Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte (Spanish Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte; November 25, 1915, Valparaiso, Chile - December 10, 2006, Santiago, Chile) - Chilean statesman and military figure, captain general, head of the military junta from September 11, 1973 to 27 June 1974, Supreme Head of the Chilean Nation from June 27 to December 17, 1974, President of Chile (dictator) from December 17, 1974 to March 11, 1990. Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Chile from September 11, 1973 to March 11, 1990.

The future dictator was born on November 25, 1915 in Valparaiso, his father was a customs official. Augusto entered the Chilean Military Academy in Santiago at the age of 18. In the rank of junior lieutenant in 1936 he graduated from the academy. For some time he served with her, and then began to teach at a military college. Then he held some command positions in the troops and got to the fact that he became a brigadier general. In 1968 he returned to Santiago and assumed the post of commander in chief of the armed forces.

In 1970, Salvador Allende, the first popularly elected socialist president in the Western Hemisphere, came to power. He tried with all his might to weaken the influence of the United States on the domestic politics of Chile. Relations were established with Cuba. The United States tried to pursue a policy of isolating Chile, and the CIA spent a lot of money to support General Pionchet and destabilize the Allende regime. No matter how good Salvador Allende's intentions were, a crisis began in the country, production fell, and tense circumstances arose with products. Pinochet took advantage of this. He enlisted the support of the navy, the military forces, the carabinieri corps. Together they decided to overthrow the El Salvador regime.

September 11, 1973 began one of the bloodiest coups in Latin America. The Navy captured the port of Valparaiso, armored and other troops pulled to Santiago. Pinochet gives Allende an ultimatum, he suggested that he immediately resign, otherwise the regime will be overthrown by force, no matter what sacrifices you have to make. Allende refused. He began to hastily prepare for defense, but the forces were unequal. A couple of hours of fierce fighting and the presidential palace in the capital is captured, and inside, among the many corpses, there is the corpse of Allende. It is believed that he killed himself, and some say that he died in battle.

After the change of power, those who adhered to left-wing political views were subjected to repression. The country introduced martial law, a curfew. Violation of the hour - execution on the spot. Pionchet was proclaimed President of Chile. First, it was necessary to break ties with the USSR and Cuba. A large-scale trial began against 14,000 representatives of the left polit. parties. One was executed, while others were expelled from the country. During the coup and civil purges, about 20,000 people died, according to experts. Thousands of people were imprisoned as political prisoners. And the United States, which put the protection of human rights around the world at the forefront of its international policy, cynically supported the repressive and inhumane regime in Chile. They provided financial assistance to Pinochet. By the end of Augusto's reign, the country's economic situation improved significantly. In Chile, inflation was reduced. External debt was reduced and unemployment fell by 8%. Experts were in a hurry to report an "economic miracle" in Chile. High-rise buildings appeared in Santiago, the subway began to operate, squares, road junctions, and modern shopping centers were built. However, behind external well-being there were a lot of social problems. About five million Chileans lived below the poverty line in the country in the 80s.

In 1985, Pinochet declared that the Communist Party was outlawed by law in Chile. He did not want leftist forces to seize power in the country. However, the socialists and communists circumvented the ban. They united and created a new party. In March 1990, Pinochet was forced to resign. Democratic forces came to power, but Augusto continued to command the ground forces and actively participated in the political life of the country. In early 1998, Pinochet resigned as commander of the ground forces, but remained, in accordance with the constitution, a senator for life.

The dictator went to London for treatment in 1998, but was arrested there. He was charged with murder, based on a warrant issued by Spain. However, he was released on bail. He was stripped of his senatorial immunity two years later, and he was a suspect in many more cases related to his past and the regime in Chile. He was accused of kidnapping, drug trafficking, corruption. Basically, of course, he was tried for a lot of committed murders. In 2006, the dictator suffered a severe heart attack. He died on December 10 of the same year. His body was cremated and given military honors, but there was no mourning. Pinochet's activity in leading the country is still ambiguous.

On September 11, 1973, a military coup was carried out in Chile, as a result of which the government of "People's Unity" was overthrown.

Three years before this event, on September 4, 1970, presidential elections were held in Chile, in which the candidate of the left bloc "People's Unity" socialist Salvador Allende won.

The new leader set himself the task of making Chile a socialist country. For this, private banks, copper developments and some industrial enterprises were nationalized. Diplomatic relations were established with Cuba, China and other communist countries.

By September 1973, there were over 500 enterprises in the public sector and under state control, which accounted for about 50% of the gross industrial output; the state owned 85% of the railway network. 3.5 thousand land holdings with a total area of ​​5.4 million hectares were expropriated and distributed among landless and landless peasants. About 70% of foreign trade operations were under state control.

