Operation Allied Force. The real reasons for the NATO attack on Yugoslavia

inter-ethnic war in Yugoslavia and NATO aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The reason for the war was the destruction of Yugoslav statehood (by mid-1992, the federal authorities had lost control of the situation), caused by the conflict between the federal republics and various ethnic groups, as well as attempts by the political "top" to revise the existing borders between the republics.

War in Croatia (1991-1995). In February 1991, the Croatian Sabor adopted a resolution on “disengagement” from the SFRY, and the Serbian National Council of the Serbian Krajina (an autonomous Serbian region within Croatia) adopted a resolution on “disengagement” from Croatia and remaining within the SFRY. The mutual incitement of passions, the persecution of the Serbian Orthodox Church caused the first wave of refugees - 40 thousand Serbs were forced to leave their homes. In July, a general mobilization was announced in Croatia, and by the end of the year, the number of Croatian armed formations reached 110 thousand people. Ethnic cleansing began in Western Slavonia. Serbs were completely expelled from 10 cities and 183 villages, and partially from 87 villages.

On the part of the Serbs, the formation of a system of territorial defense and the armed forces of Krajina began, a significant part of which were volunteers from Serbia. Units of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) entered the territory of Croatia and by August 1991 drove out volunteer Croatian units from the territory of all Serbian regions. But after the signing of a truce in Geneva, the JNA stopped helping the Krajina Serbs, and a new offensive by the Croats forced them to retreat. From spring 1991 to spring 1995. Krajina was partially taken under the protection of the Blue Helmets, but the demand of the UN Security Council for the withdrawal of Croatian troops from the zones controlled by peacekeepers was not fulfilled. The Croats continued to take active military actions with the use of tanks, artillery, rocket launchers. As a result of the war in 1991-1994. 30 thousand people died, up to 500 thousand people became refugees, direct losses amounted to more than 30 billion dollars. In May-August 1995, the Croatian army carried out a well-prepared operation to return Krajina to Croatia. Several tens of thousands of people died during the hostilities. 250 thousand Serbs were forced to leave the republic. In total for 1991-1995. more than 350 thousand Serbs left Croatia.

War in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991-1995). On October 14, 1991, in the absence of Serb deputies, the Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina proclaimed the independence of the republic. On January 9, 1992, the Assembly of the Serbian People proclaimed the Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of the SFRY. In April 1992, a "Muslim putsch" took place - the seizure of police buildings and the most important objects. Muslim armed formations were opposed by the Serbian Volunteer Guard and volunteer detachments. The Yugoslav army withdrew its units, and then was blocked by the Muslims in the barracks. For 44 days of the war, 1320 people died, the number of refugees amounted to 350 thousand people.

The United States and a number of other states have accused Serbia of fomenting the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After the OSCE ultimatum, the Yugoslav troops were withdrawn from the territory of the republic. But the situation in the republic has not stabilized. A war broke out between Croats and Muslims with the participation of the Croatian army. The leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina was divided into independent ethnic groups.

On March 18, 1994, with the mediation of the United States, a Muslim-Croat federation and a well-armed joint army were created, which launched offensive operations with the support of NATO air forces, bombing Serbian positions (with the authorization of the UN Secretary General). The contradictions between the Serbian leaders and the Yugoslav leadership, as well as the blockade of heavy weapons by the "blue helmets" of the Serbs, put them in a difficult situation. In August-September 1995, NATO air strikes, which destroyed Serbian military installations, communications centers and air defense systems, prepared a new offensive for the Muslim-Croatian army. On October 12, the Serbs were forced to sign a ceasefire agreement.

By Resolution 1031 of December 15, 1995, the UN Security Council instructed NATO to form a peacekeeping force to end the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was the first ever NATO-led ground operation outside its area of responsibility. The role of the UN was reduced to the approval of this operation. The composition of the peacekeeping multinational force included 57,300 people, 475 tanks, 1,654 armored vehicles, 1,367 guns, multiple rocket launchers and mortars, 200 combat helicopters, 139 combat aircraft, 35 ships (with 52 carrier-based aircraft) and other weapons. It is believed that by the beginning of 2000 the goals of the peacekeeping operation were basically achieved - a ceasefire had come. But the full agreement of the conflicting parties did not take place. The problem of refugees remained unresolved.

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina claimed more than 200,000 lives, of which more than 180,000 were civilians. Germany alone spent 320,000 refugees (mostly Muslims) on maintenance from 1991 to 1998. about 16 billion marks.

War in Kosovo and Metohija (1998-1999). Since the second half of the 1990s, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began to operate in Kosovo. In 1991-1998 There were 543 clashes between Albanian militants and Serbian police, 75% of which took place in five months of last year. To stop the wave of violence, Belgrade sent police units numbering 15 thousand people and about the same number of military personnel, 140 tanks and 150 armored vehicles to Kosovo and Metohija. In July-August 1998, the Serbian army managed to destroy the main strongholds of the KLA, which controlled up to 40% of the region's territory. This predetermined the intervention of NATO member states, who demanded the cessation of the actions of Serbian forces under the threat of bombing Belgrade. Serbian troops were withdrawn from the province and KLA militants re-occupied a significant part of Kosovo and Metohija. The forcible expulsion of the Serbs from the region began.

In March 1999, in violation of the UN Charter, NATO launched a "humanitarian intervention" against Yugoslavia. In Operation Allied Force, 460 combat aircraft were used at the first stage; by the end of the operation, the figure had increased by more than 2.5 times. The strength of the NATO ground grouping was increased to 10 thousand people with heavy armored vehicles and tactical missiles in service. Within a month from the beginning of the operation, the NATO naval grouping was increased to 50 ships equipped with sea-based cruise missiles and 100 carrier-based aircraft, and then increased several times more (for carrier-based aviation - 4 times). In total, 927 aircraft and 55 ships (4 aircraft carriers) participated in the NATO operation. NATO troops were served by a powerful group of space assets.

