public organizations to think again about overthrowing or limiting the monarchy.
Northern and Southern societies of the Decembrists
In 1821, a turning point occurred in public organizations, as a result of which 2 new organizations were formed, with different goals and objectives:
- Southern secret society (1821-1825). Started to function in the town of Tulchin. The Ukrainian army was quartered in this city. UTO worked mainly on the territory of Ukraine. They created a charter - "Russian Truth". Its author was Pestel. The main goal of society is the overthrow of the autocracy and the creation of a Republic or Federation.
- Northern secret society (1822-1825). It was founded in St. Petersburg. The main ideas were outlined in the "Constitution", the author of which was Muravyov. SRT adhered to softer views, wanting not to overthrow the power of the monarch, but to limit it by introducing a constitutional monarchy.
Emperor's reaction
The secret social movements of Russia of the era of Alexander 1 existed for a long time without resistance from the authorities. At the same time, the Emperor actively developed the secret police, so Alexander 1 had information about the activities of the Societies. However, until 1822 the authorities did not react to these organizations in any way. Why? The fact is that the “Union of Salvation” was insignificant in number, and the “Union of Welfare” did not set a task that threatened the authorities. Everything changed when 2 independent societies were formed with a single goal - activity against the emperor. That is why in 1822 Alexander 1 issued a Decree prohibiting the activities of any secret organizations, including Masonic lodges. Since 1823, the persecution of members of the societies begins, but the police acted reluctantly.
Already in 1825, when the emperor learned about the impending conspiracy and that the army was involved in it, mass arrests began. This did not prevent secret societies from holding an uprising in the center of St. Petersburg, on Senate Square. The main reason for the possibility of the performance of the Decembrists was that Alexander 1 did not arrest their leader Pestel. This was done 3 days after the death of the ruler.
What led to the activities of societies
Public organizations under Alexander 1 were united. Of course, the secret societies of the South and the North had different views on the development of Russia, they were united by a single mission - preparing the population for the Decembrist uprising. The uprising on the Senate Square was the first serious and organized protest against the authorities. the Decembrists were not successful, but they showed that secret societies in Russia work effectively. Therefore, the following emperors did a lot to fight them, but in one form or another they continued to exist, which in particular led to 1917.
To the question of the popular movement under Alexander 2, asked by the author European the best answer is The Peasant Reform of 1861 became a "finest hour" for figures from the liberal camp, both Westerners and Slavophiles, who were given the opportunity to put their ideas into practice.
■ The liberal movement in the 1860s and 1870s, led by university professors K. D. Kavelin and B. N. Chicherin, put forward a rather moderate program on the whole, did not demand the convocation of parliament, considered it untimely, and pinned all hopes on continuing and the development of liberal reforms "from above", at the behest of the emperor. The liberals actively participated in the implementation of the zemstvo, city and judicial reform, in the activities of the new court and new local governments.
■1861 - the first revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom" appears, headed by N. G. Chernyshevsky, editor of the Sovremennik magazine. The name of the organization contained its main ideas - the transfer to the peasants without redemption of all landowners' land and the liquidation of the autocracy, replacing it with a democratic republic. The leaders of the "Land and Freedom" were quickly arrested (Chernyshevsky - in 1862), not having time to deploy vigorous activity, and by 1864 the organization ceased to exist.
■1866 - DV Karakozov, a member of the Ishutin circle, makes an unsuccessful attempt on the tsar's life as a sign of protest against the "fraudulent" peasant reform. Karakozov was hanged, his assassination attempt led to a tightening of the political regime.
■1874 - the beginning of "going to the people" and the formation of the populist movement among the revolutionaries. Based on the ideas of A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky, the Narodniks were convinced that the basis of socialism in Russia was the peasant community.
Many of them went to live and work in the countryside, finding jobs as zemstvo teachers and doctors. Among the populists, three directions stood out:
propaganda (P. L. Lavrov) - they believed that it was necessary to go to the people to propagate socialist ideas, that the revolution required a long preparation;
rebellious, or anarchist (MA Bakunin), - they believed that the peasants were ready for a rebellion at any moment, and the task of the revolutionary intelligentsia was to help them organize an uprising;
conspiratorial (P.N. Tkachev) - in their opinion, the most effective way of revolution was the seizure of power by an organized revolutionary party, which, having come to power, would carry out all the transformations necessary for the people.
■ Among the populists, the idea was born of the need to create a centralized, unified, all-Russian organization. 1876 - the Land and Freedom party appears. Its leaders are V. N. Figner, N. A. Morozov, A. D. Mikhailov. The landowners tried to move on to establishing systematic propaganda in the countryside, and also began to establish contacts with urban workers. They began to respond to police persecution with terrorist acts.