The civil opposition sharply criticized the administration for its intention to switch to a planned economy. A wave of terrorism and armed conflicts between left and right groups was growing in the country. A failed military coup attempt in June 1973 was followed by a series of strikes under anti-government slogans.

On September 11, 1973, the armed forces, led by Allende's newly appointed new commander-in-chief, Augusto Pinochet, staged a military coup.

The coup began in the early hours of September 11, when Chilean Navy ships participating in the United States joint maneuvers with the US Navy off the coast of Chile bombarded the port and city of Valparaiso. The landing troops captured the city, the headquarters of the parties included in the Popular Unity bloc, radio stations, a television center and a number of strategic facilities.

Radio stations broadcast the rebels' statement about a coup and the creation of a military junta, consisting of the commander of the land forces, General Augusto Pinochet, the commander of the Navy, Admiral José Merino, the commander of the Air Force, General Gustavo Li, and the acting director of the Carabinieri Corps, General Cesar Mendoza.

The rebels began shelling and storming the presidential palace "La Moneda", which was defended by about 40 people. The assault was carried out with the participation of tanks and aircraft. The rebels' offer of surrender in exchange for permission to leave Chile without hindrance was rejected by the defenders of La Moneda. The putschists seized the building of the presidential palace. Salvador Allende refused to step down as president and submit to the putschists. For a long time it was believed that he died in battle, but in 2011 a special forensic examination found out that the ex-president of Chile before the rebel soldiers broke into the presidential palace.

The 1973 coup brought a military junta to power. In accordance with the Decree of the Junta of December 17, 1974, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte became President of the Republic. He exercised executive power, and the junta as a whole exercised legislative power.

All leftist political parties, trade unions were banned, and strikes were outlawed. In 1975, a law was passed allowing the closure of newspapers and radio stations whose messages could be regarded as "anti-patriotic". Elected local councils and local governments were abolished and replaced by officials appointed by the junta. Universities were purged and placed under the supervision of the military.

According to official figures, during the years of Pinochet's rule in Chile from 1973 to 1990, almost 1.2 thousand were missing, and about 28 thousand people were tortured.

In 1991, a year after the end of the dictatorship, in Chile, which collected information about the dead or missing during the military rule. She reported 3,197 dead and missing during the dictatorship.

Tens of thousands of Chileans went through prisons, about a million ended up in exile. One of the most famous and irrefutable examples of the cruelty of the putschists was the murder of the singer and composer, an adherent of the communist views, Viktor Jara in 1973. As the investigation established, Haru spent four days at the Chile stadium (since 2003 the stadium has been named after Victor Hara), firing 34 bullets at him.

Chile Stadium and the National Stadium in Sanyago were turned into concentration camps. All murders committed during the 1973 military coup were granted an amnesty by Pinochet in 1979.

Augusto Pinochet ruled the country until 1990, after which he handed over power to the elected civilian president, Patricio Aylvin, remaining as commander of the army. On March 11, 1998, he resigned as a senator for life. After repeated attempts to bring Pinochet to trial, in 2006 he was found guilty of two murders. On December 10, 2006, at the age of 91, the former dictator died at the Santiago Military Hospital. His death was marked by numerous demonstrations - both of his opponents and supporters.

In December 2012, the Chilean Court of Appeal ordered the arrest of seven retired military personnel involved in the assassination of singer Victor Jara during the 1973 military coup. Previously, retired army lieutenant colonel Mario Manriquez, who led the concentration camp at the Chile stadium in Santiago, was found responsible for the brutal crime.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources

In 1971 and 1972, massive anti-government demonstrations took place in major cities. The week-long strike ended only after Allende formed a new government in November 1972, which included three military men.

There was a growing wave of terrorism and armed conflicts between left and right groups. A failed military coup attempt in June 1973 was followed by a series of strikes under anti-government slogans. In an attempt to prevent a civil war, the government entered into negotiations with the Christian Democrats. On September 11, 1973, as a result of a military coup, the Allende government was overthrown, and the activities of the Congress were suspended indefinitely. A four-man military junta came to power, one of whose members, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, was proclaimed president.

