Whether Henry III, having lived longer, would have been able to carry out the great church reform, while establishing imperial power on more solid foundations, is an idle question. A more unfavorable situation cannot be imagined. The presence of the pope was a blessing: he helped the Empress cope with the first difficulties. However, he also died the following year, 1057, and Henry IV, who subsequently reigned from 1056 to 1106, was then a 6-year-old child.

The regency was in the hands of his mother Agnes, a narrow-minded woman who was constantly dependent on those she trusted. The most influential of them was Heinrich, Bishop of Augsburg, who deserved such confidence. His position aroused the envy of others, and every appointment, every expression of the favor of the court created for the government one satisfied or half-satisfied ten embittered by this mercy. All such intrigues and squabbles cannot be described briefly. In Hungary, during the regency, there was a coup in which Bela, Andrei's brother, hostile to the Germans, whose son was betrothed to the second daughter of the Empress, Sophia, seized power. More important was what happened in Italy. After the death of Victor, the brother of the Duke of Lorraine Gottfried, Cardinal Frederick, was elected pope under the name of Stephen IX. But he died a few months later, after him Benedict X was elected, as a result of which Hildebrand's party had to leave Rome for a while and turn again to the empress to obtain her consent to elect a new pope in the person of the Florentine bishop Gerard, whom the duke brought to Rome. Gottfried, the most powerful figure in Italy after Hildebrand. The new pope was named Nicholas II.

The weakness and arbitrariness of the government caused justified complaints in Germany. They opened the way for ambitious and bold ideas, especially on the part of the clergy. With the precariousness of all relations, the persons of the highest spiritual hierarchy were seized by the spirit of capture, since in mental development they surpassed the secular princes, they had numerous service people and vassals, as well as what can be called the press of that time and which always constituted a considerable force. Reading the pious epistles with which the queen addressed the holy fathers, expressing full confidence that the prayers of the Cluniac monks would save her husband from death, if they so desired, one can understand to what extent the arrogance of the estate, to which the whole world attributed a special, little understandable to an ordinary person, a mysterious and therefore even more overwhelming power. Among the monks who surrounded Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen, who cherished the ambitious dream of establishing a northern patriarchy, stood out Archbishop Annaud of Cologne, who came from the bottom, but made his way through natural energy. Driven by ambition, he did not want to be content with what mediocre people quenched their thirst for wealth and power. He thought, perhaps rightly, that he could do better than the government at the helm. Being at the head of the German episcopate, he rightly feared the neo-Roman direction, due to the influence of which not one of the German bishops was summoned to the Lateran Council of 1059. He secretly made friends with the princes, among whom was Otto of Nordheim, a noble Saxon who enjoyed the great favor of the Empress, who had just received the duchy of Bavaria (1061) as a fief. The treacherous plan was carried out on Easter 1062 on the island of Kaiserwerth, in the monastery of St. Suitbert, where the empress lived with her son. The conspirators lured a 12-year-old boy on the pretense of riding aboard a flag-laden ship they had already prepared on the Rhine and took him upriver to Cologne. They say that the child, noticing the intent, rushed into the water, hoping to swim to the shore, on which the crowd had gathered, but one of the conspirators pulled him out of the water. The criminal prank was a success: a new government was formed, under which all the bishops, who felt themselves the rulers of the world, were jointly in charge of affairs. The Archbishop of Cologne was in charge of everything. He attracted to state administration first the Archbishop of Mainz Siegfried, and then the Archbishop of Bremen, imbued with ambition no less strong, although of a different shade. He was a man of extraordinary talent, of high birth, with a brilliant appearance, smooth speech, extensive thoughts, but at the same time, despite the pomp with which he liked to surround himself, as strict in behavior as Anno. He was not inferior to him either in passion or in lust for power. Both took care of the honor and splendor of their dioceses, according to the views of the church princes of that time. Localism developed especially among the higher clerics. On Spirit Day 1063, in the presence of the young king, a dispute over primacy between Bishop Gezilon of Hildesheim and Abbot Widerad of Fulda turned the cathedral church in Goslar into the scene of a fierce and bloody battle between the subordinates of the arguing spiritual dignitaries. Anno rewarded his relatives and adherents with the most shameless nepotism, distributing state goods to them, and replaced all the highest church positions with his supporters. The new government could only boast of some external successes. In 1063 the campaign against Hungary led by Otto of Nordheim ended happily, and Solomon, the son of King Andrew, who was deposed in 1060, was enthroned and crowned at Székesfehérvár in the presence of the young king, his brother-in-law.

