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Fergus Edward O'Connor(English) Feargus Edward O'Connor, July 18 ( 17960718 ) , Connorville, Ireland - August 30, London) - Irish lawyer, one of the leaders of the Chartists.

Biography

Twice - in 1840 and 1843 - he was tried and served time in prison. In 1843 Fergus O'Connor became a member of the Executive Committee of the National Chartist Association. In 1845 he founded the Land Society. In 1847 O'Connor became the first representative of the proletariat in the English Parliament. During the preparation of the Chartist speech in April 1848, he showed uncertainty, calling for the abandonment of the struggle.

Fergus O'Connor was declared insane in 1853. The leader of the Chartists in the Kingdom of Great Britain died in 1855 at the age of 59.

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Notes

Links

  • // Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
  • O'Connor Fergus Edward // Great Soviet Encyclopedia: [in 30 volumes] / ch. ed. A. M. Prokhorov. - 3rd ed. - M. : Soviet Encyclopedia, 1969-1978.

Excerpt characterizing O'Connor, Fergus

“Oh, I’m so happy,” she answered, smiled through her tears, leaned closer to him, thought for a second, as if asking herself if it was possible, and kissed him.
Prince Andrei held her hands, looked into her eyes, and did not find in his soul the former love for her. Something suddenly turned in his soul: there was no former poetic and mysterious charm of desire, but there was pity for her feminine and childish weakness, there was fear of her devotion and gullibility, a heavy and at the same time joyful consciousness of the duty that forever connected him with her. The real feeling, although it was not as light and poetic as the former, was more serious and stronger.
“Did maman tell you that it couldn’t be before a year?” - said Prince Andrei, continuing to look into her eyes. “Is it really me, that child girl (everyone said so about me) thought Natasha, is it possible that from now on I am a wife, equal to this strange, sweet, intelligent person, respected even by my father. Is that really true! Is it really true that now it is no longer possible to joke with life, now I am big, now responsibility for all my deeds and words lies on me? Yes, what did he ask me?
“No,” she answered, but she did not understand what he was asking.
“Forgive me,” said Prince Andrei, “but you are so young, and I have already experienced so much life. I'm scared for you. You don't know yourself.
Natasha listened with concentrated attention, trying to understand the meaning of his words, but did not understand.
“No matter how hard this year will be for me, postponing my happiness,” continued Prince Andrei, “during this period you will believe yourself. I ask you to make my happiness in a year; but you are free: our engagement will remain a secret, and if you are convinced that you do not love me, or would love ... - said Prince Andrei with an unnatural smile.
Why are you saying this? Natasha interrupted him. “You know that from the very day you first came to Otradnoye, I fell in love with you,” she said, firmly convinced that she was telling the truth.
- In a year you will recognize yourself ...
- A whole year! - Natasha suddenly said, now only realizing that the wedding was postponed for a year. - Why is it a year? Why a year? ... - Prince Andrei began to explain to her the reasons for this delay. Natasha didn't listen to him.
- And it can not be otherwise? she asked. Prince Andrei did not answer, but his face expressed the impossibility of changing this decision.
- It's horrible! No, it's terrible, terrible! Natasha suddenly spoke up and sobbed again. “I’ll die waiting for a year: it’s impossible, it’s terrible. - She looked into the face of her fiancé and saw on him an expression of compassion and bewilderment.
“No, no, I’ll do everything,” she said, suddenly stopping her tears, “I’m so happy!” The father and mother entered the room and blessed the bride and groom.

A commission meeting last week to determine the mental state of Fergus O'Connor, a former MP for Nottingham, came to the following conclusion:

"We believe that Mr. Fergus O" Connor has been mentally ill since June 10, 1852, without any signs of enlightenment.