All left-wing political parties were banned, and the rest were declared "dissolved indefinitely." Trade unions were also banned and strikes outlawed. Strict censorship of the press was introduced. Elected local councils and local governments were abolished and replaced by officials appointed by the junta. Universities were purged and placed under the supervision of the military. Thousands of Allende supporters were thrown into prison, many died. In 1976, the junta organized the assassination of Orlando Letelier, a well-known political exile, who was in Washington. Pinochet put an end to Allende's reforms in social and economic policy; private enterprise was freed from government control, some nationalized enterprises were sold to private investors, and many welfare programs were suspended. Major international banks opened loans to Chile. Large foreign loans and high copper prices on the world market created the possibility of a rapid recovery of the Chilean economy in the late 1970s. In 1980, Pinochet achieved approval through a plebiscite of a new constitution, according to which Pinochet's tenure as president was extended for another 8 years, after which a partial transfer of power to a civilian government was envisaged. Political parties, outlawed in 1977, remained banned, and power (including the presidency) was to be in the hands of the military until at least 1986.

In the early 1980s, open protests began in the country against the military dictatorship. The economy fell into a deep depression, which was rooted in the fall in world copper prices since 1980, as well as the need to pay interest on Chile's external debts and large military spending. In 1987 the junta was forced to legalize political parties.

In 1988, a plebiscite was held in which voters could approve or reject the only presidential candidate nominated by the junta; if he received approval, he had to hold this post for the next 8 years; in case of negative results, Pinochet's regime was kept for another year, and then he had to call presidential elections on a multi-party basis. All centrist and leftist parties came out as a united front against the junta candidate. The strong support of the military made it possible for Pinochet to present his candidacy, and he used all the resources at his disposal in order to achieve the desired result; however, the air force, police, and navy, favoring a civilian candidate, refused to assist in electoral fraud. Presidential elections were scheduled for December 14, 1989, and in order to avoid a continuation of military rule backed by right-wing parties, the center and left parties united to support the moderate Christian Democrat Patricio Aylvin.

Aylvin took office in March 1990 and formed a civilian government with broad party representation. The National Congress resumed its work, settling in Valparaiso. Although General Pinochet remained commander-in-chief, Aylvin launched an investigation into human rights violations; these investigations uncovered mass graves of victims of the junta's repression in 1973 and subsequent years. Pinochet's attempts to obstruct the investigations were not supported by other military leaders.

The ruling coalition "Consent for Democracy", the majority of which were representatives of the Christian Democratic and Socialist parties, strengthened its position during the four years of Aylvin's rule. In the March 1994 elections, her candidate, the Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, became president. He received 57.4% of the vote, while his main rival, Arturo Alessandri Besa, a right-wing coalition candidate, won 24.7% of the vote; the rest of the votes went to two less popular candidates.

During the period from 1990 to 1996, a steady growth of the economy was achieved (an average of 7% per year), by 1995 inflation was gradually reduced to a level that did not exceed a few percent per year.

Spending on government programs in education, health and housing has increased by 10% annually since 1990 (in real terms). Between 1987 and 1994, the number of Chilean families whose standard of living was below the poverty line dropped from 40% to 24%. Minimum pensions and wages increased between 1990 and 1994 by almost 50%, and by 1996, as a result of increased demand for labor in the labor market, real wages reached and exceeded those of the period preceding Pinochet's coming to power. The unemployment rate in the public sector in 1996 was 6.4%.

One of the most important steps towards the restoration of democracy was the constitutional amendment carried out by the Aylwin government, which provided for the use of the principle of proportional representation in local elections in 1992. Although most subsequent attempts to expand the scope of democratic principles and, if possible, reduce the influence of the reactionary part of the military by adopting new constitutional amendments were unsuccessful, the movement towards democracy was gaining strength under the influence of a clearly expressed popular will. It turned out that politicians, journalists and leaders of social movements often manage to expand the boundaries of the use of civil and political rights solely by creating an appropriate political climate in the country.

Attempts by the civilian government to bring to justice those responsible for numerous human rights violations met with a stiff rebuff from the military, but progress was also observed in this area. A special committee set up under the Aylvin government succeeded in dissecting mass graves and officially registering approx. 3000 cases of "disappearance" of people during the reign of Pinochet. The appearance of an official document made it possible for parents, children and spouses of victims of the military dictatorship to file suits in court and demand the payment of appropriate benefits. In addition, Aylwin's government freed ca. 380 political prisoners and contributed to the return of approximately 40,000 political refugees to their homeland.

Ensuring that the perpetrators of bloody crimes are punished as they deserved proved to be a much more difficult task. In July 1994, President Frei publicly announced that the government was distrusting the commander of the Carabinieri Corps (National Police) responsible for the massacres taking place in the country. However, under the current constitution, Frey could not remove him from office. In 1996, G. Marin, the leader of the Communist Party of Chile, was arrested for public criticism of Pinochet, but under strong pressure from public opinion both in the country and abroad, she was soon released.