At this time, Pope Alexander II was still fighting with the Lombard pope Cadal, or Honorius II. For some time, Rome was divided into two halves, its streets became the scene of fierce battles between the parties. The German court, to which the empress returned in June 1064, was indecisive. The great German princes, like Annaud, were aware of the danger that threatened them from the unlimited claims of Hildebrand's party. This situation forced Anno to decide on an important measure: having entered into an agreement with the most honest members of the reform party, such as, for example, the strict Peter Damiani, he insisted on convening a council in Mantua, at which the issue of schism was to be resolved, and he himself went to this congress. But this journey turned out to be disastrous for his authority. Archbishop Adalbert, sincerely devoted to the cause of the monarchy and a more indulgent guardian than Anno, had long pushed him away from young Henry. The cathedral, without much wrangling, again recognized Alexander II as pope, condemning Kadal, but Anno, having returned, was already relegated to the background. His downfall was completed when the 15-year-old king accepted the sword in Worms, with which guardianship ceased: Anno's supremacy ended. The empress, who had been wearing monastic clothes for several years, could now follow her attraction to monastic life. Adalbert remained the first adviser to the 15-year-old king.

The godfather of the future emperor was the same Hugo, an active supporter of the Cluniac reform, which was also supported by Henry III. The name Conrad went to the younger brother of the newborn, the future Duke of Bavaria, who was born two years later.

Even before baptism, on Christmas Day 1050, Henry III demanded that his subjects take an oath to the future emperor. Three years later, in November 1053, the three-year-old Henry was elected king at the Diet in Trebur. The princes present at the Diet, however, made a reservation: they were ready to serve the new emperor only if he showed himself to be a true ruler.

A month later, Henry IV was granted the Duchy of Bavaria, which belonged to him for only half a year: on July 17, 1054, Archbishop Hermann solemnly placed the royal crown on him in Aachen, and Bavaria went to his younger brother Conrad.

As soon as he stepped on the ship, he was surrounded by Anno's minions, and some of them leaned on the oars with all their might - so much so that in the blink of an eye the ship was in the very center of the river. The king, bewildered by surprise, could not decide otherwise that they wanted to deprive him of his crown and life, and threw himself into the river, where he almost drowned - do not come to his aid Count Ecbert [Ecbert of Brunswick], who jumped after him and saved him from certain death by pulling back to the ship.

Anno took the king to Cologne, where he blackmailed his mother into handing over the imperial insignia. So state power passed into the hands of the conspirators, to whom - in addition to the already mentioned Anno of Cologne and Count Ecbert of Brunswick - also belonged to Otto of Northeim, the archbishops Siegfried of Mainz and Adalbert of Bremen. Both prelates, Anno and Adalbert, used their new position for their own enrichment. The young king could only watch how the secular and spiritual princes senselessly blow the state treasury. Undoubtedly, all these events had a strong influence on the formation of the character and actions of the future emperor. There is not long to wait.

After the death of Erlembald, Henry, contrary to his promises, placed Tedald on the episcopal throne in September 1075 in Milan and, in addition, two bishops in Spoleto and Fermo. In response to this, at a synod in Rome, Gregory VII announced the contents of Dictatus rarae, where he affirmed the primacy of spiritual power over secular power and, in addition, sent an angry letter to the king, in which he demanded obedience from the emperor in harsh terms:

From this confrontation began the relationship between two prominent historical figures - Henry IV and Gregory VII.

After the excommunication of Henry, many German princes, who had previously been his supporters, retreated from him and demanded at a state meeting in Trebur in October 1076 to resolve the problem before February of the following year. It was decided that on February 2, 1077, the election of a new emperor would take place in Augsburg, at which Pope Gregory might also come. Heinrich had only three months to accomplish the impossible. In December 1076, the deposed king set out with a small number of escorts across the snowy Alps to Italy. Enemies tried to delay him by blocking mountain crossings. Heinrich had to take a detour through Burgundy, wasting precious days on the road.

Gregory, fearing the appearance in Italy not only of Henry, but of the entire German army, returned to a well-fortified fortress in Canossa, which belonged to his supporter Margravine Matilda of Tuscany. Learning of this, Henry arranged with Matilda and his godfather Hugh of Cluny to arrange for him to meet the Pope. On the celebration of the conversion of St. Paul, January 25, 1077, Henry stood barefoot in a sackcloth under the walls of Canossa, waiting for Gregory's decision. It followed only three days later: on January 28, Gregory, to the disappointment of the German princes, who had already mentally crowned their protege, removed the disgrace from his opponent.

Indeed, the opposition was not going to give up its positions. Already on March 15, 1077 in Forheim, in the presence of papal legates, Henry was again declared deposed, and Rudolf of Reinfelden was elected anti-king. On March 26, he was anointed to the kingdom. In the presence of the princes who placed him on the throne, Rudolph swore on no account to resort to the practice of simony. In addition, he had to concede to the princes the right to choose his successor, which would have interrupted the established tradition of succession to the throne by blood.