As a politician, O "Connor outlived himself already in 1848. His strength was broken, his mission was completed, and, being unable to lead the movement of the proletariat, organized by him, he became almost an obstacle to this movement. If the requirement of historical impartiality obliges I do not hide this circumstance, it also obliges me, paying tribute to the fallen fighter, to acquaint readers with Ernest Jones' review of Connor, placed in People's Paper:

“He was a man who renounced rank, wealth and position in society, abandoned a business that brought income and success, who spent a large fortune not for the sake of satisfying a personal inclination to self-denial, but for the sake of political self-sacrifice. He placed himself in the position of an eternal exile from his country, in which he owned large tracts of land and was the representative of one of the largest counties. He was a man hated by his family because he loved the human race. Everything he did was in the service of the people. He is now fading away almost in poverty, at the end of a life path full of unparalleled labor ... Such is his life. Look now at the fruits of his labour. In a period of extreme decline in strength, discord, doubt and poverty, he achieved such a unity of millions of people in our country, which has never happened before. O "Connell united the Irish around him,

but he did it with the assistance of the priests. Mazzini awakened the Italians, but he had the nobility and merchants on his side. Kossuth rallied the Hungarians, but the senate and the army stood behind him. At the same time, both the Hungarians and the Italians burned with hatred for foreign conquerors. But O'Connor alone - without the nobility, priests and merchants - gathered and raised the oppressed class against them all, without even using such a means as a national feeling to unite it! Merchants followed Lafayette, shopkeepers followed Lamartine, and O'Connor - people! But the people in the 19th century in constitutional England were the weakest of all. O "Connor taught him how to become the strongest of all"

The last week has been a losing week for the coalition cabinet. He had to face the coalition opposition for the first time. On Tuesday the 12th, Mr. Butt made a proposal that the Kilmainham Home for the Invalids be retained as an orphanage for Irish soldiers. Secretary of War (S. Herbert. Ed.) objected to this proposal, but against the resistance of the government it was passed by 198 votes to 131. In this case, the government was defeated by a coalition of the Irish Brigade and the Conservative opposition. After that, he was defeated on Thursday by a coalition of conservatives and adherents of the Manchester School. After Mr. Milner Gibson came forward with the annual proposal for the abolition of "knowledge taxes", the repeal of the declaration tax was carried out, over the objections of Gladstone, Russell and Sidney. They remained in the minority, with 169 votes to 200. Bright, Gibson, and McGregor voted with Disraeli, Packington, and others, and Mr. Cobden officially stated "that he wholeheartedly accepts the help of Disraeli and his friends." However, a much larger defeat was inflicted on the government not by votes in the House, but by its own actions.

Details about the sensational Kossuth missile case (See this volume, pp. 86–88. Ed.), probably already reached the readers of the "Tribune". But to prove that everything that was done in connection with this was agreed in advance between Palmerston and foreign powers, it is enough to quote on this subject Palmerston's own official organ, the Morning Post:

"The promptness and vigilance shown by the government will inspire confidence in those foreign powers who doubted whether our laws were able to stop the malicious actions of our restless guests."

This case will have serious consequences for the coalition ministry. It has already - and this is of great importance - forced Palmerston to throw off his old mask of revolutionary dandyism. Even his most gullible but honest admirer, the Morning Advertiser, openly disowns him. Palmerston's star began to dim from the moment he began to give his favor to the hero of December 2 and the Satori parade ground, and it completely set when he openly became "Austrian Minister". But the mission of the coalition ministry is precisely to debunk all the current talents and celebrities of the old oligarchy. And this task it performs with amazing perseverance. If the ministry of which Palmerston is a part had survived this catastrophe, it could indeed, to slightly paraphrase the words of Francis I, say in jest: "Nothing is lost but honor."

I now turn to the topic of the day, Mr. Gladstone's budget, which he presented yesterday to the House of Commons in a speech that lasted no less than five hours. This is the budget of the coalition, carefully worked out in an encyclopedic spirit, very suitable for printing as an article in a multi-volume encyclopedia of sciences and arts. Ersh and Gruber. You know that the era of compilers of encyclopedias always comes when a lot of facts accumulate, and thought lags behind accordingly.

In each budget, the main issue is the ratio between its income and expenditure, balancing in the form of a surplus or deficit, which is the main condition that determines the reduction or increase in taxation in the country. Mr. Disraeli estimated the amount of income for 1852-1853. at 52325000 f. Art., and an expense of 51,163,000 pounds. Mr. Gladstone now informs us that the actual annual income was £53,089,000. Art., and the actual expense is only 50,782,000 pounds sterling. These figures show that the actual surplus of income over expenditure was £2,460,000. Thus, it would appear that Gladstone had improved financially compared to Disraeli. The latter could boast of a surplus of only £1,600,000. Art., and Gladstone has achieved savings of 2,460,000 pounds. Unfortunately, unlike Disraeli's surplus, Mr. Gladstone's surplus reduces on closer inspection to the modest figure of £700,000. Millions have already slipped out of his pocket as a result of various decisions of the House of Commons and other extraordinary expenses. Moreover, as Mr. Gladstone wisely adds:

“It should be remembered that 215,000l. Art. out of £700,000 st ... come from occasional, not permanent, sources of income.”