Despite sporadic speeches and street demonstrations organized in protest by army units, the civilian government revised a number of provisions of the amnesty law; in addition, it managed to change the existing situation, when all crimes committed by the military against civilians were to be tried only by military courts. Over 20 army and police officers have served and are serving prison sentences for crimes committed during the years of the military dictatorship.

The largest of the trials that resulted in serious punishment was that of General Manuel Contreras Sepúlveda, former head of the secret police, and Brigadier General Pedro Espinosa Bravo, former head of military intelligence. They were accused of killing former Allende Minister of the Interior and Defense Minister Orlando Letelier and his American collaborator Ronnie Moffitt; in the end, both generals were arrested, found guilty, sentenced to prison and in 1995, despite threats, obstacles and protests from some military colleagues of the defendants, imprisoned.

On October 16, 1998, former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet was arrested in London. The arrest was made in connection with a Spanish demand for the extradition of the general so that he could stand trial for the murder of Spanish citizens in Chile. The decision of the High Court of Great Britain that Pinochet has diplomatic immunity as a former head of state was overturned by the Appeals Committee of the House of Lords, and on December 9, the British Home Secretary announced the start of extradition proceedings. In the meantime, the demand for the extradition of the former dictator was made by Switzerland; similar requests were prepared in a number of other European countries. The December decision of the Court of Appeal was upheld in March 1999

On the morning of September 11, 1973, at 6:20 a.m., Chilean President Salvador Allende received a message about a mutiny in the fleet in Valparaiso. The ships of the Chilean Navy at that time were joint with the US Navy maneuvers "Unitas". Several hundred sailors and officers - supporters of Popular Unity, who refused to support the rebellion, were shot, and their corpses were thrown into the sea. In the morning, the rebels shelled the port and city of Valparaiso, landed troops and captured the city. At 6:30 am, the rebels launched an operation to capture the Chilean capital. They captured a number of important objects. Radio stations "Agrikultura", "Mineriya" and "Balmacedo", owned by right-wing figures, informed the country about the coup and the creation of a military junta. The provisional government included Augusto Pinochet - head of the ground forces, Jose Merino - commander of the Navy, Gustavo Lee - commander of the Air Force and Cesar Mendoza - commander of the Carabinieri Corps.

The Chilean Air Force bombed the Portales and Corporación radio stations, which supported Popular Unity and the legitimate president. Interestingly, the planes of the Chilean Air Force destroyed two television towers that were in the capital of Chile. This strike is reminiscent of the events of September 11, 2001 (the organizers are the same). At 9:10 a.m., the last address of the President followed, it was broadcast by the Magallanes radio station. Then the Air Force attacked her and she was captured by the rebels. Several dozen radio employees were killed. Then the shelling and storming of the presidential palace began, which was defended by about 40 people. After 8 hours, Allende was dead. While in the burning presidential palace, Allende released those who could not fight, while he himself led the defense. He knocked out a rebel tank from a grenade launcher and fell with a Kalashnikov in his hands.

So, in Chile there was a military coup, as a result of which the military junta, headed by the head of the military department, General Augusto Pinochet, overthrew the country's president, Salvador Allende, and the Popular Unity government. The coup was prepared and carried out under the direct supervision of the US CIA.

Salvador Allende refused to leave the presidential palace during the coup and resisted to the end with his arms in hand.

What caused the revolution

On November 3, 1970, Salvador Allende Gossens became president of Chile. He was formerly general secretary of the Socialist Party of Chile and created the People's Socialist Party. Then he returned to the Socialist Party again, created an alliance with the communists - the People's Action Front. He ran for president in 1952, 1958 and 1964. In 1969, the People's Action Front was transformed into Popular Unity. The coalition included socialists, communists, members of the Radical Party and part of the Christian Democrats. In the 1970 elections, Allende came out ahead by a narrow margin, overtaking the candidate of the National Party.

Allende's economic program provided for the nationalization of the largest private companies and banks. Agrarian reform led to the expropriation of private estates. During the first two years of the Allende government, approximately 500,000 hectares of land (about 3,500 estates) were expropriated, which accounted for about one-fourth of all cultivated land in the country. Including land expropriated under the previous government, the reorganized agricultural sector accounted for about 40% of all agricultural land in the state. Naturally, such a policy met with resistance and sabotage from the latifundists (large landowners). A massive slaughter of cattle began, from the estates on the Chilean-Argentine border, cattle were driven to Argentina. This led to the deterioration of the economic situation of the country.

