By the summer of 1944, the ruling circles of the satellite countries could not but see the hopelessness of their situation, but they sought to get out of the war in such a way as to prevent the liberation of the states of Eastern Europe by the Soviet armies. To this end, since 1943, immediately after Stalingrad, the anti-people governments of Germany's satellites have been establishing ties with Washington and London.

Horthy in Hungary and Antonescu in Romania, the Bulgarian Tsar Boris and Ryti in Finland - all of them, through secret emissaries, tried to assure the ruling circles of the United States and England that the meaning of the participation of satellite countries in the war on the side of Germany was to create a "barrier" against the USSR in Eastern Europe. Europe. Since 1943, the reactionary press in these countries openly writes that they can become "anti-Soviet sentries." The head of the then Hungarian government, Kallai, for example, later talked about the purpose of Hungary's secret negotiations with the United States and England: “We believed that, although the Anglo-Americans were far from Central Europe, their policy would reach us. We believed that the troops of the United States and England would come to us before the Russians, and these powers would determine the future of Central and South-Eastern Europe.” According to the former Romanian envoy to Turkey, Creteziano, Bucharest was convinced that "the Western allies are more interested in preventing a Soviet invasion of Europe than in destroying the Hitler regime." The rulers of Bulgaria and Finland were guided by similar considerations.

At the end of the summer of 1944, after the successful offensive operations of the Soviet troops, Finland sued for peace. The Soviet government agreed to enter into negotiations on the condition that Finland break off relations with Germany and within two weeks from the date of acceptance of this proposal (in any case not later than September 15) German troops should be withdrawn from the country. On September 4, the Finnish government accepted the terms of the armistice, and on September 19 in Moscow it was signed by representatives of the USSR and England on behalf of all the states of the United Nations that were at war with Finland. Under the terms of the armistice, Finnish troops were withdrawn beyond the border line established by the agreement on March 12, 1940. Finland pledged to return the Pechenga region to the USSR, and provided the USSR with a lease of a base in the Porkkala-Udd region. ( In 1955 the USSR renounced its lease rights and in early 1956 the Soviet troops were withdrawn from Porkkala Udd.) The Soviet government agreed to help Finland in the disarmament of the German troops on its territory, which were transferred to the USSR as prisoners of war. However, since the military situation did not require this, the occupation of the territory of Finland was not envisaged. ( Finland, after leaving the war, had to pay for the “aid” that England and France provided to her in 1940. In December 1945, Finnish President Paasikivi said at a press conference: “We are forced to take upon ourselves the obligation to reimburse England for the costs of that assistance which she gave us during the winter war. At the present time, France is making similar demands, although, generally speaking, we assumed that assistance was provided to us free of charge and from the bottom of our hearts.)

On August 20, 1944, the Soviet strategic offensive began in southeastern Europe. In one week - until August 27 - the main forces of the German army group "Southern Ukraine" were defeated, the Soviet troops began to liberate the territory of Romania and provided fraternal assistance to the Romanian patriots who had risen against the anti-people regime of Antonescu. Already in May 1944 a united workers' front of the communist and social democratic parties had taken shape in Rumania. On August 23, the fascist rulers were arrested in Bucharest, which was the signal for an uprising. Meanwhile, both Antonescu and the bourgeois opposition hatched plans to sign a truce with Britain and the United States on the condition that Anglo-American troops, primarily airborne troops, arrive in the country immediately. On August 24, Romania declared its withdrawal from the war on the side of Germany, and on August 25 declared war on her. On September 12, in Moscow, representatives of the USSR, England and the USA signed an armistice agreement with Romania. Romania, speaking on the side of the United Nations, conducted active military operations against the enemy. Following the Tudor Vladimirescu division, formed in the USSR from Romanian volunteers, other Romanian units went to the front. In total, up to 29 Romanian divisions fought together with the Soviet troops at the final stage of the war.

A number of conditions that ensured the democratic nature of the armistice agreement with Romania (the prohibition of fascist organizations, the punishment of war criminals, provisions providing for the democratization of public and political life in the country) were introduced at the insistence of the USSR. The US and Britain were forced to agree with them. The background to this is evident from the correspondence between Churchill and Roosevelt. On June 11, Churchill wrote, insisting that the United States accept the decisive role of the USSR in concluding an armistice with Romania: “It would be good to follow the Soviet initiative, especially since neither you nor we have any troops there ... Besides, I believe that their conditions ... are very reasonable and even generous. The brilliant military successes of the Soviet troops ensured coordinated decisions of the three great powers.

The criminal policy of the Bulgarian rulers has long ago formed a gulf between them and the people. Back in 1942, the Fatherland Front arose in Bulgaria, uniting the progressive forces of the people in the struggle against German fascism and Bulgarian reaction. Communists played the leading role in the Fatherland Front. By the middle of 1944, there were up to 30 thousand armed fighters in the partisan detachments, and in total about 200 thousand people took part in the resistance movement. In an effort to maintain their positions, the ruling circles of Bulgaria entered into negotiations with England and the United States, seeking the entry of Anglo-American troops into the country. They wanted to sign a separate peace with England and the USA. In Cairo, where the Bulgarian representatives arrived, the British assured them that the occupation of Bulgaria would begin in the very near future, first by the forces of the Greek-Turkish troops, followed by the Anglo-Americans. At this critical moment, the Soviet Union came to the aid of the Bulgarian people.