By the beginning of the NATO aggression, the Yugoslav ground forces numbered 90 thousand people and about 16 thousand people of the police and security forces. The Yugoslav army had up to 200 combat aircraft, about 150 air defense systems with limited combat capabilities.

NATO used 1,200-1,500 high-precision sea and air-based cruise missiles to attack 900 targets in the Yugoslav economy. During the first stage of the operation, these funds destroyed the oil industry of Yugoslavia, 50% of the ammunition industry, 40% of the tank and automobile industries, 40% of oil storage facilities, 100% of strategic bridges across the Danube. From 600 to 800 sorties per day were carried out. In total, 38,000 sorties were made during the operation, about 1,000 air-launched cruise missiles were used, more than 20,000 bombs and guided missiles were dropped. 37,000 uranium projectiles were also used, as a result of which 23 tons of depleted uranium-238 were sprayed over Yugoslavia.

An important component of the aggression was the information war, including a powerful impact on the information systems of Yugoslavia in order to destroy information sources and undermine the combat command and control system and information isolation not only of the troops, but also of the population. The destruction of television and radio centers cleared the information space for the broadcasting of the Voice of America station.

According to NATO, the bloc lost 5 aircraft, 16 unmanned aerial vehicles and 2 helicopters in the operation. According to the Yugoslav side, 61 NATO aircraft, 238 cruise missiles, 30 unmanned aerial vehicles and 7 helicopters were shot down (independent sources give the numbers 11, 30, 3 and 3 respectively).

The Yugoslav side in the first days of the war lost a significant part of its aviation and air defense systems (70% of mobile air defense systems). The forces and means of air defense were preserved due to the fact that Yugoslavia refused to conduct an air defensive operation.

As a result of NATO bombing, more than 2,000 civilians were killed, more than 7,000 people were injured, 82 bridges, 422 tasks of educational institutions, 48 medical facilities, the most important life support facilities and infrastructure were destroyed and damaged, more than 750 thousand residents of Yugoslavia became refugees, left without the necessary living conditions 2.5 million people. The total material damage from NATO aggression amounted to over $100 billion.

On June 10, 1999, the NATO Secretary General suspended operations against Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav leadership agreed to withdraw military and police forces from Kosovo and Metohija. On June 11, the NATO Rapid Response Force entered the territory of the region. By April 2000, 41,000 KFOR troops were stationed in Kosovo and Metohija. But this did not stop inter-ethnic violence. In the year after the end of NATO aggression, more than 1,000 people were killed in the region, more than 200,000 Serbs and Montenegrins and 150,000 representatives of other ethnic groups were expelled, about 100 churches and monasteries were burned or damaged.

In 2002, the NATO Prague Summit was held, which legalized any operations of the alliance outside the territories of its member countries "wherever it is required." The summit documents did not mention the need to authorize the UN Security Council to use force.

Great Definition

Incomplete definition ↓

Good World Evil (Myth)

UPD: Today is the date - 10 years have passed since the start of NATO aggression on the state of Serbia. Last summer, I wrote this post about Serbia in order to compare the behavior of NATO and Russian troops in similar watered. and military situations.
Read and compare for yourself - how it was and what it led to ...

Listening, watching and talking about the war in South Ossetia, one cannot help but recall a very similar case in the very recent past of our planet - Operation Allied Force, which began in March 1999.
This historical review is especially interesting in terms of how the USA and Co. behaved in a situation where one independent country tried to pacify one self-proclaimed republic - does this remind you of anything, gentlemen?
Read and compare the behavior of the US and Russia, then and today:

UPD 1.: I then realized that 90% of my IFs cannot handle such an amount of text that I have provided for them below.
Especially for them, very briefly, only the facts of this war, which are worth paying attention to, in the light of today's events:

As a result of NATO bombing, more than 2,000 civilians, over 7,000 wounded, destroyed and damaged 82 bridges, 422 tasks of educational institutions, 48 medical facilities, critical life support facilities and infrastructure, more than 750 thousand inhabitants of Yugoslavia became refugees, 2.5 million people were left without the necessary living conditions. The total material damage from NATO aggression amounted to over 100 billion dollars.

After the "Peacekeeping" operation:
On June 10, 1999, the NATO Secretary General suspended operations against Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav leadership agreed to withdraw military and police forces from Kosovo and Metohija. On June 11, the NATO Rapid Response Force entered the territory of the region. By April 2000, 41,000 KFOR troops were stationed in Kosovo and Metohija. But this did not stop inter-ethnic violence. A year after the cessation of NATO aggression in the region more than 1000 people were killed expelled more than 200 thousand Serbs and Montenegrins and 150 thousand representatives of other ethnic groups of the population, burned or damaged 100 churches and monasteries.

The definition of aggression adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1974 (resolution 3314) unequivocally states: “Will be qualified as an act of aggression: the bombing by the armed forces of states of the territory of another state. No considerations of any nature, whether political, economic, military or otherwise, can justify aggression.” But the Alliance and didn't try to get UN sanction, since Russia and China would still have blocked the draft Security Council resolution if it had been put to a vote.

In 2002, the NATO Prague Summit was held, which legalized any operations of the alliance outside the territories of its member countries. "wherever it is required". The summit documents did not mention the need to authorize the UN Security Council to use force.

But, according to Alejandro Teitelbom, representative of the Association of American Lawyers at the UN European Headquarters in Geneva, Carla del Ponte “actually admitted that it is very difficult for her to take steps that run counter to the interests of the North Atlantic Alliance,” since the content of the Hague Tribunal costs millions of dollars. , and most of this money is provided by the United States, so in the event of such actions on her part, she may simply lose her job.

WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA 1991-1995, 1998-1999 - inter-ethnic war in Yugoslavia and NATO aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

To understand the history of the conflict, you should first read about the collapse of Yugoslavia itself:
Brief overview of the wars in Yugoslavia from 1991 to 1999 :

War in Croatia (1991-1995).
In February 1991, the Sabor of Croatia adopted a resolution on “disengagement” from the SFRY, and the Serbian National Council of the Serbian Krajina (an autonomous Serbian region within Croatia) adopted a resolution on “disengagement” from Croatia and remaining within the SFRY. Mutual escalation of passions, persecution of the Serbian Orthodox Church caused the first wave of refugees - 40 thousand Serbs were forced to leave their homes. In July, a general mobilization was announced in Croatia, and by the end of the year, the number of Croatian armed formations reached 110 thousand people. Ethnic cleansing began in Western Slavonia. Serbs were completely expelled from 10 cities and 183 villages, and partially from 87 villages.

War in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991-1995).
On October 14, 1991, in the absence of Serb deputies, the Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina proclaimed the independence of the republic. On January 9, 1992, the Assembly of the Serbian People proclaimed the Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of the SFRY. In April 1992, a "Muslim putsch" took place - the seizure of police buildings and the most important objects. Muslim armed formations were opposed by the Serbian Volunteer Guard and volunteer detachments. The Yugoslav army withdrew its units, and then was blocked by the Muslims in the barracks. For 44 days of the war, 1320 people died, the number of refugees amounted to 350 thousand people.

War in Kosovo and Metohija (1998-1999).
Since the second half of the 1990s, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began to operate in Kosovo. In 1991-1998 There were 543 clashes between Albanian militants and Serbian police, 75% of which took place in five months of last year. To stop the wave of violence, Belgrade sent police units numbering 15 thousand people and about the same number of military personnel, 140 tanks and 150 armored vehicles to Kosovo and Metohija. In July-August 1998, the Serbian army managed to destroy the main strongholds of the KLA, which controlled up to 40% of the region's territory. This predetermined the intervention of NATO member states, who demanded the cessation of the actions of Serbian forces under the threat of bombing Belgrade. Serbian troops were withdrawn from the province and KLA militants re-occupied a significant part of Kosovo and Metohija. The forcible expulsion of the Serbs from the region began.

Operation Allied Force

During the NATO war against Serbia on April 12, 1999, during the bombing of the railway bridge in the Grdelica area (Grdelica), a NATO F-15E aircraft destroyed the Serbian passenger train Belgrade - Skopje.

F-15E camera shot of the train before it was destroyed.

This incident received prominent coverage in the NATO information war against Serbia.

The media of the NATO countries repeatedly showed a falsified (deliberately accelerated) video recording of the destruction of the train at the moment of passing over the bridge.

It was alleged that the pilot accidentally caught the train on the bridge. The plane and train were moving too fast and the pilot was unable to make a meaningful decision, the result is a tragic accident.

Later, the falsification had to be officially recognized.

Details about the operation of the United States and its allies "Allied Force"

The Yugoslav city of Novi Sad after one of the NATO bombings.

The peculiarity of the military conflict in Yugoslavia was that it included two "mini-wars": NATO aggression against the FRY and internal armed confrontation on ethnic grounds between Serbs and Albanians in the autonomous province of Kosovo. Moreover, the reason for the NATO armed intervention was a sharp aggravation in 1998 of the hitherto sluggish current conflict. Moreover, one cannot ignore the objective fact of the constant, methodical escalation of tension in the cradle of Serbian culture - Kosovo - at first hidden, and then, starting from the late 1980s, almost undisguised support for the separatist aspirations of the Albanian population by the West.
Accusing Belgrade of disrupting negotiations on the future of the rebellious region and of not agreeing to accept the humiliating ultimatum of the West, which boiled down to the demand for the actual occupation of Kosovo, on March 29, 1999, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana orders the Supreme Commander of the united armed forces of the bloc in Europe, American General Wesley Clark, to start a military campaign in the form of an air operation against Yugoslavia, called the "Allied Force", which was based on the so-called "Plan 10601", which provided for several phases of military operations. It is noteworthy that the fundamental concept of this operation was developed in the summer of the previous year, 1998, and in October of the same year it was refined and specified.

Learn more about Operation Allied Force by the US and its allies

BYPASSED AND ADDED

Despite the careful study of all direct and related issues related to the operation, the Western allies faced the fact of the crime they were committing. The definition of aggression adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1974 (resolution 3314) unequivocally states: “Will be qualified as an act of aggression: the bombing by the armed forces of states of the territory of another state. No considerations of any nature, whether political, economic, military or otherwise, can justify aggression.” But the North Atlantic Alliance did not even try to obtain UN sanction, since Russia and China would still block the draft Security Council resolution if it were put to a vote.

However, the NATO leadership still managed to beat in its favor the struggle of interpretations of international law that was unfolding within the walls of the UN, when the Security Council at the very beginning of the aggression expressed its de facto agreement with the operation, rejecting (three votes for, 12 against) the proposal submitted by Russia a draft resolution calling for the renunciation of the use of force against Yugoslavia. Thus, all grounds for a formal condemnation of the instigators of the military campaign allegedly disappeared.

Moreover, looking ahead, we note that already after the end of the aggression at an open meeting of the Security Council, the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague, Carla del Ponte, made a statement that in the actions of NATO countries against Yugoslavia in the period from March 1999 there is no corpus delicti and that the accusations against the political and military leadership of the bloc are untenable. The chief prosecutor also said that the decision not to open an investigation into the accusations against the bloc was final and was made after a thorough study by the tribunal experts of the materials submitted by the government of the FRY, the State Duma Commission of the Russian Federation, a group of experts in the field of international law and a number of public organizations.

Nevertheless, feeling the precariousness of the arguments of the initiators of this military campaign, some NATO member countries, primarily Greece, began to resist the pressure of the military-political leadership of the alliance, thereby casting doubt on the possibility of carrying out a military action in general, since, in accordance with the NATO Charter, this requires the consent of all members of the block. However, in the end, Washington managed to "squeeze" its allies.