Tension arose in relations with Washington, which protected the interests of American firms. The United States organized a boycott of Chilean copper, and copper exports provided the country with the main foreign exchange earnings. Chilean accounts were frozen. No loans were given. Many Chilean entrepreneurs began to transfer capital abroad, curtail business, and cut jobs. An artificial food shortage was created in the country.

In 1972-1973. External and internal opponents of Allende organized mass demonstrations and strikes. The main initiator of the strike was the Confederation of Truck Owners. A state of emergency was introduced in the country, the president instructed to confiscate non-working trucks. In November 1972, a new government was created, where the military occupied the most important posts. The former army commander, General Carlos Prats, headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Rear Admiral Ismael Huerta - the Ministry of Public Works, Brigadier General of Aviation Claudio Sepulveda - the Ministry of Mining. The country was divided into two hostile camps, opponents and supporters of reforms.

It must be said that, in general, Allenda's reforms were aimed at improving the welfare of the main part of the population. The interest rate of agricultural credit was reduced, tens of thousands of new jobs were created, the unemployment rate was reduced, the wages of low-paid categories of workers increased, the living wage, the minimum wage and pensions increased, and the purchasing power of the population grew. The government has developed a system of numerous allowances and benefits, democratized medical care and schools. Naturally, the big proprietors, the latifundists, the comprador bourgeoisie fell under the blow. And they did not want to give up their positions. Fortunately, they had a powerful ally - the United States.

Salvador Allende Gossens - a man who wanted to free Chile from imperialist dependence and corporate robbery.

The goals of the US and transnational structures

Washington did not want a second "continental Cuba" to appear in Latin America. Allende carried out the nationalization of large-scale enterprises, and began agrarian reform in the interests of the people. Thus, the geopolitical interests of the United States - the desire to keep Chile in the orbit of its influence - coincided with the interests of American corporations. Inside Chile, the Americans had strong support in the form of large property owners.

Tactically, it was necessary to remove the legitimately elected socialist president Salvador Allende, to crush the socialist, leftist movement in Chile. And it had to be done as harshly as possible, indicatively. Return Chile under the control of TNK, TNB. Return nationalized enterprises to their former owners, including American corporations. It was necessary to stop the transformations of a socialist nature.

Strategically, the successful example of Chile's socialist course was dangerous for US power and transnational corporations and banks in Latin America. Cuba has already been lost. In many countries of South America, strong armed revolutionary groups arose, which took a course towards the liberation of their countries from neo-colonial dependence and robbery by TNK and TNB, towards a socialist revolution following the example of Russia and Cuba. The United States and transnational structures are faced with the threat of losing a significant part or all of Latin America. The threat would have grown especially if the Stalinist course was maintained in the USSR. With the support of the USSR, the countries of Latin America could free themselves from dependence. Unfortunately, the seeds of treason were already germinating in the USSR. Moscow did not use a powerful tool in the form of the KGB to provide effective assistance to Allende.

Allende's victory and his reforms in Chile opened a direct path to the possibility of proclaiming a socialist course and the emergence of a second foothold of socialism in Latin America. It is clear that such a possibility had to be stopped at any cost, burned out with a red-hot iron.

How coups are made

The most complete description of the 1973 coup is contained in a separate report by the US Senate commission on operations in Chile. According to it, 13 million US dollars were spent on organizing the coup. The Americans acted simultaneously in several key areas. The money went to support political parties that were opposed to left-wing movements. First of all, they supported the Christian Democrats. They financed the opposition press, mainly the giant newspaper El Mercurio. The Americans fueled the strike movement. In particular, the movement of truck owners in 1972-1973 paralyzed the Chilean economy (up to 80% of the country's cargo was transported on trucks). Financial assistance was provided to the right-wing terrorist organization Patria and Lebertad. The Chilean government was put under pressure by delaying loans, both at the private and public levels. Weapons were supplied to terrorist groups. In 1970, money was allocated against Allende's election campaign. During the 1970 elections, Americans spent about $0.5 million.

On September 7, 1973, the American ambassador to Chile, Nathaniel Davis, urgently flew to Washington. He held a confidential meeting with Henry Kissinger and returned to Santiago on September 9th. The Chilean ambassador to Mexico, Hugo Vigorena, said that a few days after the coup, he saw documents that a former CIA agent showed him, which outlined a plan to overthrow Allende ("Plan Centauri").