On September 5, the USSR declared war on the tsarist government; on September 8, Soviet troops entered the territory of Bulgaria. On the night of September 9, a nationwide uprising broke out in the country. The government of the Fatherland Front was created. The Bulgarian people enthusiastically greeted their liberators, not a single one was killed in the "war" between the USSR and Bulgaria. Bulgaria declared war on Nazi Germany, up to 12 Bulgarian divisions took part in the hostilities. The upsurge of the revolutionary movement in the country, the friendly relations established between the USSR and Bulgaria, aroused furious anger among Anglo-American politicians. During the development of the terms of the armistice with Bulgaria, the Soviet government rebuffed the attempts of England and the United States to impose enslaving demands on the Bulgarian people. The armistice agreement with Bulgaria, signed in Moscow on October 28, 1944, protected the sovereignty of the country from the intrigues of the Anglo-American reaction.

At the beginning of October 1944, the offensive of the Soviet troops began in the direction of the city of Debrecen. With heavy fighting, Soviet soldiers overcame the Main Carpathian Range and entered Transylvania. The ruling clique of Hungary was feverishly looking for a way out. By this time, the Nazis, who did not trust their last satellite, concentrated large forces on the territory of Hungary. On September 22, 1944, the Horthys sent their representative to Naples, who tried to achieve a truce with the United States and England. In mid-October, the crown council met, at which it was decided to apply for a truce to the three great powers. The participants in the meeting considered: "If we conclude a truce now, we can hope that simultaneously with the Russians or immediately after their entry into Budapest, British and American representatives will arrive." On October 15, Hungarian radio broadcast Horthy's request. The Nazis immediately dispersed the Horthy government and put in power the Hungarian fascist Salashi, who was declared the "Führer of the Hungarian nation." The new government pledged to continue the war on the side of Germany.

In December 1944, a provisional National Assembly met in the city of Debrecen on the Hungarian territory liberated by the Soviet troops. It formed a provisional government, which declared a break with Germany and on December 28 declared war on her. On January 26, 1945, in Moscow, representatives of the USSR, the USA and England signed an armistice with Hungary.

The strategic offensive of the Soviet Armed Forces in the autumn of 1944 had not only enormous military, but also political significance: under the blows of Soviet weapons, the bloc of the European powers of the "Axis" finally disintegrated. Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria declared war on Nazi Germany. Thanks to the fraternal assistance of the USSR, the peoples of these countries freed themselves from fascism and were given the opportunity to build their lives on democratic principles. No less important was the fact that the Soviet Armed Forces prevented the Anglo-American occupation. Soviet soldiers expelled the fascist rioters and blocked the way for new pretenders to dominance in the countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe.

The past year was a turning point not only in the Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, but also in the entire World War

The changes that have taken place during this year in the military and foreign policy situation have developed in favor of the USSR and the allied countries friendly to it, to the detriment of Germany and its accomplices in robbery in Europe

The results and consequences of the victories of the Red Army went far beyond the boundaries of the Soviet-German front, changed the entire subsequent course of the world war and acquired major international significance. The victory of the Allied countries over the common enemy approached, and relations between the allies, the military commonwealth of their armies, contrary to the expectations of the enemies, not only did not weaken , but, on the contrary, strengthened and strengthened. This is also eloquently evidenced by the historic decisions of the Moscow Conference of the representatives of the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States of America, recently published in the press. Now our united countries are determined to deliver joint strikes against the enemy, which will lead to final victory over him.

This year the Red Army's strikes against the fascist German troops were supported by the combat operations of our allies in North Africa, in the Mediterranean basin and in southern Italy. At the same time, the Allies have subjected and continue to subject important industrial centers of Germany to a thorough bombardment and thereby significantly weaken the military power of the enemy. If we add to all this the fact that the Allies regularly supply us with various weapons and raw materials, then we can say without exaggeration that by all this they greatly facilitated the success of our summer campaign. Of course, the present actions of the allied armies in the south of Europe cannot yet be regarded as a second front. But it's still something like a second front. It is clear that the opening of a real second front in Europe, which is not far off, will significantly speed up the victory over Nazi Germany and further strengthen the military commonwealth of the Allied States.

Thus, the events of the past year show that the anti-Hitler coalition is a solid union of peoples and is based on a solid foundation.

It is now obvious to everyone that the Hitlerite clique, having unleashed the present war, has led Germany and its henchmen into a hopeless dead end. The defeats of the fascist troops on the Soviet-German front and the blows of our allies against the Italo-German troops shook the entire edifice of the fascist bloc, and it is now falling apart before our eyes.