SCRIPT WASHINGTON

The multinational grouping of the joint NATO navies in the Adriatic and Ionian Seas by the beginning of hostilities consisted of 35 warships, including American, British, French and Italian aircraft carriers, as well as ships carrying cruise missiles. 14 states took direct part in the NATO air campaign against Yugoslavia - the USA, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Portugal, Canada, the Netherlands, Turkey, Norway and Hungary. The main burden fell on the shoulders of the US Air Force and Navy pilots, who accounted for over 60% of sorties in the first month and a half of the campaign, although American aircraft accounted for only 42% of the NATO combat aviation grouping in the region. The aviation of Great Britain, France and Italy was also relatively actively involved. The participation of nine other NATO countries in air strikes was minimal and pursued rather a political goal - to demonstrate the unity and cohesion of the allies.

In essence, it was precisely according to Washington's scenario and, as the subsequent analysis of military operations confirmed, in accordance with instructions that came directly from the Pentagon, that the content and duration of the phases of the entire campaign were repeatedly adjusted. This, of course, could not but cause discontent on the part of some of the most influential European allies of the United States. Thus, for example, representatives of France in the North Atlantic Alliance, which made essentially the second largest contribution to the air campaign, openly accused Washington of "sometimes operating outside NATO." And this despite the fact that France, which did not fully delegate its powers to NATO (since it formally remained outside the military structure of the bloc), previously stipulated for itself the privilege of special information about all the nuances of conducting an air campaign.

After the end of hostilities, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of NATO in Europe, the American General Clark, frankly admitted that he did not take into account the opinion of "those who, due to nervousness, sought to change the objects of strikes." Under the veil of imaginary "unity" of the positions of the member states of the alliance, in reality, there were severe contradictions in the scheme of operational actions in the Balkans. At the same time, Germany and Greece were the main opponents of the escalation. During the conflict, German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping even made a statement that the German government was "not going to discuss this matter at all." For its part, the Greek leadership, itself for many years faced with Albanian, including criminal, expansion and hardly agreed to “punish” Belgrade for “oppressing the Albanian minority”, began to artificially create obstacles to the expansion of hostilities. In particular, Athens did not allow its Turkish "ally" to use Greek airspace as part of the campaign against Yugoslavia.

The arrogance of the Americans, who took control of the entire campaign into their own hands, sometimes aroused bewilderment, bordering on open discontent, even among Washington's devoted "friends". So, for example, Ankara was, to put it mildly, "surprised" that, without agreement with it, the NATO military leadership announced the allocation of three air bases located in Turkey to the alliance's disposal. Even the facts of the refusal of the command of the Canadian contingent - Washington's most devoted Anglo-Saxon ally - to bomb "doubtful" targets in Yugoslavia, indicated by the leadership of the bloc, from the point of view of Ottawa, became public.

The states newly admitted to NATO - the Czech Republic and Poland (not to mention Hungary, which took a direct part in hostilities) - in contrast to their "senior" European counterparts in the alliance, on the contrary, demonstrated full support for the "flexible" position of Brussels and Washington and declared on the readiness to provide its military infrastructure for the solution of any tasks of NATO as part of the aggression against Yugoslavia.

Bulgaria, Romania, Albania and Macedonia showed even greater zeal in the hope of Washington's loyalty in resolving the issue of the upcoming admission to NATO, proactively declaring that their airspace (some completely, some partially) was at the disposal of the bloc's OVVS. In general, as follows from the comments of experts, many of the frictions within the alliance were based on Washington's lack of awareness of European allies about specific plans within each phase of the campaign.

TESTS AND INTERNSHIPS

Pragmatic Washington, as in most other wars of the new time, especially disregarding the position of the allies, tried to "squeeze" the maximum out of the military conflict, "killing two birds with one stone": the overthrow of the Slobodan Milosevic regime, which became an overnight obstacle to the implementation of the plans of the White House in the Balkans and experimenting with new means of armed struggle, forms and methods of military operations.

The Americans capitalized on the opportunity by testing the latest air- and sea-launched cruise missiles, cluster bombs with homing submunitions, and other weapons. In real combat conditions, modernized and new reconnaissance, control, communications, navigation, electronic warfare systems, all types of support were tested; the issues of interaction between the types of the Armed Forces, as well as aviation and special forces (which, perhaps, was the most significant in the light of the latest installations of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld personally at that time; the concept of "integrity") were worked out.

At the insistence of the Americans, carrier aircraft were used as part of reconnaissance and strike combat systems and were only "carriers of ammunition." They took off from air bases in the United States, NATO countries in Europe and aircraft carriers in the seas surrounding the Balkans, delivered to the launch lines beyond the reach of the Yugoslav air defense systems cruise missiles aimed at specific critical points of objects in advance, launched them and left for new ammunition. In addition, other methods and forms of aviation were used.

Later, taking advantage of the forced delay in the operation, again at the initiative of the Americans, the NATO command began to practice the so-called "combat training" of reservist pilots. After 10-15 independent sorties, which was considered sufficient to gain combat experience, they were replaced by other "trainees". Moreover, the bloc's military leadership was not in the least concerned by the fact that this period accounted for the largest number of almost daily, according to the NATO members themselves, blunders of the alliance's aviation when striking ground targets.

The fact was that the leadership of the OVVS block, in order to minimize the losses of the flight crew, gave the order to "bomb", not falling below 4.5-5 thousand meters, as a result of which compliance with international standards of warfare became simply impossible. The large-scale disposal of surpluses of obsolete bomb weapons that took place in the final phase of the operation by striking a wide range of mainly economic targets in Yugoslavia did not contribute to the observance of the norms of international law.

In total, which is not denied in principle by NATO representatives, in the course of hostilities, NATO aircraft destroyed about 500 important objects, of which at least half were purely civilian. At the same time, the losses of the civilian population of Yugoslavia were estimated, according to various sources, from 1.2 to 2 and even more than 5 thousand people.

It is noteworthy that in comparison with the gigantic economic damage (according to Yugoslav estimates - approximately 100 billion dollars), the damage to the military potential of Yugoslavia was not so significant. For example, there were few air battles (which was explained by the desire of the Serbs to maintain their air force in the face of the overwhelming superiority of the alliance's aviation), and the losses of the FRY in aviation were minimal - 6 aircraft in air battles and 22 at airfields. In addition, Belgrade reported that his army had lost only 13 tanks.