It should be noted that Allende practically deprived himself of the main support. In August 1973, the military, led by Pinochet, organized a provocation against General Prats, who remained loyal to the Popular Unity government. Prats resigned. The President appointed General Pinochet to take his place. On August 23, Carlos Prats noted in his diary: “My career is over. Without exaggerating my role, I believe that my resignation is a prelude to a coup d'etat and the greatest betrayal ... Now it only remains to set the day for the coup ... ". The events of the coup, when the CIA used an interesting psychological technique (the method of unstructured control), speak about the possibilities of Prats. A rumor spread in Santiago that a brigade under the command of Prats (he was under house arrest at that time) was approaching the capital from the north to help the president, and detachments of volunteers were joining it. As a result, Allende's active supporters in Santiago believed the much desired information and began to wait for the arrival of "reinforcements". The organizers of the coup managed to avoid a large-scale confrontation with Allende's supporters in the capital and win, although there were well-trained and well-organized groups of supporters of the legitimate president in Chile and neighboring countries.

Why was Allende so careless? Many researchers believe that Salvador Allende underestimated the danger of a coup, since he himself belonged to the Chilean aristocracy and was a Freemason (he himself admitted this). According to Masonic ethics, one should not touch one's own. Pinochet was also a Freemason, and he should not have gone against his “brother”. However, Allende clearly miscalculated. Freemasons do not occupy the highest positions in the Western hierarchy. Allende's actions harmed the United States, transnational corporations, so he was sentenced. Peaceful attempts - through elections, strikes, did not lead to the fall of Allende, so they went to extreme measures. Moreover, the People's Unity was suppressed with the maximum and demonstrative cruelty, so that others would be repulsed.

Patria y Libertad. On July 30, 1971, US President Richard Nixon replaced the ambassador to Chile, Ed Corry, with Mr. Davis, who was known as an expert on "communist affairs." Davis in 1956 -1960 Headed the USSR Department at the US State Department. He was envoy to Bulgaria and ambassador to Guatemala. In Guatemala, he was noted as the "father" of the "Black Hand" - a paramilitary organization that organized and carried out terrorist attacks against representatives of the left movement. In addition, Mr. Davis was believed to be the organizer of the Peace Corps, an espionage auxiliary organization that had hundreds of informants by the time the coup in Chile began. The activities of the Corps were so outspoken that already in 1969, deputy Luis Figueroa, chairman of the United Workers' Union of Chile, accused him of espionage.

On September 10, 1970, following the example of the Black Hand, the CIA created the Patria i Libertad (Motherland and Freedom) movement in Chile. Its formal leader was Pablo Rodriguez. The Motherland and Freedom movement was supposed to organize Allenda's opponents. Battle groups were created, where fighters were trained, teaching them the skills of shooting and hand-to-hand combat. The head of the combat organization was Roberto Temye. In addition, training camps were set up outside of Chile. In particular, such a camp was organized in the town of Vyacha, thirty kilometers from La Paz. Its leader was a former major in the Chilean army, Arturo Marshall. The number of militants reached 400 people. Ivan Feldes stood out among the leaders of Motherland and Freedom. He was in charge of communications. He brought equipment to Chile that made it possible to intercept the encryption of the intelligence services of all three branches of the armed forces and, if necessary, paralyze the entire internal communications network in the country. The movement was financed by the President of the Industrial Development Association, Orlando Saez, and a large landowner, Benjamin Matte, who represented the National Association of Agriculture. The Svoboda militants acted in close cooperation with criminal elements.

"Patria and Libertad" organized street riots, attacks on state institutions, educational institutions, the premises of the socialist party, on the leaders of the communist and socialist parties, journalists expressing the interests of the People's Unity. The organization was openly terrorist. On June 17, 1973, the premises of the Communist Party in Nunoa were fired from a machine gun, and the premises of the Socialist Party in Barrancas were attacked. On June 20, a bomb was detonated on national television in Santiago. On June 26, public buildings in Santiago were shelled. Similar incidents occurred almost every day: shelling, explosions, attacks, beatings, arson, etc. The bandits blew up bridges, railways, electrical substations and other important objects. Industrial refrigerators stopped working due to a power outage, and by August the country had lost half of its harvested vegetables and fruits. Due to sabotage on communications, the supply of food to the provinces was disrupted. They beat and killed truck drivers who brought food to the working areas. The situation in the country was being prepared for the "X" hour.

On June 29, the Svoboda militants held a real rehearsal of the future coup. In the morning in Santiago, several tanks, armored vehicles and trucks with soldiers drove out of the location of the 2nd Armored Regiment into the street. Having left for Bulnes Square, one of the tanks fired at the presidential palace, other vehicles moved towards the Ministry of Defense. The Sherman tank approached the facade of the building, climbed the flights of stairs, knocked out the door with a blow from the hull and fired at the lobby. This rebellion was crushed by evening. The military prosecutor's office conducted an investigation and found out that Motherland and Freedom was behind the rebellion.