Henry IV, restored to his legal rights, still relied on the petty nobility, ministerials and imperial cities, to which he granted various privileges. The promotion of the initially unfree ministerials through the social ladder caused resentment among the princes. On the side of Rudolph in opposition to Henry were mainly secular imperial princes. The pope, according to the agreement in Canossa, at first adhered to neutrality.

To begin with, Henry outlawed Rudolf. This happened in June 1077, that is, a couple of months after the election of Rudolf. In response to this, Rudolph moved to Henry IV already at the head of the Saxon army. Opponents met on August 7, 1078 on the field near Mellrikstadt. The archbishop of Magdeburg was killed during the battle, the archbishops of Mainz and Worms were captured by the king. Duke Magnus of Saxony was also taken prisoner. However, Henry lost the first battle. Like the second, which took place on January 27, 1080 near Flachheim. However, in the third battle, in the vicinity of Hohenmölsen, Rudolf lost his right arm and was severely wounded in the stomach. A day later, on October 15, 1080, he died.

The rebels had to make a lot of efforts to find a new candidate for the post of anti-king. It took at least a year for the princes to agree on the figure of Hermann of Salm, who in 1081 was chosen in Oxenfurt as the anti-king of the Saxons and Swabians and on December 26 was crowned in Goslar by Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz. Upon returning from Italy, Henry, together with the army, immediately went to restore order in Saxony. He managed to advance to Magdeburg. Herman fled to Denmark, not accepting the battle, returned from there and in 1086, together with Duke Welf IV, attacked the emperor near Pleichfeld on the Main, and then laid siege to Würzburg. The emperor came with a large army to free him, but the Saxon rebels, putting the king to flight, took the city. This is where his role in history ends. In 1088, Hermann of Salm returned to his possessions, where in September of that year he ingloriously died in an internecine war.

At this time, German society was torn apart by deep contradictions. Simultaneously with King Henry, the anti-king Rudolph ruled, simultaneously with Pope Gregory, the anti-pope Clement. There was a fierce struggle for power in the duchies. After Henry defeated Rudolf, he headed to Rome to help his henchman. Besieging the city three times, he was finally able to take it in March 1084. Between sieges, Henry had to return to Northern Italy every now and then - both to protect the areas under the protection of the emperor, and to fight Matilda of Tuscany, Gregory's confidant and the emperor's main rival in this part of Italy.

After the capture of Rome, Clement III was elevated to the papacy on March 24, 1084. This event was the beginning of a new schism, which lasted until 1111 - the end of the reign of antipope Sylvester IV.

A week later, on Easter Sunday, March 31, 1084, Clement III crowned Henry and his wife Bertha with the imperial crown. Gregory VII at that time was able to fortify himself in the Castle of the Holy Angel and counted on the intervention of the Normans, who, under the leadership of Robert Guiscard and with the support of the Saracens, were moving towards Rome. Henry's army, seriously weakened and unable to resist, was forced to retreat. The Normans freed Gregory and sacked and set fire to Rome. The anger of the Romans against the allies of the Pope was so great that Gregory VII, fearing a new uprising of the townspeople, fled to Salerno, where he died on May 25, 1085.

Immediately after the coronation, Henry left Rome and marched on Augsburg, where he managed to re-establish his position. Thanks to the competent use of investiture, he again created a support in the person of the bishops.

The whole life of Heinrich, filled with constant struggle, reflects the internal inconsistency of his character. Already for his contemporaries, he was cruel and treacherous, rude and dissolute and, at the same time, a merciful king who showed compassion and care for the poor and Jews. Subsequent generations have repeatedly asked a logical question: was going to Canossa a treason or a cunningly calculated move to maintain power? ...

Without a doubt, Henry IV was a pragmatic politician. Already from early childhood, he was aware of his royal vocation and considered it - according to the political ideas of his time - as given by God. This was enough to put him at odds with Gregory VII, who in the Dictatus Papae tried to oust the emperor and place himself at the head of the world order. It is obvious that these two ideas could not exist simultaneously, just as their carriers - the emperor and the pope - could not find a compromise. The high point of the confrontation was the excommunication of Henry IV. The further development of the struggle for power led - although neither Henry nor Gregory could have imagined this - to the separation of the state and the church.

The reign of Henry IV was marked by attempts by secular princes to challenge royal authority. A protracted confrontation with Saxony and, at the same time, with the South German duchies and, finally, the fight against the anti-king - these are the main events of the second half of the 11th century. Heinrich did not allow himself to be led by the princes, who swung at the supreme power, in response, he formed around himself a trusted circle of ministerials, on whom he relied. With this political act, Henry IV legitimized the rise of once unfree people who received a new social status and political influence. In return, he could count on the complete loyalty of his entourage. Additionally, Henry relied on the rapidly growing influence of cities - such as Speyer, Worms, Goslar, Halberstadt and Quedlinburg. The assistance of the initially unfree ministerials and prosperous cities met with powerful opposition from the princes and was one of the prerequisites for creating a strong opposition.