However, NATO reports also contained much larger, but by no means impressive numbers: 93 “successful strikes” on tanks, 153 on armored personnel carriers, 339 on military vehicles, 389 on gun and mortar positions. However, these data were criticized by analysts from the intelligence and military leadership of the alliance itself. And in an unpublished report by the US Air Force, it was generally reported that the confirmed number of Yugoslav mobile targets destroyed was 14 tanks, 18 armored personnel carriers and 20 pieces of artillery.

By the way, in turn, the Serbs, summing up the results of the 78-day resistance, insisted on the following NATO losses: 61 aircraft, seven helicopters, 30 UAVs and 238 cruise missiles. The Allies naturally denied these figures. Although, according to independent experts, they are very close to the true ones.

BOMB, NOT FIGHT

Without questioning the sometimes truly “experimental” nature of military actions by the allies led by the Americans, one cannot but agree with those independent experts who state serious mistakes made by NATO, which consisted, in general, in underestimating the level of operational-strategic and tactical thinking of commanders and officers of the Yugoslav armed forces, who deeply analyzed the manner in which the Americans acted in local conflicts, primarily in the 1990-1991 war in the Persian Gulf. After all, it is no coincidence that the command of the alliance was forced to revise the general plan for conducting the operation, first getting involved in a protracted and extremely costly military conflict, and then bringing up the question of the advisability of conducting the ground phase of the operation, which was not originally planned.

Indeed, during the preparatory period for the aggression, there were no large-scale regroupings of NATO ground forces in the states adjacent to Yugoslavia. For example, ground forces with a total strength of only 26 thousand people were concentrated in Albania and Macedonia, while, according to Western analysts, in order to conduct an effective operation against the sufficiently trained armed forces of Yugoslavia, it was necessary to create a ground grouping with a total strength of at least 200 thousand people .

NATO's revision of the general concept of the operation in May and the idea of urgent preparations for the ground phase of hostilities once again provoked sharp criticism from the influential European members of the alliance. For example, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder vehemently rejected the proposal to send Allied ground troops to Kosovo as leading to a dead end. France also rejected this idea, but under the pretext that at that time it did not have a sufficient number of "free" formations of ground forces.

Yes, and American legislators have expressed doubts about the effectiveness of this undertaking. According to the US Congressional Budget Office, in addition to the already existing monthly cost of $1 billion for the operation, if the ground phase is carried out, at least another $200 million will have to be added to the maintenance of one Army division alone.

But, perhaps, most of all the allies, primarily the Americans, were worried about possible losses in the event of ground battles with Yugoslav units and formations. According to American experts, the damage in military operations in Kosovo alone could be from 400 to 1,500 servicemen, who would no longer be able to be hidden from the public. As, for example, carefully hidden data on the losses, according to estimates, of several dozen NATO pilots and special forces who “advised” Yugoslav Albanians and participated in the rescue of downed NATO pilots. As a result, the US Congress voted against consideration of a resolution allowing the US President, as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, to use ground forces in the military operation against Yugoslavia.

One way or another, it did not come to ground military operations between the Allies and the Yugoslav troops. However, from the very beginning of the aggression, the NATO command in every possible way stimulated the activity of the "Kosovo Liberation Army", which consisted of Kosovo Albanians and representatives of the Albanian diasporas of the United States and a number of European countries. But the formations of the KLA, equipped and trained by NATO, in battles with Serbian border guards and regular units of the Armed Forces, showed themselves far from the best. According to a number of media reports, the largest operation of Albanian militants against Serbian troops in Kosovo, in which up to 4 thousand people took part, carried out in parallel with the NATO air campaign, ended in the complete defeat of the KLA units and the retreat of their remnants to the territory of Albania.

Under these conditions, the NATO leadership was left with the only way to resolve the problem it had created: to hit Yugoslavia with all the might of its potential. Which it did, sharply increasing in the last ten days of May the grouping of its Air Force to 1120 aircraft (including 625 combat aircraft) and adding two more aircraft carriers to the four aircraft carriers on combat duty in the seas adjacent to Yugoslavia, as well as five carriers of cruise missiles and a number of others. ships. Naturally, this was accompanied by an unprecedented intensity of raids on military and civilian targets on Yugoslav territory.

Relying on its colossal air power and putting Belgrade before a choice - the loss of Kosovo or the total destruction of the economy, an economic and humanitarian catastrophe - NATO forced the leadership of Yugoslavia to surrender and solved the Kosovo problem at that time in its own interests. Undoubtedly, the Serbs would not be able to resist the NATO group in open battles if the aggression continued, but they were quite able to conduct a successful guerrilla war on their territory for some time with the full support of the population, as was the case during the Second World War. But what happened happened!

CONCLUSIONS MADE

This military campaign once again demonstrated how much their European partners in the NATO bloc depend on the United States. It was the Americans who were the main striking force of the aggressor - 55% of combat aircraft (by the end of the war), over 95% of cruise missiles, 80% of bombs and missiles dropped, all strategic bombers, 60% of reconnaissance aircraft and UAVs, 24 reconnaissance satellites out of 25 and the vast majority precision weapons belonged to the United States.

The Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, Italian Admiral Guido Venturoni, was even forced to admit: “Only using the funds provided by the overseas partner, the European NATO countries can conduct independent operations, while the creation of a European component in the field of defense and security remains a noble idea.”

It is impossible not to pay tribute to the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance, which not only stated the fact that the European allies of the United States lagged behind their "big brother" in all aspects of the development of military potential, but also, following the results of the anti-Yugoslav campaign, took a number of drastic measures leading to correcting the negative from the point of view of view of Brussels (and Washington in the first place) position. First of all, it was decided to speed up the protracted process of reforming the Armed Forces of the European countries - members of the bloc, within which, among other things, the lion's share of the costs provided for in the national budgets for the purchase of weapons and military equipment, to be directed to the acquisition of high-precision weapons (in the United States, of course), to reform the logistics system and much more.