■1879 - the split of "Land and Freedom" into "Narodnaya Volya" and "Black Repartition". The Chernoperedeltsy (G.V. Plekhanov) advocated the continuation of the old tactics of working in the countryside and agitation for a "black redistribution", that is, the division of the landlords' land among the peasants. The Narodnaya Volya (A. I. Zhelyabov, S. L. Perovskaya) were supporters of terror and the promotion of political tasks - the destruction of the autocracy and the establishment of political freedoms. "Narodnaya Volya" turned into a strong, conspiratorial organization that had connections among the intelligentsia, workers, officers, and its agents in the ranks of the police. The Narodnaya Volya made a number of assassination attempts on top officials and the emperor himself.
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The domestic policy of Alexander II did not bring political peace to Russia. Despite his far-reaching social and administrative reforms, he faced fierce opposition and an open revolutionary movement.
Political opposition came primarily from the nobility.
There was an idea that the nobility, having lost their social and economic privileges, should receive political privileges in return. This idea arose among the members of the provincial committees, who were dissatisfied with the radicalism of the editorial commissions.
In addition to the political programs of the nobility, as a continuation of the tradition of the Decembrists, other projects were put forward that provided for the transformation of Russia in a constitutional and democratic direction.
A revolutionary idea arose among raznochintsy.
These were the children of peasants and merchants (educated); clergy children who refused to be priests; children of petty officials, and children of impoverished nobles. Raznochintsy quickly formed a new social class - the intelligentsia, which included many nobles. Their number grew rapidly, who were connected with newspapers, or universities.
The leaders of the intelligentsia desired a social revolution, although Russian industry was underdeveloped and could not provide the basis for socialism. They criticized the government for not being radical enough. Harsh criticism was given in the revolutionary organs abroad.
The most famous of them was The Bell, published by Alexander Herzen in London.
Revolutionary propaganda was conducted in harsh tones. The proclamation "Young Russia" in 1862 called for terror - the murders of members of the government. A number of arsons took place in St. Petersburg. The government arrested and exiled several leaders of the radicals.
The activity of Russian revolutionaries was connected with the movement in Poland.
The Polish Revolution broke out in 1863.
Immediately before this, the government began to pursue a liberal policy in Poland and placed the reforms in the hands of an outstanding Polish figure, Marquis Alexander Wielopolski.
Radical elements in Poland decided to sabotage this reform. The uprising was suppressed by military force, after which the last remnants of Polish independence were liquidated.
The Kingdom of Poland received its official name - Privislenskie provinces.
In 1864, a land reform was carried out under the supervision of Milyutin and Cherkassky. They carried it out more successfully than in Russia. Thanks to this, the Polish peasants remained loyal to the Russian government until the World War.
The Polish uprising influenced the evolution of the opposition and revolutionary movement in Russia. It raised the patriotism of the people and strengthened the government.
Russian revolutionary leaders associated with the Polish uprising lost their prestige in Russia. Karakozov's attempt to assassinate Emperor Alexander II in 1866 was a separate act, a small group.
A new wave of anti-government activity took place in the 1870s. In intellectual circles, a desire was expressed for elected representation not only in local government (zemstvo and city), but also higher. The reforms were to be completed by the creation of a parliament.
This movement especially intensified after the war with Turkey in 1877-1878. When the liberated Bulgaria received a constitution, the activity of revolutionary organizations intensified.
From 1870 to 1875 the radical intelligentsia refrained from fighting the government but undertook propaganda among the masses. Many intellectuals went "to the people". They lived among peasants and workers, worked in schools and became workers in the countryside or in industry.
Fearing the consequences of propaganda, the government arrested revolutionaries. Many were imprisoned and exiled on one suspicion of the police. Government measures have caused bitterness among the intelligentsia. Among them were revolutionaries who began to use terror and prepare murders.
In 1879, in Lipetsk (center of Russia), the leaders of the revolutionary movement held a secret meeting. An Executive Committee was elected to overthrow the government.
The committee decided to stop all assassination attempts on individual officials and concentrate all efforts on the assassination of Alexander II.
Alexander II became the object of the hunt. Unsuccessful attempts were made one after another at an accelerating pace, until one of them ended in the death of the emperor on March 1 in St. Petersburg.
The assassination of Alexander II took place on the very day that he signed the approval of the Committee of Representatives in aid of the Council of State.
It was the so-called "constitution of Loris-Melikov" (Minister of the Interior). In his opinion, the revolutionaries enjoyed the moral support of the moderate classes of society because of their dissatisfaction with the autocracy of the government. He believed that the government should satisfy the moderates by granting a constitution. This measure, he believed, should deprive the revolutionaries of the moral sympathy of these classes.
The assassination of the king prevented the implementation of this plan. Alexander III rejected the constitutional plan and the statement signed by Alexander II was never published.