Another trend that Henry IV actively fought against was the tendency towards the territorial fragmentation of the empire. In his desire to strengthen the central government, Henry was able not only to prevent the collapse of the state into specific principalities, but also to ensure the role of the state church as the protector of central royal power. However, in the long run, he failed to avoid territorial fragmentation.

Henry IV left a no less bright mark in history thanks to the construction of new cathedrals, castles and cities. Already in the mid-1060s, having gained real power, he prepared a building program, thanks to which many castles were built in Saxony and Thuringia. Lampert of Gersfeld mentions only six - Wiganstein ( Wigantestein), Moseburg ( Moseburg), Sachsenstein ( Sachsenstein), Spatenburg ( Spatenburg), .

After the successful outcome of the battle, Henry took up the construction of new cathedrals with redoubled energy. Presumably at this time, he made the decision to transform the Speyer Cathedral into an imperial one (in German). Kaiserdom), which was supposed to confirm the greatness of his imperial title. In the last years of his life, he began to build a cathedral in Mainz. However, Heinrich did not have time to see the embodiment of his idea in stone: the construction of cathedrals both in Speyer and in Mainz was completed after the death of the emperor.

Upon returning to the empire, Henry first deposed his rebellious son Conrad, crowning the 12-year-old Henry co-ruler, in return taking from him a promise never to rebel against his father. Conrad was crowned by Pope Urban II in Milan and together with him in 1104 secretly left the army, went to Bavaria and thus forced the emperor to return. Heinrich Jr. renounced his father, fearing that the pope would refuse to crown his son, the emperor thrice anathematized. Like his elder brother, young Henry also joined the supporters of the pope, after which he received the assurance of the new pope, Paschal II, that the coronation would take place. At the beginning of 1105, young Henry succeeded in freeing himself from the oath of allegiance given to his father, without renouncing the right of investiture. The uprising quickly spread to Saxony and Thuringia as well, but Henry IV still outnumbered his son in military strength. In October 1105 they met near Regensburg. Henry the Younger managed to persuade part of the imperial army to treason and thereby prevent the battle.

At the Reichstag, which the young Henry convened on Christmas Day 1105 in Mainz, this conflict was to be resolved in the presence of papal legates. The emperor was determined to personally defend his right here and set off from Cologne to the south. In order to prevent the appearance of his father before the princes, Henry Jr. came forward to meet him. Having guaranteed free passage, the count died on August 7, 1106 at the age of 55. As a symbol of forgiveness and reconciliation, he sent his son a sword and a ring - the regalia of imperial power, which remained with him until the last moment, his father's blessing and a request to bury him in Speyer Cathedral, next to his ancestors.

However, the original burial took place in the Liège Cathedral. Bishop Otbert of Liege escorted the emperor on his last journey with all honors. The German prelates protested and anathematized the cathedral, declaring it defiled - defiled exactly until the moment when the body of the excommunicated king is in it. On September 3, 1106, a reburial took place in the Cathedral of Speyer - already at the insistence of the young emperor Henry V. But the cathedral in Speyer suffered the same fate. The coffin was transferred a second time, and for five years the body of Henry rested in the chapel of St. Afra of the Speyer Cathedral.

However, the chapel did not become the last and final refuge of the restless king. In 1111, Henry V, during a meeting with Pope Paschal II in Rome, asked him to posthumously remove the anathema from his father and allow him to be buried according to church rites. Paschaliy went forward and on August 7, 1111, on the fifth anniversary of the death of Henry IV, the coffin with his body was removed for the third time and solemnly transferred to the family crypt. Henry IV's last request was granted.

The marriage of Heinrich and Adelheid was childless and was annulled in

October 1st, 2018

Let's take a look today at Baroque Vienna... That is, at the Hofburg to the Habsburgs in the second half of the 17th century....

The tradition of Spanish etiquette in Vienna has its roots in the times when Spain was experiencing its Golden Age, and in the possessions of the Spanish Habsburgs " the sun never set".

in the 16th and 17th centuries, Spain set the tone for European politics, trade, and culture. The Spanish language was considered mandatory for diplomats, and the Spanish style of fashion, with its austere elegance, was emulated throughout Europe. The influence of the Spanish relatives on the Austrian Habsburgs was especially huge, who looked with reverence at their wealthy relatives and copied them in everything, especially in the tough palace protocol.

For a century and a half, both branches of the family sealed the dynastic unity by marriage. Spain was known as an unshakable bastion of the Catholic faith, and young Austrian archdukes were often sent to relatives to receive a strict Catholic upbringing - this was especially important in the era of "rampant" Protestantism and other "heresy".