Thus Mr. Gladstone's only base of operations remains a surplus of £485,000. Accordingly, any proposal to reduce old taxes by more than this figure must be balanced by the introduction of new taxes.

Gladstone began his speech with "question brulante" (“burning question.” Ed.) about income tax. He said the tax could be waived now, but the government was not prepared to recommend its immediate abolition. The first thing he urged to pay attention to is that "we extract from this tax 5,500,000 pounds sterling." He went on to try to give a "brilliant" justification for this tax in terms of its beneficial results, spending a good deal of inspiration in recounting its history.

“Income tax,” he noted, “has served its purpose during the struggle of the country for its existence, it has enabled us to raise the income of the country and cover the costs of the war and civil administration ... If you do not destroy the effectiveness of this means, it will allow us, in case, unfortunately, hostilities break out again, immediately increase the army to 300,000 people and the navy to 100,000, expanding all our other institutions accordingly.

Mr. Gladstone further remarked that the income tax was useful not only for the anti-Jacobin war, but also for the free-trade policy of Sir Robert Peel. After such an apologetic introduction, he suddenly strikes us with the statement that "the income tax is full of flaws." Mr. Gladstone actually admits that in order to preserve this tax, it must be reformed in such a way as to eliminate the elements of inequality it currently contains. However, to eliminate this inequality would have to destroy the entire system. Surprisingly contradicting himself, he, on the other hand, strives with all his might to prove that such an inequality does not exist at all and that it is only apparent. As for the question of permanent and non-permanent income, he reduces it to the question of "land and trade", trying to convince the public by rather clumsy calculations that land is actually charged 9d per pound, while trade - only 7 pence. Then he adds that

“The taxation of land and houses does not depend on the size of the annual income received by the owners, while in commerce, the amount of income is reported by the owners themselves, who in many cases resort to fraud.”

With regard to holders of government securities, Mr. Gladstone contends that it would be a gross breach of public confidence to tax the capitalized value of their income. In short, the introduction of any distinction between permanent and non-permanent income, which was proposed by Mr. Disraeli, is categorically rejected by Mr. Gladstone. On the other hand, he is prepared to extend the income tax to Ireland, and also to incomes exceeding £100. Art. per annum, while hitherto the marginal income subject to taxation was £150. Art. in year. In contrast, however, with the principle he had just proclaimed, according to which “it is impossible to distinguish between the respective values ​​of intellect, labor and property and to express these ratios in numerical values,” he proposes for incomes ranging from 100l. Art. up to 150 lbs. Art. per annum to limit the amount of tax to 5 pence per pound sterling. Finally, in order to reconcile his admiration for the income tax with his open acknowledgment of the need for its abolition, Mr. Gladstone suggests:

“to prolong the collection of the tax for two years, from April 1853, at the rate of 7 pence per pound; for two further years - from April 1855 - at a rate of 6 pence per pound and for another three years - from April 1857 - at a rate of 5 pence per pound. According to this proposal, from April 5, 1860, income tax should completely disappear.

Having thus, it seems to him, favored the landed aristocracy and the holders of securities by his refusal to recognize the principle of distinction between permanent and impermanent income, Mr. Gladstone, on the other hand, provided a similar lure for the Manchester School in the form of regularization of the inheritance tax, extending it to all types of property, but refusing to consider the issue of fees levied on the approval of wills.

“I have no doubt,” he declared, “that the regulation of this tax, if the House accepts this proposal, will increase our standing funds by £500,000. Art. in 1853-1854, for £700,000 Art. in 1854-1855, for £400,000 Art. in 1855–1856 and 400,000 lbs. Art. in 1856-1857, and in total will increase the permanent income of the country by 2,000,000 pounds sterling.

With regard to Scotland, Mr. Gladstone proposes a surcharge of 1s. to the existing liquor tax of 3s. 8 pence (this will give an additional £318,000). In addition, he proposes to increase the tax on the patents of tea merchants, brewers, malt owners, tobacco manufacturers, tobacco dealers and soap makers.