Italy has irretrievably fallen out of the Hitlerite coalition. Mussolini cannot change anything, for he is, in fact, a prisoner of the Germans. Next in line are other members of the coalition Finland, Hungary, Romania and other vassals of Hitler, discouraged by the military defeats of Germany, now completely lost faith in the outcome of the war favorable for them and are concerned about how to get out of the quagmire where Hitler dragged them. The accomplices of Nazi Germany in the robbery, who not so long ago were submissive to their master, now, when the time has come to answer for the robbery, look into the bushes, choosing a convenient moment to slip away unnoticed from the band of robbers.

Entering the war, the members of the Nazi bloc counted on a quick victory. They have already distributed in advance who will get what: who will get pies and donuts, who will get bruises and bumps. It is clear that they intended bruises and bumps for their opponents, but for themselves - pies and donuts. But now it is clear that Germany and her lackeys will not get pies and donuts, that they will have to share bruises and bumps among themselves.

Anticipating this unenviable prospect, Hitler's accomplices are now racking their brains over how to get out of the war, while receiving fewer bruises and bumps.

The example of Italy shows Hitler's vassals that the longer they delay the inevitable break with the Germans and allow them to rule in their states, the more devastation awaits their countries, the more suffering their peoples will have to endure. The example of Italy also shows that Hitlerite Germany does not even think of defending her vassal countries, but intends to turn them into an arena of devastating war, if only to delay the hour of her own defeat.

The cause of German fascism has been lost, and the bloody “new order” it has created is heading towards collapse. In the occupied countries of Europe, a nationwide outburst of indignation against the fascist enslavers is growing. The former prestige of Germany in allied and neutral countries has been irretrievably lost, and its economic and political ties with neutral states have been undermined.

The time when the Hitlerite clique roared wildly about the conquest of world domination by the Germans is far behind. Now, as you know, the Germans are not up to world domination - not up to fat, to be alive.

Thus, the course of the war showed that the alliance of fascist states did not and does not have a solid foundation. The Hitlerite coalition was formed on the basis of the aggressive, predatory aspirations of its members. While the Nazis had military successes, the fascist coalition seemed to be a stable association. But the very first defeats of the fascist troops led to the actual disintegration of the bandit bloc.

Hitlerite Germany and its vassals are on the eve of their catastrophe.

The victory of the allied countries over Nazi Germany will put on the order of the day the important questions of organizing and recreating the state, economic and cultural life of the European peoples. The policy of our government in these matters remains unchanged. Together with our allies, we will have to:

1) liberate the peoples of Europe from the fascist invaders and assist them in rebuilding their national states dismembered by the fascist enslavers - the peoples of France, Belgium, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Greece and other states under the German yoke must again become free and independent ;

2) to give the liberated peoples of Europe the full right and freedom to decide for themselves the question of their state structure;

3) to take measures to ensure that all fascist criminals, the perpetrators of the current war and the suffering of peoples, in whatever country they hide, suffer severe punishment and retribution for all the atrocities they have committed;

4) establish such an order in Europe that would completely exclude the possibility of a new aggression on the part of Germany;

5) to create long-term economic, political and cultural cooperation between the peoples of Europe based on mutual trust and mutual assistance in order to restore the economy and culture destroyed by the Germans.

During the past year the Red Army and the Soviet people have achieved great successes in the struggle against the German invaders. We have achieved a radical turning point in the war in favor of our country, and the war is now moving towards its final denouement. But the Soviet people should not stop there, revel in their successes. Victory can be missed if complacency appears in our ranks. Victory is not given without struggle and tension. She is taken from the fight. Victory is now close, but in order to win it, a new exertion of forces, selfless work of the entire rear, skillful and decisive actions of the Red Army at the front are necessary. It would be a crime against the Motherland, against the Soviet people who temporarily fell under the yoke of the Nazis, before the peoples of Europe, languishing under the German yoke, if we did not use every opportunity to hasten the defeat of the enemy. You can't give the enemy a break. That is why we must exert all our strength to finish off the enemy.

The Soviet people and the Red Army clearly see the difficulties of the coming struggle. But it is now clear that the day of our victory is drawing near. The war has entered the stage when it comes to the complete expulsion of the occupiers from Soviet soil and the liquidation of the fascist "new order in Europe." The time is not far off when we will complete the cleansing of the enemy of Ukraine and Belarus, the Leningrad and Kalinin regions, we will liberate the peoples of Crimea, Lithuania, Estonia, Moldavia and the Karelian-Finnish Republic from the German invaders.

Comrades!

For the victory of the Anglo-Soviet-American military alliance!

For the liberation of the peoples of Europe from the fascist yoke!

For the complete expulsion of German monsters from our land!

Long live our Red Army!

Long live our Navy!

Long live our brave partisans and partisans!

Long live our great Motherland!

Death to the German invaders!

The situation that developed in the middle of 1944 in the fascist bloc was characterized by a deepening military-political crisis caused by the successful course of offensive operations of the Soviet Armed Forces and the opening by the United States of America and Britain of a second front in Europe. By that time, for about a year, Germany and its satellites had been at war without their Italian partner. The Hitlerite leadership considered one of its main foreign policy tasks to intensify actions to undermine the anti-Hitler coalition, “build bridges” for negotiations with the United States and Great Britain in order to conclude a separate peace with them and prevent unconditional surrender.