But, according to NATO strategists, the most important task facing the US allies in Europe continues to be the creation of such formations of expeditionary forces that could participate on an equal footing with the Americans in creating the model of world order that Washington needs.

Background to the collapse of Yugoslavia
The fact that the Balkans have been called the powder keg of Europe for the last two centuries was far from an exaggeration. It is difficult to count how many big and small wars started here or were provoked by the events unfolding here. But, without plunging into history, let's return to a period that is directly related to today.

Almost immediately after the end of World War II, a black cat ran between the two communist leaders of the time, Stalin and Tito. Relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia cooled sharply and actually moved to confrontation. Both countries did not get tired of criticizing each other and actually considered each other military opponents.

WHY YUGOSLAVIA?

This anti-Stalinism of Tito was more than in the hands of the United States and the West.

Even after Khrushchev, who came to power, actually apologized to Tito and the ice between the USSR and Yugoslavia was melted, mutual suspicion and distance remained for many more years.

Tito criticized the USSR for excesses, for the suppression of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. For imperial manners. The Soviet leaders in response called him a revisionist, a traitor to the communist idea and a servant of the West.

At the height of the Cold War, this confrontation was given a new impetus.

A project of "alternative socialism" was formed in the political elite of the West.

According to him, Yugoslavia was to become a "showcase" of another socialism. Socialism with a human face of a cheerful Yugoslav.

It is difficult to say how much this coincided with the ideas of Tito himself, but the fact remains. At the end of the 1960s, the attitude of the West towards Yugoslavia began to change rapidly. One delegation after another rushes into the country, Tito is beginning to be received where before one word “communist” caused vomiting. The floodgates of the Western economy are beginning to open for Yugoslavia.

Tito was even allowed to play his own political toys. Let us recall the "Non-Aligned Movement" created by Tito. An international organization that unites states on the principles of non-participation in military blocs (which at the time of the founding of the organization meant, first of all, NATO and the Warsaw Pact, the Non-Aligned Movement was officially created by 25 states at the Belgrade Conference in September 1961. The creation of the Movement was preceded by The Bandung Conference of 1955 and the trilateral consultations of Josip Broz Tito, Gamal Abdel Nasser and Jawaharlal Nehru in 1956.

Initially, the “sharpening” of this movement was anti-Soviet. It was positioned as a kind of "alternative way". Instead of the gloomy, post-Stalinist "Russian socialism", with its "Iron Curtain" (which, according to the truth, was, according to the logic of this term, omitted by the West in order to separate from the flammable barbarian East), a "soft" one was positioned, ready for diffusion and interaction with the West, Tito's socialism and the opportunity to live quite comfortably and quietly "without joining" the USSR and in exchange for this receiving preferences from the West.

For Yugoslavia itself, this interaction with the West was expressed primarily in the borders open to Yugoslavia, through which a powerful stream of "guest workers" of all stripes poured into the West. This flow was so powerful that in the mid-80s the Yugoslavs became popular heroes of German, French and Italian films about the life of "guest workers". Even German pornographers managed to master the image of a Yugoslav plumber who came to fix the toilet Frau X ...

This policy of open borders quickly paid off. Working in Europe not only allowed hundreds of thousands of Yugoslavs to raise their standard of living, but also to feel like “Europeans”. In fact, in all Western countries, in the USA and Canada, large Yugoslav communities have formed.

For Yugoslavia, a unique favorable treatment was established. Tito easily received loans and technology. After his death in 1980, this regime was preserved, and by the end of the eighties Yugoslavia had become one of the most powerful countries in southern Europe. The economic and military potential of Yugoslavia surpassed all countries in the region, with the exception of Italy. Yugoslavia has become one of the largest arms sellers.

But "the Moor has already done his job."

MAVR MUST GO

Already after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact (April 1, 1991), no one in the West needed an "extra" powerful country, and even with its own political ambitions. Just as the "non-aligned movement" was no longer needed. In the conditions of the complete dominance of NATO and the beginning of the era of preparation for the "Journey to the East", the countries "liberated" from the influence of the USSR had to be built and directed along the right path - under the boot of NATO!

"Non-alignment" in these circumstances was simply harmful. Therefore, in fact, after 1991, the influence of this organization begins to decline rapidly, and it itself shrinks to a peripheral political organization, which brings together the underdeveloped countries of Africa and Latin America and such “outcast countries” (in the terminology of the West) as Venezuela, Belarus, Cuba.

Under these conditions, in the political kitchen of NATO, the historic decision was made to “dismantle” Yugoslavia. Moreover, this dismantling was supposed not only to remove an unnecessary piece from the political chessboard, but also in fact defiantly crack the cornerstone of the entire world political order - the Yalta Agreements of 1944 and, more importantly, the Helsinki Treaty of 1957 on the immutability of the post-war order in Europe.

The ease with which the West carried out the operation over Yugoslavia can be explained by several reasons.

First of all, by the extent to which local elites - Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians - were incorporated into Western political structures by that moment. Over a decade and a half of “open borders”, parallel (bypassing Belgrade) ties with the political elites of Germany, France, England and the United States were built.

The second factor that catalyzed the collapse of Yugoslavia was the political intervention, in fact, the aggression of the Vatican. Here it must be remembered that

Tito was the first communist leader to officially visit the Vatican. And it happened in 1971. Relations with the Vatican were fully restored and the role of the Vatican in the events that followed was enormous. Catholic Croats and Slovenes have always been heavily influenced by the Vatican, making up almost 32% of the population of the former Yugoslavia. Vatican Radio broadcast in Serbian. The Vatican appointed bishops and priests, being in fact the propaganda and ideological center of the schism. It was the Vatican that became the second state after Iceland to recognize the independence of Croatia and one of the first to recognize Slovenia.

The third factor was the economic "nationalization" of Yugoslavia. The various republics of Yugoslavia had completely different levels of economic development, while being inhabited by national communities. At the time of secession from Yugoslavia, Croats made up the majority (more than 78% of the population of Croatia), while having 36% of the GDP of the SFRY in 1991, Slovenes made up 85% of the population of Slovenia, while having 21.3% of the GDP of the SFRY in 1991. In fact, Slovenia and Croatia were the most developed regions of Yugoslavia, in the development of which a large part of the republican budget was invested for decades. Here was the highest standard of living and the least dependence on the "center".