But in the second half of the 17th century, Austria gradually began to emerge from the shadow of its "older" Spanish brother and began to claim the right to be among the leading European forces.

The imperial crown, which for a thousand years crowned almost all the kings and emperors of the Holy Roman Empire, is one of the greatest treasures of the Christian world:

I wrote in detail about this crown And here about Spear of Destiny and Imperial Sword. All of them are now kept in Vienna in the Hofburg Treasury.

The wounds of the Thirty Years' War had already healed, the Ottomans had been pushed back far enough to pose no serious danger, and Vienna began to transform into a graceful imperial city. One after another, dozens of aristocratic palaces and baroque churches were erected, in which romantic elements of Italian architecture were combined with a solid northern style.

Outside the city walls, on the outskirts, where until recently the tents of the Turks had been pitched, summer residences of influential families were growing just as quickly, where landscape architects laid out beautiful parks with symmetrical alleys, multi-level flower beds, fountains, wall-like hedges of yew and arborvitae, against which antique sandstone statues and gravel paths shone white.

Schönbrunn - one of the summer residences of the Habsburgs, was also built in the 17th century. But then it was located at a decent distance from Vienna.

This was the last great era of kings, the apotheosis of the monarchy before the advent of a new era of Enlightenment. And at the very top of the European monarchy was the emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. In a society in which the hierarchical place of each was scrupulously thought out, the emperor stood above all other monarchs of Europe.

Leopold I(1640-1705) - from 1658 Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Cousin of the Sun King Louis XIV.

And their wives were also cousins.

It didn’t matter how many military victories the French king won, what a luxurious palace he built for himself at Versailles, how wasteful the lifestyle at his court was - his envoys and messengers were obliged to let their imperial colleagues go ahead.

From early childhood, little Habsburgs were taught the intricacies of palace protocol, carefully preparing them for the majestic roles they were to play in the future. Little Archduke Joseph, the eldest son of Emperor Leopold, was first officially introduced to the people on January 5, 1681, and the child of two and a half years old extended his hand to the courtiers for a kiss.

Leopold I and his first wife (and niece) Margarita Teresa of Spain. This was the last time an Austrian Habsburg married a Spanish infanta. By the way, this is the same girl in huge frame dresses that looks at us from the world-famous paintings by Velasquez. In 21 years of her short life, she gave birth to 4 children, of which only one daughter survived.

Leopold's son-heirs were born only from his third wife, a German princess Eleanor of Neuburg.

Emperor Leopold and his sons meticulously adhered to the rules of protocol. The fact that Leopold refused to take off his hat to the son of Jan Sobieski (who defeated the Ottomans at the gates of Vienna) is by no means contemptuous or disrespectful, but protocol dictated such behavior.

1683. Meeting of Leopold I and the Polish king Jan Sobieski at Schwechat:

When Archduke Joseph became Emperor Joseph I, he refused to sit at the same table with "simple" princes, even if he was visiting them.
The younger son of Leopold, Archduke Karl (future Emperor Charles IV) refused to give a hand to the newly-made King of Prussia, Frederick I, only because he had recently been a “simple” elector.

All these wisdom and politeness were alien and incomprehensible to a person from outside. It is no coincidence that the expression " Es kommt mir Spanisch vor“ („It looks spanish to me"). In Russian it corresponds to “This is a Chinese letter for me". I mean, I don't understand anything.

Everyone who approached the emperor had to make a most complicated triple curtsy in a low bow with falling on one knee ... Such a curtsy was called "Spanish". And when they left the emperor, they did the same, simultaneously moving back.
It was also necessary to make a "Spanish curtsey" at the official mention of the emperor's name.

In 1687, the Russian envoy created a diplomatic problem by refusing to perform a "Spanish curtsey" to the emperor, arguing that three bows are performed only when giving glory to the Holy Trinity.

In front of other members of the imperial family, it was supposed to make a "French curtsey" - with a less low bow.
The protocol prescribed everything: how many steps down the Baroque stairs the emperor did to meet this or that ruler who came to the reception (depending on the rank of the visitor), in which cases he went out with his head covered and in which with his head uncovered, what words he spoke ....

When in 1695 Elector Augustus of Saxony arrived on an official visit to Vienna, Emperor Leopold and his son personally arrived to meet the distinguished guest at the Danube Bridge. They got out of the carriage, walked across the bridge exactly 10 steps prescribed by the protocol, and stopped ... Now the elector had to take the remaining 30 steps towards them.