Pinochet was a front. All organizational work was carried out by professionals from the CIA. All the threads went to the National Security Council, which was led by Henry Kissinger. Dean Roish Hunton was in charge of organizing the economic sabotage and strangulation of Chile. In 1971, he received the position of Vice-Chairman of the Council on International Economic Policy. Hunton in Guatemala, together with Nathaniel Davis, organized a "counter-revolution". The second envoy from the American embassy in Chile was Harry W. Schlaudeman. Prior to that, he worked in Bogota, Bulgaria, Dominican Republic. Also involved in organizing the coup were: Daniel Arzak, James E. Anderson, Delon B. Tipton, Raymond Alfred Warren, Arnold M. Isaacs, Frederic W. Latrash, Joseph F. McManus, Keith Willock (he was the organizer of Operations Patria and Libertad ”), Donald Winters et al.

The neoliberal myth of Pinochet

During the years of domination of liberal ideology in Russia, the myth of the beneficent rule of Pinochet, of the “economic miracle” in Chile, was launched. Pinochet, having seized power, began to pursue a liberal policy in the spirit of Yegor Gaidar's "shock therapy" in the early 1990s in Russia. Such a policy did not lead to an "economic miracle". The economy has not even returned to the level of development achieved under Allende. A tenth of the population left the country. Basically, these were qualified specialists, since ordinary peasants did not have the financial opportunity to leave.

Chile was the first country in the world to implement the ideas of 1976 Nobel laureate Milton Friedman. Pinochet's advisers were the so-called. "Chicago boys" - followers of Friedman's views. Chile was offered a stabilization program based on a monetarist approach (it was the basis of all IMF programs). Monetarists see the root of all troubles in an excess of money supply in circulation, from the state policy of "cheap money" and immoderate emission, which leads to inflation. To "recovery" the economy, they propose to reduce the amount of money through a tight credit and budget policy. The budget deficit is reduced by reducing state programs, including social spending, investments, subsidies, etc. In Russia, figures (or pests?) of this kind dominate the economy and finance to this day. They see salvation in a sharp reduction in spending. While Roosevelt, Stalin and Hitler were making huge strides, investing big money in developing the country's infrastructure.

Monetarists propose to reduce consumer spending by lowering or freezing wages. In addition, this measure leads to a reduction in production costs. In the banking sector - the policy of "expensive money", an increase in interest rates. Devaluation of the national currency, reduction of the state issue of money. Restriction of state regulation of prices and foreign trade (export-oriented industries benefit from this).

In Chile, they reduced wages, reduced the number of people employed in the public sector. Subsidization of state-owned enterprises was canceled. Educational and health care programs were cut off from state funding (just a dream of Russian "liberal fascists"!). The state budget deficit was covered mainly by IMF loans. Money emission was reduced almost to zero (in 1985, only 0.2% of GDP).

More than a third of the population was thrown into poverty. There has been a sharp deepening of social inequality and poverty. For example, the director of a paper and cardboard company received 4.5 million pesos a year, while a nurse received 30,000 pesos (a ratio of 150:1, respectively). In economic terms, the country began to resemble a classical colony, a raw material appendage of the West. Due to external debts, there was practically a loss of national independence. For two decades, Chile was put into a debt hole: from 3 billion US dollars in 1973, the country's external debt increased to 17 billion dollars in 1982 and in 1993 rose to 21 billion dollars.

A “bomb” was laid under the national economy in the form of a sharp drop in government spending on infrastructure development (communication routes, power lines, schools, hospitals, etc.). From 1973 to 1982, infrastructure development rates fell by 22%. In particular, if in 1973 Chile was ahead of Latin America in electricity production by 50%, then in 20 years electricity generation increased by only 1%. The lack of investment in this area of ​​the national economy is one of the characteristic features of all neoliberal “stabilization” programs (in reality, this is a stable degradation). This is a real delayed-action nuclear mine for the national economy. The example of Ukraine and the Russian Federation falling into the same trap is obvious. Both states went along with Western and home-grown neo-liberals, eating away the Soviet legacy and not developing infrastructure. Now hundreds of billions are needed for major repairs, complete replacement and modernization of the country's infrastructure.

The bombing of the presidential palace "La Moneda" during the military coup in Chile.

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Augusto Pinochet Ugarte was born in 1915 in Valparaiso. His father, Augusto Pinochet Vera, was a customs officer, and his mother, Avelina Ugarte Martinez, was a housewife and raised children, among whom the future head of state was the eldest.