Germany persistently made attempts to establish contacts with the American and British governments. In the summer of 1944, State Secretary of the Foreign Ministry E. Weizsacker met in the Vatican with the former American ambassador in Berlin, H. Wilson, and with the head of the American intelligence service abroad, W. Donovan. In September, new German emissaries visited the Vatican (1324). The plans of the German ruling circles were based on a sharp increase in contradictions in the anti-Hitler coalition. So, on July 22, Germany offered Great Britain to organize a meeting of representatives of the two countries in Switzerland on the issue of the exchange of prisoners of war (1325). Undoubtedly, this meeting was supposed to be used for negotiations on other issues more important for Germany.

At the end of 1944, I. Ribbentrop, counting on the strengthening of contradictions in the camp of the anti-fascist coalition, attempted to enter into separate negotiations with pro-German circles in the USA and England. Such activity was shown by Hitler's representatives in the Vatican, in neutral countries - Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland. However, they failed to induce the United States and Britain to conclude a separate peace.

The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that only the unconditional surrender of Germany can lead Europe to peace. The peoples of the world demanded the complete defeat of fascist Germany. That is why all the attempts of the aggressor's diplomacy, aimed at undermining the unity of action of the allied powers, ended in failure.

Using the fact of the entry of the Soviet Army into the territory of a number of foreign countries, fascist diplomacy and propaganda widely disseminated fictions about the “export of the revolution”, about the “Soviet threat” to the West, etc. This was done with the expectation of intimidating the layman and obtaining support from the most reactionary circles in the US and UK.

Another important direction of the foreign policy activity of the German leadership in the period under review was to preserve and strengthen the collapsing fascist bloc at any cost, to prevent the satellite countries from leaving it, to force them to fight to the end. However, life overturned the calculations of Hitler's diplomacy.

Romania was the first to withdraw from the fascist bloc in 1944. Its ruling circles, rejecting the humane terms of the armistice presented by the Soviet government on April 12, 1944, entered into negotiations with representatives of the United States and England in Cairo in the summer. Romanian diplomats asked them to send Anglo-American troops to Romania, which would serve as a guarantor of the preservation of the existing political regime in the country (1326).

The Nazis failed to fully ascertain the content of these negotiations, although an extensive network of German agents operated in Romania. Meanwhile, the Romanian government continued to give Berlin reassuring assurances on this score. Therefore, Hitler and his entourage still considered Romania their true ally. So, on July 24, Hitler, in a conversation with the commander of the Southern Ukraine Army Group, General G. Frisner, said: “Marshal Antonescu is sincerely devoted to me. Both the Romanian people and the Romanian army follow him unitedly, as one person” (1327). At a meeting on August 5, Antonescu again assured the Fuhrer of loyalty and desire to continue the fight together, and Hitler promised not to leave his ally to the mercy of fate (1328).

Subsequent events convincingly showed that Antonescu's dictatorship had no support among the working people. Using the victory of the Soviet troops in the Iasi-Kishinev operation, on August 23, 1944, they overthrew the hated fascist regime. On August 24, Romania declared war on Germany.

By the summer of 1944 German-Finnish relations were seriously undermined. Finland, as a result of the offensive of Soviet troops in Karelia, found itself in a critical situation. The Finnish government turned to Germany for help (1329). At the same time, doubts arose in the ruling circles of the country about the advisability of continuing the war. Then, on June 22, Ribbentrop arrived in Helsinki to stabilize German-Finnish relations. Reproaching the hard-pressed Finnish allies for deviating from a common policy, he demanded assurances from Finland that the war would continue on the side of Germany. He accompanied this demand with a threat to stop all assistance.

Meanwhile, the military-political situation in Finland continued to deteriorate. Her troops suffered one defeat after another. The foreign policy isolation of the country grew. On June 30, the United States severed diplomatic relations with her. In Finnish public circles, oppositional sentiments towards the government's course were becoming more and more intensified. Under these conditions, the ruling circles decided to change the leadership of the state.

The new president, K. Mannerheim, in response to Hitler's congratulatory telegram, assured that the Finnish army, together with the Wehrmacht, would continue military operations (1330). However, the course of events on the Soviet-German front and the further deterioration of the internal political situation in the country forced the Finnish government to change this decision and try to withdraw from the war. It made an official proposal to the Soviet government to begin negotiations on a truce, and a few days later announced the end of the war against the USSR. Since September 15, Finland has been at war with Germany.

Following Finland, Bulgaria left the fascist bloc. In the previous period of the war, while remaining an ally of Germany, she at the same time maintained diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. When the course of events on the fronts, as well as the growth of the anti-fascist movement in the country, created a threat to the monarcho-fascist regime, the Bagryanov government, seeking to avoid the “Bolshevization of the country”, entered into negotiations with Anglo-American diplomats. However, in August 1944, in connection with the approach of Soviet troops to the borders of Bulgaria, its fluctuations sharply intensified. On the one hand, the Bulgarian government, not wanting to break with Nazi Germany, did not object to the use of the Bulgarian territory by the Nazi command, and on the other hand, it hypocritically expressed good feelings towards the Soviet Union and declared its desire to “maintain” complete neutrality. Bulgaria's vacillations were also felt in Berlin. The Hitlerite leadership intended to use weapons to protect their interests here if it showed hostility towards Germany (1331).