1685. Frankfurt. Coronation of Leopold, Roman emperor.

Etiquette was also one of the means of refined communication, when something was difficult to put into words. Like, for example, the incident in 1658 during the election of the emperor in Frankfurt ... Leopold I met the electors in the palace, standing at the very top of the main staircase. The electors took turns going up the stairs, and Leopold went down exactly three steps towards them. Then he climbed further with each one - always to the right of the elector and always one step ahead! He did everything exactly according to the protocol ... But when the Archbishop of Mainz (Elector, who was a supporter of the French candidate Louis XIV) arrived, Leopold took only two steps down the stairs to meet him and stopped ... It is possible that he did this on confusion, but most likely intentionally! The archbishop froze, as if rooted to the spot, waiting for the third step of the emperor ... And so they both stood for some time, until the court secretary whispered to Leopold that he "owed" the Elector another step.

1658. Leopold with his retinue in Nuremberg during the election of his emperor:

Against the background of luxurious Viennese baroque facades, the emperor and his courtiers gave another series of theatrical performances every day, and the next day a continuation followed. Each actor played his assigned role well.
The whole life of the Viennese court, with its skillful rituals, revolved continuously around the emperor. This ritual was rooted in the history of the ceremonies of the Burgundian duchy, was subsequently improved at the court of Philip II of Madrid, and then adopted from the Spanish relatives during the Counter-Reformation by the Austrian Habsburgs.

The complex ritual functioned with the help of a court staff with hundreds of assistants. In addition to court officials, employees of the protocol service, palace staff, an entire invisible army of Viennese artisans also helped to carry out this daily theatrical performance - jewelers, barbers, tailors, seamstresses, gunsmiths, blacksmiths, confectioners, bakers, craftsmen in the manufacture of carriages, buttons, wigs, hats, artists and sculptors, merchants, pyrotechnicians, stokers.... The whole city was involved in preparations for the never-ending palace performance. Almost every inhabitant of Vienna in one way or another had a piece of the “pie” from the Hofburg. And from time to time, every city dweller could at least look out of the corner of his eye at the fabulous luxury of the celestials of the palace, unattainable for them, or even, if you were lucky, play a small role in the performance.

1666. Ballet in the Hofburg in honor of the marriage of Emperor Leopold with the Spanish Infanta. Look at the people in the stands.

Despite his short stature, external unattractiveness and a huge curled wig on his head, Emperor Leopold knew how to impress. A halo of God's chosen and royal majesty literally hovered above him. His appearance and gait were full of their own superiority. The emperor dressed in Spanish fashion: a black embroidered camisole, red stockings, shoes and a hat with feathers, a sword (which he never took out of its scabbard). Also, all the courtiers were dressed in black according to the Spanish custom. At the court, black color prevailed - a symbol of the steadfastness of the Catholic faith.

1666. Fireworks at the Hofburg in honor of the marriage of Leopold and Margaret Theresa of Spain:

The luncheon was held in the gilded hall of the Leopoldinsky tract of the Hofburg, created by the Italian architect Burnacini. During dinner, Leopold sat alone at the table on a high luxurious chair under a red-gold canopy, and at meals he usually exchanged phrases with jesters and pages. Each of the courtiers could, if desired, observe this scene.

Leopold I with his wife at dinner:

Guards stood guard, armed with halberds. The aristocrats present in the hall, foreign envoys and the papal nuncio bowed their heads when the court butler, kneeling, poured wine into the emperor's glass, and he took the first sip. The emperor dined in a hat, taking it off only during the reading of a prayer by the court kaplan, or when the empress, dining nearby, raised a glass to his health. The dishes passed through 24 pairs of hands until they reached the emperor.

During the dinner meal, according to etiquette, no one except the spouse had the right to sit at the same table with the emperor. After dinner, he remained seated until everything was cleared from the table and a fresh tablecloth was covered. Then the first valet handed to His Majesty a silver bowl filled with fragrant water for washing hands, and the chief of staff held out a napkin with special movements according to the protocol.

1666. Image of a solemn procession in honor of the arrival of the Spanish Infanta in Vienna.

Dinner was held in a less formal setting, usually in the Empress's quarters. Guests were invited here, and music, conversations and cheerful laughter made the atmosphere at the evening table more relaxed. 12 maids of honor of the Empress, who lived at the court, served dishes and bowls for washing hands. And although the Elector of Saxony August stayed in the Hofburg for four weeks in 1696, he never had a chance to dine with Emperor Leopold. But at dinner with the empress, he was allowed to give the emperor a napkin as a sign of special honor.

Leopold with his first wife Margarita Teresa:

In the evenings, a concert, opera or ballet was given, which also took place with the strictest observance of etiquette. The imperial couple sat on a plinth directly in front of the stage, on red velvet chairs. Two pages fanned Their Majesties with fans. Everyone else sat at a distance on ordinary chairs and fanned themselves with fans.

Court theater under Leopold I:

Rituals and protocols determined not only the daily and annual cycles of the life of the court, but also the most important milestones in the life of the emperor. Baptisms, weddings, coronations, funerals were occasions for grandiose performances, where theatricality was inextricably linked with real life. The courtyard was both an actor and a spectator. Composers composed music suitable for the occasion, artists and architects created stage entourage for operas, family celebrations, anniversaries, coronations, and for the hearses on which the body of the emperor was taken on his last journey.