At the same time, in Yugoslavia, Serbs accounted for 36%, Croats 20%, Slovenes 8%, Bosnians 8%, Albanians 8%, Macedonians 6%, Montenegrins 3%. Hungarians 2%.

All this made it possible in a matter of months to launch the mechanism for the collapse of Yugoslavia, and by the beginning of 1992, the once prosperous republic turned into a civil war zone ...

In this war, to the complete shock of the Serbs, the West took an initially anti-Serb position.

The explanation for this is given above, so I will only formulate the conclusion:

Germany, the US, and France initially relied on the Catholic, anti-Yugoslav communities in Croatia and Slovenia as the driving force behind the collapse of Yugoslavia.

One can discuss for a long time the reasons for the exit from the SFRY of each of the communities and argue about the circumstances, but one thing is indisputable. The readiness, or rather perfidy, with which the Western elites used their influence in the SFRY to achieve their own plans and the cold determination of the Vatican not only to intervene in this process as a peacemaker, as required by confessional duty, but to actually carry out the spiritual nourishment of expansion in the spirit of the medieval "crusades" trips."

In a patriotic milieu, it is fashionable to compare the fate of Yugoslavia with the fate of the USSR and today's Russia. If this is done without emotional passages, then it must be admitted that the collapse of the USSR followed a different scenario. If Yugoslavia was divided "from the bottom up", then the USSR was divided "from the top down". In the USSR, the West and the United States initially relied on the top political leadership of the USSR, and above all the RSFSR, which was taken under control, when the Soviet orthodox political wing was eliminated with the help of the GKChP operation and a precedent was created to seize power from the unpopular Gorbachev in favor of Yeltsin, who had been promoted by that moment. And it was Yeltsin who subsequently launched the mechanism for the dissolution of the USSR. But the "Yugoslav version" turned out to be more than relevant for a number of republics of the former USSR, where civil wars began - Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan.

From this stage, the issue of “inclusion” of regional elites in Western political elites and institutions and the depth of penetration of these institutions and all kinds of non-governmental organizations into Russia is relevant for us. Controlling the advance of these Trojan horses into Russia is a vital task.

The second stage of the Serbian drama began in 1999 after the lost war for Kosovo. But the reasons for the second division of Yugoslavia are far from the ethnic problem of the Kosovo Albanians, but in a completely different area.

Sixteen years ago, almost immediately after the collapse of the "big" Yugoslavia, perhaps the main problem of Serbian society was its spiritual and political split. If among the Croats and Muslims there was complete unity about their political future, then among the Serbs there was none.

The urban and coastal populations have traditionally been pro-Western. For almost thirty years of Tito's Yugoslavia's orientation towards the West, a whole generation of Serbs has grown up, professing a cosmopolitan, Westernizing ideology. There are especially many such "Westerners" in Belgrade and other large cities. Many of them managed to work for several years in the West - in Germany, Italy, France, and the money earned there became the basis of their well-being. From the first day they experienced the aggravation of relations between Yugoslavia and NATO as a tragic mistake made by their own leadership. It was this part of the population of Serbia that opposed any assistance to the Serbs - Bosnians and Krajins, for an alliance with NATO.

The backbone of the national Great Serbian movement was the rural population of Serbia, as well as the army, police and workers, a significant part of which was concentrated in the Yugoslav military-industrial complex (before the collapse of the SFRY, the Yugoslav defense industry was one of the most powerful in southern Europe). In addition, a huge part of the Great Serb movement was made up of the population of the Serbian Krajina, as well as the Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina - almost 30% of all Serbs of the former Yugoslavia. At the same time, the former communists of Yugoslavia, who advocated the preservation of a single republic and the political independence of the country, actually leaned on the national Great Serbian wing. And until 1996, this bloc held monopoly power in the country. The serious military successes of the Serbs in 1991-1992 ensured the high popularity of this bloc and Greater Serb sentiments in Yugoslav society.

At the same time, the top political leadership of Yugoslavia, frightened by the interference of the West on the side of the enemy, entered into separate negotiations with the United States, Germany and France, trying in some form to obtain absolution and prove their loyalty.

In fact, it was precisely these flirtations of Milosevic with the West that deprived the Serbs of the only chance to end the civil war in Yugoslavia with victory. The stop at the request of Belgrade of Serbian troops on the outskirts of Sarajevo in the fall of 1992 - the last serious center of resistance of the Muslims of Bosnia, after the fall of which the Bosnian Republic of Serbska actually became a de facto mono-ethnic political entity under the protectorate of Yugoslavia, having 65% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina became the point after which the defeat of the Serbs. Was lost time and pace.

Already in the spring of 1993, the situation began to change dramatically. NATO, which actually intervened in the ethnic conflict on the side of the Croats and Muslims, first organizes an economic blockade of Yugoslavia, and then openly supports the operations of the Croats and Muslims, which over the next two years nullified all the military successes of the Serbs.

Anyone who has studied the history of the collapse of Yugoslavia even a little has always been struck by the inarticulate, inconsistent and passive behavior of the Serbian political and military leadership. Being the largest community, having the most powerful army - the JNA and a huge economic potential, the Serbs, contrary to all logic, lost the war. And there is only one clear explanation for this. All these years, the Serbian leadership was under the powerful influence of the West, conducted separate negotiations with it, acted with an eye on it and missed one opportunity after another.

But why didn't the West turn its anger to mercy after the collapse of Yugoslavia? Why was Yugoslavia not forgiven and accepted back?

The reason, I think, is that the West, after the collapse of Yugoslavia, was not satisfied with the revanchist position of part of the Serbian elite, which retained its influence and power after 1993. "Great Serbian chauvinism" - this is how the Western media defined the mood of part of the population of Yugoslavia, the West did not need it.