Amount of proceeds from tax increases in 1853–1854 will be:

on income tax __ 295,000l. Art.

for inheritance tax __ 500,000 ""

on alcohol tax __ 436,000""

on patents 1__ 13 000»»

Total: __ £1,344,000 Art.,

which, together with the excess of receipts over expenditures of __ 805,000l. Art.

will give us £2,149,000 to reduce taxes. Art.

What are Mr. Gladstone's proposals for reducing the old taxes? I will not, of course, go too deep into this labyrinth, since this question cannot be exhausted in a few words. Therefore, I will note only the main points, namely:

1) Repeal of the tax on soap, which now brings in £1,397,000. Art. gross income.

2) The gradual lowering of the duty on tea over a period of about three years, so that the duty from 2s. 2 1/4 pence was eventually reduced to 1 shilling.

3) Reducing duties on a large number of small goods.

4) The reduction of the Irish debt, equal to £4,000,000. Art. and repaid in the form of a consolidated annuity.

5) Reduction by half of the fee for bar diplomas in connection with the proposal of Lord R. Grosvenor for the complete abolition of these fees.

6) Lowering, under Mr. Gibson's proposal, the tax on advertisements to 6d.

7) The abolition of stamp collection from supplements to newspapers (to the great piece de rejouissance (joy. ed.) The Times, the only newspaper that publishes supplements).

These, in brief, are the main features of the budget which Mr. Gladstone has been hatching for more than four months. The debate in the House of Commons scheduled for next Monday will give me an opportunity to make further comments on this creation of the coalition.

Signature: Karl Marx

Printed according to the text of the newspaper

Translation from English

Notes:

Peace of Tilsit- peace treaties concluded on July 7 and 9, 1807 between Napoleonic France and the members of the fourth anti-French coalition, Russia and Prussia, who were defeated in the war. The terms of the peace were extremely difficult for Prussia, which lost a significant part of its territory (including all possessions west of the Elbe). Russia did not suffer any territorial losses and even acquired the Bialystok district, which had ceded to it from Prussia. But Alexander I had to recognize the French conquests in Germany and the territorial changes made there by Napoleon, as well as Napoleon's sovereignty over the Ionian Islands, agree to the formation of the Duchy of Warsaw, which was a French foothold at the borders of Russia, and join the blockade of England (the so-called continental blockade). In Tilsit, Alexander I undertook to begin, with French mediation, peace negotiations with Turkey, with which Russia had been at war since 1806. In August 1807, a truce was signed between Russia and Turkey. However, peace between them was not achieved, and hostilities, resumed in 1809, led to the defeat of Turkey in 1812.

We are talking about the intervention of the counter-revolutionary forces of the Holy Alliance (a reactionary association of European monarchs founded in 1815 by Tsarist Russia, Austria and Prussia) in Naples, Piedmont and Spain in the early 20s of the XIX century. At the congress of the Holy Alliance, which began in Troppau (Opava) in October 1820 and ended in May 1821 in Laibach (Ljubljana), the principle of intervention of the powers of the Holy Alliance in the internal affairs of other states was openly proclaimed in order to maintain feudal-monarchist regimes there . In accordance with this, the Laibach Congress decided to send Austrian troops to Italy, and the Verona Congress (1822) decided on French intervention in Spain, which led to the suppression of bourgeois revolutions and national liberation movements in these countries.

Marx cites an article by Ernest Jones, "A Friend of the People," published in the People's Paper on April 16, 1853.

Irish Brigade- the faction of Irish MPs in the British Parliament. In the 50s of the XIX century. a significant part of it consisted of representatives of the right, conciliatory wing of the national movement, reflecting the interests of the top of the Irish bourgeoisie, landlords and clerical Catholic circles. At the same time, the composition included Irish liberal figures who relied on wealthy tenants. Under the conditions of equilibrium established between the Tories and the Whigs, the Irish brigade, along with the Manchesters, had the opportunity to shake the balance of power in Parliament, influence the course of the intra-parliamentary struggle and sometimes decide the fate of the government.

Manchester School- direction in economic thought, reflecting the interests of the industrial bourgeoisie. Supporters of this direction, free traders, defended the freedom of trade and non-interference of the state in economic life. The agitation center of free-traders was located in Manchester, where two textile manufacturers, Cobden and Bright, who organized the Anti-Corn Law League in 1838, became the head of this movement. In the 1940s and 1950s, free traders formed a special political grouping that later became part of the Liberal Party of England.