Bulgaria's foreign policy changed radically with the coming to power of the government of the Fatherland Front as a result of the victory of the people's armed uprising on September 9 and the successes of the Soviet troops in the Balkans. It severed all relations with fascist Germany, declared war on it and ordered the troops to begin active hostilities against the Wehrmacht together with the Soviet Army.

In the summer of 1944, Hungary still continued to remain in the fascist bloc. This is explained primarily by the fact that since March 1944 it has been in the position of a country occupied by the Nazis. Soviet troops entered Hungarian territory at the end of September, and the struggle for its liberation was of a long and extremely stubborn nature. The resistance movement here did not take on a large scale and did not develop into an armed uprising, as was the case in Romania and Bulgaria.

A sharp aggravation of the internal political situation in Hungary came immediately after the events in Romania. Under the influence of the victories of the Soviet Army, the vacillations and disagreements in the Hungarian ruling circles intensified significantly. On August 29, a new government was formed, headed by General G. Lakatosh. The Nazis did not really trust him, but they hoped that Lakatosh would continue the war with the Soviet Union.

In the second half of September, the security service, together with the command of the Wehrmacht, developed a plan for Operation Panzerfaust. It envisaged the creation of a government more obedient to Germany and the overthrow of Horthy if he followed in the footsteps of the king of Romania.

Meanwhile, the situation in Hungary became more and more aggravated. Taking advantage of Horthy's hesitation, the Nazis pulled up new tank and police units, battalions of parachute troops and SS units to Budapest. On October 15, at the direction of the Fuhrer, Guderian issued an order according to which Hungary was declared the zone of operations of the German troops, and parts of the Hungarian army were transferred under German command (1332). On the evening of the same day in Budapest, the Nilashists occupied all the strongholds, and their leader Salashi spoke on the radio with an appeal to continue the war "to a victorious end."

The next day, the Panzerfaust plan was put into action. The fallen Horthy regime was replaced by the Nilashists, who were open puppets of the Nazis.

Meanwhile, the Soviet Army had liberated a large part of Hungary. On December 24, the Provisional Government formed in Debrecen asked the government of the USSR for a truce, and on December 28 declared war on Germany.

In addition to the Nilashist part of Hungary, the puppet “Republic of Salo” in northern Italy remained a satellite of Nazi Germany. It constituted a smaller part of the country, but at its disposal were almost four-fifths of the Italian industrial potential (1333). Factories and plants, as well as the activities of the administration of Northern Italy, were placed under direct German control. The Nazis used all the resources of this republic in their own interests (1334).

Thus, by the end of 1944, the collapse of the block of fascist states in Europe was completed, where Germany lost all its partners. The puppet governments that remained loyal to her in the western part of Hungary and in northern Italy could not provide significant assistance to the Nazi Reich.

An important direction in the efforts of fascist diplomacy during the period under review was the desire to strengthen Germany's relations with neutral countries in order to prevent them from going over to the side of the anti-Hitler coalition and continue to receive raw materials from them for their military industry. However, even in this the Hitlerite leadership failed to achieve success. With the collapse of the fascist bloc, the process of Germany's international isolation intensified even more: many neutral countries also dissociated themselves from it.

Spain, seeing that things were going to defeat the Nazis, made a number of attempts to get closer to England and the United States. In October, its ambassador in London, Count Alba, on behalf of Franco, told the representatives of the British government that his country had never been associated with an alliance with the Axis powers and that the Francoist regime was not an obstacle to cooperation with the Allies in securing peace. And on November 4, Franco himself hypocritically emphasized this in an interview with a United Press correspondent (1335).

There was a further weakening of German-Swedish trade and economic ties. Under the influence of events on the war fronts, Sweden significantly reduced the supply of various types of raw materials to Germany, stopped the export of ships from July 7, and on September 9 banned all transit traffic for Germany, with the exception of the transit of sick, wounded and medicines. Nevertheless, in 1944 the Reich still accounted for 40 per cent of Swedish exports (1336).

On August 2, 1944, Turkey severed diplomatic relations with Germany. Although this act was of a formal nature, it contributed to the further foreign policy isolation of the Nazi Reich. However, during the farewell audience of the German ambassador F. Papen, President I. Inonyu offered his intermediary services if, under certain circumstances, Hitler would consider them useful (1337).

Nor was its Far Eastern ally in a better position than Germany. The ruling circles of Japan undertook a series of maneuvers to bring the country out of the crisis in which it found itself as a result of the defeats of the Japanese troops and navy in the Pacific Ocean.