Augusto, who came from the "middle classes", could only open the way to the top by serving in the armed forces, with whom, upon reaching 17 years old, he tied his fate by enrolling in an infantry school in San Bernardo. Prior to that, he studied at the school at the Seminary of St. Raphael and the Quillot Institute and the Colegio of the Sacred Hearts of the French Fathers of Valparaiso. The young man spent four years in the infantry school (from 1933 to 1937), graduated from the last as a junior officer and was sent first to the Chacabuco regiment in Concepcion, and then to the Maipo regiment in Valparaiso.

In 1948, Pinochet entered the country's Higher Military Academy, from which he graduated three years later. Now the service in military units alternated with a purposeful officer with teaching in army educational institutions. In 1953, Pinochet published his first book, entitled "Geography of Chile, Argentina, Bolivia and Peru", defended his dissertation, received a bachelor's degree and entered the law school of the University of Chile, which he never had to finish: in 1956 he was sent to Quito to assist in the creation of the Military Academy of Ecuador.

At the end of 1959, Pinochet returned to Chile, where he commanded a regiment (and over time, a brigade and a division), was engaged in staff work, served as deputy head of the Military Academy, and, having received the rank of general, published his next work - "An Essay on the Study of the Chilean Geopolitics" and "Geopolitics". In 1971, Pinochet took over as commander of the Santiago garrison, his first appointment under the Popular Unity government led by President Salvador Allende.
On September 11, 1973, a military coup took place in Chile, one of the initiators of which was just Pinochet. During the coup, the government of Popular Unity with Salvador Allende was overthrown.

Until December 1974, Pinochet remained the head of the military junta, and already from December 1974 to March 1990 he was president of Chile, being at the same time commander in chief of the country's armed forces. After the referendum, Pinochet handed over power to the elected civilian president, Patricio Aylwin, remaining in the post of army commander, and on March 11, 1998, he resigned, taking the place of a member of the Senate for life.

In October 1998, Pinochet underwent surgery in one of the private clinics in London, where he was arrested on suspicion of murder on the basis of a warrant issued by a Spanish court: hundreds of citizens of this country were killed or disappeared without a trace in Chile during Pinochet's rule. The Spanish side demanded the extradition of the former dictator, but the London court found that Pinochet, being Chile's senator for life, enjoys immunity. The House of Lords reversed this decision and recognized the arrest as legal. The Chilean side insisted on the illegality of both the arrest of Pinochet and his extradition to Spain.

At the end of October 1998, a London court granted the request of Pinochet's lawyers to release him on bail. At the same time, the court imposed a number of restrictions, according to which the former head of Chile had to remain in one of the London hospitals under constant police protection.

On March 24, 1999, the House of Lords issued a final verdict, according to which Pinochet should not be held responsible for crimes committed by him before 1988, but would lose immunity from prosecution for crimes committed later. This ruling made it possible to exclude up to 27 charges, on the basis of which Spain sought the deportation of Pinochet.

On March 2, 2000, Pinochet's 16-month house arrest ended and, according to the decision of the British Home Secretary Jack Straw, justified by the results of a medical examination, the general flew to Chile, where he was placed in a military hospital in Santiago.

In August 2000, the Supreme Court of Chile stripped Pinochet of senatorial immunity, after which he was prosecuted for more than 100 episodes related to murders, as well as kidnappings and torture of people. However, in July 2001, the court recognized Pinochet as suffering from senile dementia, which was the reason for the release from prosecution.

On August 26, 2004, the Supreme Court of Chile deprived Pinochet of immunity from prosecution, and on December 2 of the same year, the country's Court of Appeal decided to start a trial in the case of the former dictator, accused of complicity in the assassination of General Carlos Prats, commander of the ground forces.

On January 21, 2005, Pinochet was charged with the 1977 murder of members of the Left Radical Revolutionary Movement, Juan Ramirez and Nelson Espejo.

On July 6, 2005, the Court of Appeal of Chile deprived Pinochet of immunity from prosecution on charges of involvement in the destruction of political opponents of the regime as part of the so-called "Operation Colombo" (which was part of the large-scale Operation Condor).

On September 14, 2005, the Supreme Court of Chile again stripped Pinochet of immunity from criminal prosecution, which he enjoyed as a former head of state.

On September 16, 2005, the Supreme Court of Chile finally acquitted Pinochet in a case of involvement in crimes committed during Operation Condor. The decision of the country's highest judicial body was justified by the fact that the charges presented were "unacceptable for their consideration in court."