To "taxes on knowledge"(“Taxes on Knowledge”) in England included: a tax on newspaper ads, a stamp duty on newspapers and a tax on paper.

After the Bonapartist coup d'état in France on December 2, 1851, Palmerston, who at that time was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of England, approved in a conversation with the French ambassador in London the usurper actions of Louis Bonaparte (Marx calls the latter "the hero of the Satori parade ground", referring to the military review of Satory parade ground near Versailles in the autumn of 1850, which Louis Bonaparte sought to turn into a Bonapartist demonstration). Palmerston did not agree on this step with other members of the Whig cabinet, which led to his resignation in December 1851, although in principle the British government did not disagree with Palmerston's point of view and was the first in Europe to recognize the Bonapartist regime in France. In the coalition ministry of Aberdeen, which was formed in December 1852, as Minister of the Interior, Palmerston was the inspirer of judicial and police persecution and a smear campaign in the press against German, Hungarian, Italian and other political emigrants living in England. The emigrants' correspondence was subjected to perusal, and the British Ministry of the Interior informed the police of Austria and other reactionary continental powers about their activities and plans. Foreign police agents were assisted in organizing spying on emigrants. Palmerston covered up these counter-revolutionary actions with sanctimonious phraseology about adherence to constitutional and democratic principles.

The French king Francis I, after his defeat in 1525 at Pavia in the war with the Spanish king and the German emperor Charles V, wrote from captivity in a letter to his mother: "Everything is lost, except honor."

This refers to the "Allgemeine Encyclopadie der Wissenschaften und Kunste" ("The General Encyclopedia of Sciences and Arts"), the publication of which was started by the German scientists J. S. Ersh and J. G. Gruber in Leipzig in 1818. Upon its completion in 1890, the encyclopedia consisted of 167 volumes.

Fergus Edward O'Connor(English) Feargus Edward O'Connor, July 18 ( 17960718 ) , Connorville, Ireland - August 30, London) - Irish lawyer, one of the leaders of the Chartists.

Biography

Twice - in 1840 and 1843 - he was tried and served time in prison. In 1843 Fergus O'Connor became a member of the Executive Committee of the National Chartist Association. In 1845 he founded the Land Society. In 1847 O'Connor became the first representative of the proletariat in the English Parliament. During the preparation of the Chartist speech in April 1848, he showed uncertainty, calling for the abandonment of the struggle.

Fergus O'Connor was declared insane in 1853. The leader of the Chartists in the Kingdom of Great Britain died in 1855 at the age of 59.

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Notes

Links

  • O'Connor, Fergus Edward // Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
  • O'Connor Fergus Edward // Great Soviet Encyclopedia: [in 30 volumes] / ch. ed. A. M. Prokhorov. - 3rd ed. - M. : Soviet Encyclopedia, 1969-1978.

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Excerpt characterizing O'Connor, Fergus

Young, pristine and pure
I gave you all my love...
The star sang songs about you,
Day and night, she called me into the distance ...
And on a spring evening, in April,
Brought to your window.
I gently took you by the shoulders
And he said, without hiding a smile:
“So I didn’t wait for this meeting in vain,
My beloved star...

Mom was completely subdued by dad's poems ... And he wrote a lot of them to her and brought them to her work every day along with huge posters drawn by his own hand (dad drew superbly), which he unfolded right on her desktop, and on which , among all kinds of painted flowers, it was written in large letters: “Annushka, my little star, I love you!”. Naturally, what woman could endure this for a long time and not give up? .. They no longer parted ... Using every free minute to spend it together, as if someone could take it away from them. Together they went to the cinema, to dances (which they both loved very much), walked in the charming Alytus city park, until one fine day they decided that enough dates were enough and that it was time to take a look at life a little more seriously. They soon got married. But only my father's friend (my mother's younger brother) Jonas knew about this, since neither from my mother's side, nor from my father's relatives, this union did not cause much enthusiasm ... My mother's parents predicted for her a rich neighbor-teacher, who they really liked and, according to their understanding, my mother “suited” perfectly, and in my father’s family at that time there was no time for marriage, since grandfather was put in prison at that time, as an “accomplice of the noble” (which, for sure, they tried to “break” the stubbornly resisting dad), and my grandmother went to the hospital from a nervous shock and was very sick. Dad was left with his little brother in his arms and now had to manage the entire household alone, which was very difficult, since the Seryogins at that time lived in a large two-story house (in which I later lived), with a huge old garden around. And, of course, such an economy required good care ...
So three long months passed, and my dad and mom, already married, were still going on dates, until mom accidentally went to dad’s house one day and found a very touching picture there ... Dad stood in the kitchen in front of the stove and looked unhappy “replenished” the hopelessly growing number of pots of semolina porridge, which at that moment was cooking for his little brother. But for some reason, the "harmful" porridge for some reason became more and more, and poor dad could not understand what was happening ... Mom, struggling to hide her smile so as not to offend the unlucky "cook", rolled up her sleeves right there began to put in order all this “stagnant domestic mess”, starting with completely occupied, “porridge stuffed” pots, an indignantly hissing stove ... helplessness, and decided to immediately move to this territory, which was still completely alien and unfamiliar to her ... And although it was not very easy for her at that time either - she worked at the post office (to support herself), and in the evenings she went to occupations for passing examinations in medical school.