Scenery of the court theater in the Hofburg, scenery designer Burnacini:

Palace protocols existed not only for life, but also for death. The Habsburg emperors usually died as spectacularly as they lived - the whole family, representatives of the clergy, officials gathered at the deathbed .... The court scribes carefully recorded the last words of the dying man for history. Emperor Leopold expressed a desire to depart to another world under the sweet gentle sounds of baroque music, which he so passionately loved. His son Charles VI, who was also a zealous champion of protocol, already lying on his deathbed, suddenly raised his head and sternly asked why only four candles were burning at the foot of his bed, while he, as a Roman emperor, was supposed to have six candles according to the protocol. .

Hearse with the late Charles VI:

Of all the performances of the Hofburg court life, perhaps the most impressive was the burial ceremony, which consisted of two "small" and one "large" burials. When an emperor died, his body was opened and embalmed. The heart in a silver urn was sent for burial in the "Crypt of Hearts" ("Herzgrüftl") in the St. Augustine Church in Vienna. The internal organs, after being consecrated by a court kaplan in a copper urn, were delivered by carriage to the catacombs of St. consecrated the bishop of Vienna. During these two "small" burials, the coffin with the body of the deceased was installed on a high hearse in the Knights' Hall of the Hofburg, so that the people could say goodbye to their monarch. Of course, the body was dressed in all black in the Spanish fashion, even a hat with feathers was present .
The sight of the hearse with the coffin inspired awe and superstitious fear.

Hearse with Emperor Leopold I:

All the halls of the Hofburg were draped in black. In the gloomy Knights' Hall, only black wax candles burned at the head and foot of the hearse, their flickering light giving the glow of the precious stones of the crown, zepter and orb a certain mystical shade. Court chamberlains in long black cloaks carried the guard of honor. Augustinians and Capuchins recited masses, during breaks the boys' choir from the court chapel performed " Miserere mei Deus". In Vienna, plunged into mourning, muffled church bells sounded day and night.

The main "large" burial took place at night. By the light of torches and candles, a long procession moved towards the Kapuzinergruft, the tomb of the Habsburgs. Ahead of the procession with candles were the poor from the Viennese hospitals, followed by monks of various orders, palace staff, officials, city councilors, clergy, holders of the Order of the Golden Fleece. 24 aristocrats carried the coffin, followed by members of the imperial family.

The procession stopped at the crypt, and the chief chamberlain three times banged on the closed gate with his rod. The abbot of Kapuzinergruft asked from behind the gate:
-Who's there?
-Leopold, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, King of Hungary, King of the Czech Republic .... (and further all his numerous titles).
-I don't know that.

-Who's there?
- Emperor Leopold.
-I don't know that.
Again knock three times and again the question:
-Who's there?
- Leopold, poor sinner.
-Let him come in.
The gates were opened, the abbot demanded to open the coffin for the last time in order to make sure who he was taking into his “care”, the coffin was locked with two locks and forever placed in a prepared sarcophagus.
(for those who are interested, you can see this scene in a five-minute video on YouTube - when they buried Otto von Habsburg in 2011).

1705. Honoring the new Emperor Joseph I:

Under Emperor Charles VI, the last Habsburg in the male line, Spanish traditions at court reached their apogee - although his claims to the vacant Spanish throne did not come true. His daughter Maria Theresa gradually began to depart from the traditions of her ancestors and introduced elements of French etiquette at court. And her son Joseph II abolished the official black color at court, as an archaic relic of the past. And Joseph traveled around Europe like a "simple" count - in order to avoid annoying protocol rules.

Nevertheless, the protocol of the Viennese court remained the most ossified and conservative in Europe until the fall of the monarchy in 1918. For example, only those who had at least 16 aristocratic ancestors, 8 on both sides, had the right to rotate at court.

Now in Vienna, perhaps, only one reminds of the “Spanish” past of Austria: the Spanish Riding School, which is equipped with horses exclusively of the Lipizzan breed - the descendants of horses brought from the Iberian Peninsula 500 years ago, considered the best in Europe in the 16-17 centuries.