With the coming to power of the government of K. Koiso, there were no significant changes in Japan's foreign policy. As before, the slogans of “the unity of the Yamato nation”, “overcoming the national crisis”, etc. were proclaimed in the country. Although the situation that had arisen was assessed by the Japanese government as extremely unfavorable, nevertheless it still made statements about its determination end."

One of the main directions of the foreign policy of the Koiso cabinet continued to be military-political cooperation with the Nazis. On July 23, the head of the cabinet declared: "Japan will continue to strengthen its ties with Germany in order to achieve common military goals" (1338) . Foreign Minister M. Shigemitsu repeatedly spoke in this spirit. He emphasized the "steadiness" of the Japanese-German military alliance. The Japanese ambassador in Berlin, H. Oshima, also assured Hitler of Japan's loyalty to the alliance with Germany (1339).

At the same time, being fully aware of the consequences that the collapse of Germany could have for Japan, the Japanese ruling circles took appropriate measures. In particular, the “Basic Provisions for the Further Leadership of the War” approved on August 19, 1944 by the supreme council for the leadership of the war, allowed the possibility of Japanese mediation in concluding peace between the USSR and Germany (1340) . On this issue, Foreign Minister Shigemitsu spoke with the German ambassador, Stammer, and the ambassador to Germany, Oshima, with Hitler, who did not give his consent to such mediation. Nevertheless, in September Shigemitsu officially raised the question of his intention to send a special mission to Moscow headed by former Prime Minister K. Hirota before the government of the USSR. The Soviet Union, true to its allied duty, categorically rejected any mediation between the USSR and Germany (1341).

The maneuvers of Japanese diplomacy were explained by the desire not only to prevent the defeat of Germany, but also to maintain their own positions in the Far East through an “honorable” exit from the war.

A new direction in Japanese foreign policy was the desire to establish contacts with the powers of the anti-Hitler coalition. The ruling circles of Japan increasingly began to look for ways to "improve" relations with the USSR. Germany tried to prevent this. She took various steps to keep Soviet-Japanese relations in a tense state, pushing the Japanese to all sorts of provocative actions. So, in December, the question arose of transferring the personnel of the German air force attache W. Kessler to Tokyo. For this purpose, Berlin decided to undertake a flight of a four-engine Junkers-290 from Norway through Soviet territory with a landing on the Japanese island of Hokkaido. However, Oshima did not agree with this, motivating his refusal by his unwillingness to aggravate tensions in Soviet-Japanese relations (1342) .

Shigemitsu's memorandum entitled "Diplomatic measures to be taken towards the Soviet Union", presented in September 1944 to the supreme council for the leadership of the war, contained a proposal to ask the USSR to mediate in negotiations between Tokyo and Chongqing (1343) . Having received a refusal in Moscow, the Japanese government decided to turn to the United States and England. The Koiso government entered into a confidential relationship with the Swedish Ambassador W. Bagge on the issue of establishing contacts with the British and American governments. Determining the various options for an "honorable peace", the Japanese government pinned considerable hopes on the reactionary circles in the United States. At the same time, it hoped that offensive actions in China and broadcast statements about Japan's "firm" position would facilitate the conclusion of peace with China and the preservation of Taiwan and Korea.

During this period, the Japanese ruling circles sought to establish direct contacts with Chiang Kai-shek in order to negotiate peace with him. On August 19, 1944, the command of the Japanese troops in China made a statement about Japan's desire to maintain "friendly cooperation" not only with the Nanking government of Wang Ching-wei, but also with the government of Chiang Kai-shek (1344) . In the autumn of 1944, Baron T. Miyagawa and an experienced politician K. Ugaki visited Shanghai at different times. However, their missions did not reach their goals.

It became known in Chungking government circles that in October 1944, the Minister of Finance of the Nanking government, Chou Fo-hai, sent a letter to Chiang Kai-shek with a proposal to conclude peace between China and Japan. The letter, in particular, stated that the Japanese government was interested in ending the war. The minister also wrote that if Chiang Kai-shek did not agree to conclude peace, then the Japanese would carry out their decisive battles with the American-British troops on Chinese territory, which would lead to the final collapse of the Chinese economy. In addition, it was noted that the flooding of China by American troops would make it completely dependent on the United States. At the end of the letter, Chou Fo-hai urged Chiang Kai-shek to make peace with Japan and at the same time help her come to a peace agreement with the United States and England (1345).

In Asia, the Japanese still covered their true goals with those proclaimed at the end of 1943. five demagogic “moral principles of great East Asia” (liberation of Asia from colonial dependence; freedom of its peoples on the basis of equality and economic cooperation; protection of them from encroachments and exploitation of foreign powers; implementation of the principle of open doors both in the field of economy and in the field of culture; establishing relations with all states on the basis of equality and mutual respect) (1346) . These principles were widely promoted but not implemented. On September 7, 1944, the Japanese government announced its decision to grant “independence” to the former Netherlands Indies (Indonesia) (1347) . Under the auspices of the Japanese, a provisional government "Free India" (1348) was also created. However, these acts were purely formal. The situation of the territories occupied by the Japanese remained the same.