O'CONNOR FERGUS EDWARD

(O-Connor) Fergus Edward, one of the leaders of the Chartist movement in the UK, orator and essayist. Irish by nationality. Since the 1820s participated in the Irish national liberation movement; took radical positions. He was the founder (1837) and editor-in-chief of the Chartist newspaper "Northern Star" ("Northern Star") and one of the leaders of the Chartist Great Northern Union (founded in May 1838). At the Chartist convention of 1839, in opposition to W. Lovett, he defended the revolutionary methods of struggle for the "People's Charter" on the principle of "physical force"). Twice (in 1840 and 1843) he was prosecuted and imprisoned. He fought against the attempts of bourgeois radicals and free traders to subdue the Chartist movement. From 1843 he was a member of the Executive Committee of the National Chartist Association. Anti-capitalist speeches and defense of the interests of the working class were combined in O.K. with the propaganda of the petty-bourgeois utopia about the return of the workers to the land. In 1845, for this purpose, OK. founded the Land Society. In 1847 he became the first proletarian representative in the English Parliament. In April 1848, during the preparation of the speech of the Chartists, he showed indecision, essentially calling for the renunciation of the revolutionary struggle. After 1848, supporters of the OK. finally moved to reformist positions.

Op.: The employer and employed, L., 1844; The trial of F. O-Connor and 58 others, Manchester, 1843.

Lit.: K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 4, 7, 11 (see Index of names); Schluter G., Chartist movement, trans. from German., M., 1925; Cole C. D. H., Chartist portraits, L., 1941.

L. I. Golman.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia, TSB. 2012

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Fergus O'Connor

O "Connor (O" Connor), Fergus (18.VII.1794 - 30.VIII.1855) - one of the leaders Chartism. Brilliant speaker and publicist. Irish by nationality. From the 1920s he took part in the Irish national liberation movement; as opposed to liberal About Connel took radical positions. He was the founder (1837) and editor-in-chief of the Chartist newspaper "Northern Star" and one of the leaders of the Chartist Great Northern Union (founded in May 1838). At the Chartist convention of 1839, in opposition to Lovett, he defended the revolutionary methods of struggle for the People's Charter (the principle of "physical force"). Twice (in 1840 and 1843) he was prosecuted and imprisoned. He resolutely fought against the attempts of bourgeois radicals and free-traders to subdue the Chartist movement. Since 1843 - Member of the Executive Committee of the National Chartist Association. O'Connor combined anti-capitalist speeches and protection of the interests of the working class with the propaganda of a petty-bourgeois utopia about the return of workers to the land. In 1845, for this purpose, O'Connor founded the Land Society. In 1847 he was elected the first proletarian delegate to the British Parliament. In April 1848, while preparing for a speech by the Chartists, he showed indecision, essentially calling for the renunciation of the revolutionary struggle. After 1848, O'Connor's supporters played the role of a reformist sect in the Chartist movement.

L. I. Golman. Moscow.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 10. NAKHIMSON - PERGAM. 1967.

Read further:

Historical Persons of England (Great Britain) (biographical index).

Compositions:

The employer and employed, L., 1844;

The trial of F. O "Connor and 58 others, Manch., 1843.

Literature:

K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 4, 7, 11 (see Index of names);

Schluter G., Chartist movement, trans. from German., M., 1925;

Cole G. D. H., Chartist portraits, L., 1941.