all my historical articles

Emperor Henry IV. antique miniature

Son of Henry III. Since he remained a 5-year-old child after the death of his father, the government was in the hands of his mother Agnes. Despite her abilities and the support of Pope Victor II and Bishop Henry of Augsburg, Agnes could not cope with her task. Having appeased some princes, she thereby aroused envy in others, especially in the Archbishop of Cologne Annaud, who kidnapped Henry in 1062 and seized the regency in his own hands. With his lawless administration, lust for power and extravagance, however, he very soon aroused displeasure among the princes, which is why he had to offer participation in the reign and education of Henry to Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen. Henry, however, gained little from this change. While Anno had a harmful effect on him with excessive severity, Adalbert spoiled him with too much condescension. Thanks to this latter, Henry soon fell under the exclusive influence of Adalbert, who inspired him with ideas of unlimited power, hatred against the Saxon princes, and at the same time tried to seize all actual power into his own hands. In 1065, upon his return from a campaign against the Hungarians, Adalbert achieved the announcement of Henry of age and ruled for him. Outraged by his arbitrariness, the rest of the princes gathered in Triburg and forced Henry to transfer the government to some of them, mainly to Archbishop Anno. The moral licentiousness of Henry also caused a lot of censure, as a result of which Anno hastened to marry him to Bertha, daughter of the Margrave of Susa. Immediately after his marriage, Henry sought a divorce, which was prevented by the pope along with the princes; after parting ways with his wife, Heinrich then got back together with her.

At the same time, Henry's struggle with the princes begins. Duke Otto of Bavaria, accused of conspiring against the life of Henry, was deprived of his dukedom, which was given to his treacherous and mercenary son-in-law, the Duke of Welf; his dominions were devastated until he, along with his ally, Duke Magnus of Saxony, submitted to the king. Otto was soon released, while Magnus, on the advice of Adalbert, whose influence increased again, was left in prison. At the same time, Henry, in order to strengthen his power in Saxony, built a number of castles in the country, which he supplied with strong garrisons. The Saxons opposed him with 60,000 troops under the leadership of Otto of Bavaria and laid siege to Henry in Harzburg, from where he managed to escape. Although other High German princes joined the Saxons, the king was saved by the courageous protection of the citizens of Worms. In 1074, Henry was forced to agree to the destruction of castles in Saxony and return the Duchy of Bavaria to Otto (Gerstungen dispute). The destruction by the Saxon peasants of the church, which had just been built in Harzburg, again provoked a struggle. In 1075, Henry defeated the Saxons at Hohenburg (on the Unstrut) and the following year captured their princes. Saxon castles were rebuilt, and Henry demanded from Pope Gregory VII that the bishops who had taken part in the uprising be deposed.

This demand led to a fight with the pope, who accused Henry of simony and demanded that he appear before him for acquittal. In response to this, Henry gathered a council of German bishops, who (1076) declared the pope deposed. Gregory responded with a curse and the imposition of an interdict (see). This turn of affairs prompted the German princes to unite with the pope to depose Henry, who, in order to avoid this fate, in the harsh winter of 1077 crossed the Alps to Italy under the most difficult conditions and, finding the pope in the castle of Canosse, humbly asked his forgiveness, promising recognize his decision in a dispute with the princes. The princes, meanwhile, chose the Duke of Swabia, Rudolph, as king. When, after a two-year struggle, victory began to lean towards Henry, the pope excommunicated him again; then the assembly of bishops convened by the king in Brixen deposed Gregory and elected the archbishop of Ravenna Vibert (Clement III) as pope. After Rudolf of Swabia fell in an unfortunate battle for Henry on the Elster River near Merseburg (1080), Henry went to Rome with an army in 1081, entrusting his son-in-law Friedrich Hohenstaufen with the rule in Germany. Only in the spring of 1084 did he succeed in capturing Rome, where he was crowned emperor. Gregory VII took refuge in the castle of St. Angelo and then fled to Salerno, where he died.

Returning to Germany, Henry had to again endure the struggle with two opponents: with Count Herman of Luxembourg, elected in 1081 as king, and with Margrave Ecbert of Meissen, who himself proclaimed himself king; only their death freed him from both adversaries. Meanwhile, in Rome, the Gregorian party proclaimed Victor III pope, and after his death, Urban II. To restore his influence, Henry went to Italy for the third time in 1090; here, during the campaign, he was overtaken by the news that his son Conrad had gone over to the side of his enemies and that the Lombards had united against him with the Duke of Welf. Only in 1096 did Henry return to Germany, where, thanks to various concessions, he managed to reconcile with the princes and even with the Duke of Welf. According to his desire, his son Conrad was deprived of royal dignity and his second son, Henry, was proclaimed successor. The calm that followed was short-lived. The new pope Paschalis II again excommunicated Henry, and at the same time some princes incited young Henry against his father. Defeated and captured by cunning, Heinrich fled to Lüttich, where he found adherents, but soon died. The Bishop of Lüttich buried him with due honors, but at the insistence of his enemies, his ashes were dug up and transported to Speyer, where they remained unburied for five years until the excommunication was lifted.

Literature

Flotho. Henry IV and his time

Nadler. Adalbert of Bremen, ruler of Germany in the younger years of Henry IV (Kharkov, 1867).

Henry IV