With their policy in East and Southeast Asia, the Japanese ruling circles also tried to drive a wedge between the United States and England, using differences between these states on the colonial issue (1349) .

So, in the second half of 1944, as a result of the crushing blows of the Soviet Army, the broad liberation struggle of the masses of the people and the intensification of military operations of the allies, the collapse of the bloc of fascist states in Europe was completed. Most of the satellites of Nazi Germany turned their weapons against their former master. By the end of 1944, 44 states were at war with Germany, of which 5 declared war on her in the second half of the year. The attempts of Hitlerite diplomacy to split the anti-fascist coalition and conclude a separate peace with the United States and Britain on an anti-Soviet basis failed.

With the termination of diplomatic relations with Germany by a number of neutral countries, its isolation in the international arena further intensified.

The positions of militaristic Japan were also significantly undermined. Tokyo diplomacy maneuvered, resorted to various means and methods to improve Japan's position and save her European ally. However, all these efforts ended in failure. Japan's attempts to withdraw China from the war on the side of the anti-fascist coalition were also unsuccessful.

In addition to Germany, the fascist bloc included Japan, Italy, Romania, Hungary, Finland, Bulgaria, Thailand and state entities with puppet governments of Slovakia, Croatia, Manchukuo and Nanjing. Of these, 8 states led by Germany in Europe and 3 led by Japan in Asia directly participated in hostilities. They were opposed by 34 states that were part of the anti-Hitler coalition: the USSR, the USA, Great Britain, China, Mongolia, Canada, India, Australia, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa, Brazil, Mexico, Cuba, Nicaragua, Haiti, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Panama, Dominican Republic, Costa Rica and a number of other countries.

The exit of Italy from the war as a result of the overthrow of the fascist regime of B. Mussolini in the summer of 1943 is the beginning of the collapse of the fascist bloc. In 1944, Bulgaria, Romania, Finland, Japan left the fascist bloc, and in 1945 - Hungary.

The beginning of the anti-Hitler coalition is historically associated with statements by the governments of the United States and Great Britain about supporting the Soviet Union after the attack by Nazi Germany, and lengthy negotiations between the governments of the three powers on mutual support and joint actions. Anti-Hitler coalition - beginning - August 14, 1941 - signing by US President F. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister W. Churchill of the Atlantic Charter, which was joined in September 1941 by 10 states, including the USSR.

On January 1, 1942, 26 states signed the Declaration of the United Nations and determined the ways of cooperation in the fight against Germany. Further strengthening and cooperation of the anti-Hitler coalition took place at the Tehran (November 28 - December 1, 1943) and Crimean (February 4-11, 1945) conferences.

7.4. Tehran conference

The strategic situation after the victory at Kursk changed dramatically in favor of the anti-Hitler coalition. The leaders of the allied states decided to hold talks at the highest level.

Tehran conference. The meeting of the heads of government of the USSR (I.V. Stalin), the USA (F. Roosevelt) and Great Britain (W. Churchill) was held in Tehran from November 28 to December 1, 1943. It was preceded by a meeting of the foreign ministers of these countries in October 1943. in Moscow, where the question of opening a second front in Europe was discussed. During the conference, Churchill continued to advocate a "peripheral strategy" (military operations in the northern part of the Adriatic Sea). Roosevelt, who supported I. Stalin's idea of ​​a landing in the north of France, nevertheless did not rule out the possibility of conducting a preliminary private operation in the region of the northern part of the Adriatic Sea. Stalin insisted that "the best result would be to hit the enemy in Northern or Northwestern France", which is "Germany's weakest point".

As a result of intense discussions, the most important final document "Military Decisions of the Tehran Conference" (not subject to publication) stated:

1) “Operation Overlord”, the opening of a second front in France, will be undertaken during May 1944 (opened on the night of June 5-6, 1944);

2) the document contained a statement by Stalin that "the Soviet troops would launch an offensive at about the same time in order to prevent the transfer of German forces from the Eastern Front to the Western Front";

3) agreed on the approximate post-war borders of Poland;

4) discussed the issue of restoring the independence of Austria;

5) on the punishment of German war criminals;

6) about the consent of the USSR to enter the war against Japan after the surrender of Germany.

7) it was about the post-war structure of Germany, but due to differences in views on various aspects of the German question, no specific decision was made on the fate of this country.

The conference demonstrated the unity of the Big Three states in the struggle against Germany and its allies.

In 1944, the main tasks of the armed forces of the USSR were the completion of the liberation of the country's territory and the withdrawal of the allies of Nazi Germany from the war. In the course of implementing these strategic tasks, the Red Army carried out a number of major offensive operations along the entire front. Later they began to be called "ten Stalinist blows."

The first was the grandiose battle for the liberation of the Right-Bank Ukraine. During its course, Soviet troops surrounded and destroyed a large German group in the Korsun-Shevchenkovsky region, liberated the Krivoy Rog ore basin, the cities of Kherson, Nikolaev and Odessa. Soviet troops crossed the Dniester and the Southern Bug, reached the foothills of the Carpathians. On March 26, the advanced units of the Red Army reached the State Border of the USSR.

In January 1944, the troops of the Volkhov, Leningrad and 2nd Baltic fronts began the Leningrad-Novgorod operation, as a result of which the blockade of Leningrad was finally lifted, Novgorod and Staraya Russa were liberated. Parts of the Red Army entered the territory of Estonia, unblocking the forces of the Baltic Fleet.

In April May 1944, the troops of the 4th Ukrainian Front liberated the Crimea in stubborn battles. In early June, with the support of the forces of the Baltic Fleet, the offensive of the Leningrad Front on the Karelian Isthmus began. On June 20, Vyborg was liberated. In the second half of June, the troops of the Karelian Front also went on the offensive, preventing the Finnish command from transferring reinforcements to the Karelian Isthmus. On June 28, 1944, the red flag flew over Petrozavodsk. The ruling circles of Finland hurried out of the war under guarantees of preserving the independence of their country. As a result of the truce concluded on September 19, 1944, German forces in northern Finland found themselves isolated in the Arctic.

The most grandiose of the "ten Stalinist strikes" was the Belarusian offensive operation, called "Bagration" (June 23 - August 29, 1944). During the offensive, the Red Army utterly defeated the 800,000-strong Army Group Center. On July 3, Soviet tanks broke into Minsk. On July 13, Vilnius was liberated. In commemoration of such a grandiose success, it was decided to lead through the streets of Moscow 57 thousand German prisoners taken during the liquidation of the Minsk "cauldron".

In early August 1944, Soviet units approached the Vistula, seizing bridgeheads on its western bank. On September 14, they managed to occupy the right-bank suburb of Warsaw and establish contact with the participants in the armed uprising raised in the capital of Poland. However, it was not possible to provide significant assistance to the rebels. Parts of the Red Army suffered heavy losses and were exhausted in previous battles and transitions. Soon the rebels capitulated. Massacres began in the city. In the battles in Belarus and Poland, units of the 1st Army of the Polish Army, formed in the USSR, as well as the French Normandie fighter regiment, took an active part. For the difference in battles, the regiment received the honorary name "Normandy - Neman".

To patch up the gaps in Belarus, the command of the ground forces of the Wehrmacht was forced to withdraw divisions from the southern sector of the Soviet-German front. The Soviet troops took advantage of this, breaking through the defenses of the German and Romanian troops in the area of ​​the cities of Iasi and Chisinau on August 20. During the Iasi-Kishinev operation, they were surrounded and then 18 enemy divisions were destroyed. On August 23, 1944, an anti-fascist uprising began in Romania. The Romanian army turned its weapons against the Germans. On August 25, the Soviet Union declared that it had no intention of annexing Romanian territory or forcibly changing the state system. On August 31, 1944, Soviet and Romanian troops entered Bucharest.

A few days later, the USSR declared war on Bulgaria, which maintained allied relations with Germany. In Bulgaria, an uprising immediately began against the pro-German government. On September 16, 1944, the residents of Sofia greeted the Red Army. Bulgaria, following Romania, joined the anti-Hitler coalition, its armies began military operations against the Germans in Yugoslavia. As a result of the Belgrade operation, which was carried out jointly by the troops of the 3rd Ukrainian Front, the 1st Bulgarian Army and the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia, Belgrade was liberated on October 22, 1944. At the same time, the troops of the 4th and 1st Ukrainian Fronts, together with the 1st Czechoslovak Corps under the command of General L. Svoboda, liberated Transcarpathia and part of Slovakia, helping the participants in the Slovak National Uprising.

During the Baltic offensive operation, which began in September 1944, all of Estonia and most of Latvia were completely cleared of the Nazi troops and formations of local collaborators. The remnants of the formations of the Army Group "North" were pressed to the sea in Courland, where they remained until the end of the war. The Soviet command decided not to organize an operation to destroy these forces, since it would lead to very heavy losses.

In October 1944, the Karelian Front, together with the forces of the Northern Fleet, carried out the Petsamo-Kirkenes operation. German troops were driven out of the strategically important area of ​​Petsamo, where there were nickel mines, very important for German industry. The enemy was forced to withdraw to northern Norway. In pursuit of him, units of the Red Army liberated the Norwegian city of Kirkenes. The fighting in the Arctic is over.

As a result of an almost continuous series of offensive operations, the Soviet armed forces practically completed the liberation of the territory of the USSR and defeated the military-political bloc of the allies of Nazi Germany. With great difficulty, the Nazis managed to keep the Hungarian government in their obedience.

The campaigns of 1944 clearly revealed the complete superiority of Soviet military art over German. The Soviet command was able to organize the strategic interaction of the fronts and offensive operations throughout the Soviet-German theater of operations. The increased skill and experience of soldiers and commanders allowed the Soviet troops to suffer fewer losses in a number of offensive operations than the defending Wehrmacht. Thus, during the Belarusian strategic operation, the irretrievable losses of the Red Army amounted to about 100 thousand people. But the Army Group "Center" lost about 300 thousand only killed and died of wounds, not counting almost the same number of prisoners.