And then the "offended" Yugoslavia made a second mistake - it swayed towards Russia.

A number of signs suggest that this rapprochement was rather a demonstrative step by Milosevic, with which he wanted to scare the West. It is clear that in their right mind it was stupid for the Yugoslavs to count on Russian help and protection. In 1991-1996, the pro-American governments of Gaidar-Chernomyrdin with Foreign Minister Kozyrev, who even recruited advisers from the US State Department, were in power in Russia.

Since 1991, Russia has consistently and treacherously supported all the efforts of NATO and the United States to pacify Serbia, joining first the sanctions, and then the blockade.

Against this background, Milosevic's appeal to Russia looked, to put it mildly, illogical.

Of course, this could not but resonate in Yugoslavia itself, where traditionally the attitude towards Russians was benevolent, but from a political point of view it was meaningless.

Weak, dependent Russia, led by an eternally drunk president, could not help Yugoslavia in any way. In fact, apart from moral support, Serbia has received nothing from Russia over these ten years: no weapons, no economic assistance, no diplomatic support...

And only a few hundred Russian volunteers, who made their way to the Serbian fronts over the years, kept the image of “Russian brothers” among the Serbs all these years. Even the famous “throw to Pristina”, conceived as a powerful military operation to divide Kosovo into Serbian and Albanian parts, turned into a shameful sitting, waiting for NATO to deign to allow several hundred more of our soldiers to stand in the places indicated to them by the Americans and the British.

Maybe Milosevic wanted to force the West to become more accommodating with these steps, but it turned out the other way around. Thus, he finally signed the verdict for himself and Yugoslavia in that version of it.

And here it is necessary to clarify something. If one defines the sentiments in Yugoslavia, then it is most correct to call them "nationalist". There are no “democrats”, as such, in Serbia at all, in the sense of our Koval, Novodvorsky and others with their “universal values”, “liberalism” and “human rights”. All parties in today's Serbia are exclusively nationalist. Only the left and the ultra-right speak from the position of great-Serbian, pan-Slavic nationalism, while the “moderates” argue that it will be easier and more comfortable for “little Serbia” to integrate into “greater Europe”. This is "Eurocentric" nationalism. That's the whole difference.

The West could not afford to leave the first in power in the center of Europe, and even in such an unpredictable version of "revanchism", and even with curtsies towards Russia. And then the light of God was extracted Albanian map.

... The topic of how the US and NATO intelligence agencies "warmed up" Kosovo is still waiting to be explored. And how many billions of dollars were spent on the creation of the UCHK - the army of Kosovars, we will find out sometime. However, it is already known today that a third of the Afghan heroin is strangely airborne (apparently with the help of genies) to Bosnia and Kosovo and from there spreads across Europe, that today it is the Albanians who have become the main drug fighters in Europe, as well as arms dealers ...

Actually, the task was extremely simple - to drag Yugoslavia into the war at any cost. At the same time, from a certain moment, even the reason has ceased to be important. NATO presented the Serbs with an ultimatum previously unheard of in international diplomacy - to release their own province from their own armed forces and transfer it under the control of foreign troops.

The calculation was simple - not a single self-respecting government would agree to this ultimatum. And the calculation was justified - Yugoslavia rejected the ultimatum.

And on March 24, 1999, NATO Secretary General Solana ordered the commander of NATO forces in Europe, American General Wesley Clark, to start a war against Yugoslavia. Massive bombardments of Kosovo and Yugoslavia began.

But the main war was not in Kosovo, but in Belgrade. More precisely in the Serbian society. The main thing was to “bomb out” this Great Serbian spirit from the Serbs. Turn them into small obedient and manageable dwarfs of southern Europe. That is why the main goal of NATO aviation very soon became not the military facilities of Yugoslavia, not the positions of the JNA, but the economic potential of Yugoslavia. Factories for the production of baby food, toys, refrigerators, kitchen appliances, power plants supplying cities and towns, power networks, water pumping stations, aeration stations, radio and television stations.

The Serbs were defiantly deprived of all the usual benefits of civilization, as if emphasizing that they were excluded from the family of "civilized peoples." NATO even defiantly did not bomb Montenegro even then emphasizing that it does not consider it as part of Yugoslavia. It was the first bomb-psychological war. A war in which bombs and rockets were supposed not to kill, but to destroy to the ground a foreign culture and civilization.

And in this war, the Serbs lost. Milosevic trembled and asked for peace, instantly nullifying and making senseless all the destruction and deprivation.

More than once or twice I later heard the words from the Serbs; "What was the point of fighting NATO and destroying the country like that, if we then surrendered anyway?"

I had nothing to answer. After all, I, as a military analyst, was completely incomprehensible to the passivity of the Serbian generals. Instead of depriving NATO of the initiative and transferring hostilities to land, attack the NATO troops who stood along the borders with Serbia on the territory of the former republics of the SFRY - Macedonia, Slovenia, destroy NATO bases in Bosnia, inflict maximum defeat and losses, to which NATO is so sensitive , the Serbs simply sat out under the bombs in shelters, passively watching for two months as their country was being destroyed.

And again, the analysis of this strange paralysis of the Serbian military leadership suggests that even under the bombs, some kind of separate negotiations continued through all sorts of intermediaries on the conditions for cessation of hostilities and the start of negotiations. And one of these conditions was certainly the "passivity" of the Serbs and not transferring the war for national territory ...

The outcome of the war was a disaster for the "Great Serbian" bloc.

Just one example. Even if during the years of sanctions, the average salary in Serbia was 800-1000 dollars, after the war it barely reached 300. For a population oriented towards Europe, accustomed to moving freely, traveling to other countries, such a drop was a shock.
The Milosevic government was swept away.

And for ten years now, Yugoslavia has not been able to get out of this shock.

Over the years, she consistently and meekly went through all the stages of national humiliation. Search and extradition to the Hague Tribunal of its own president and his death in prison. Arrests and extradition to The Hague of their generals. Unilateral disarmament and complete withdrawal of troops from Kosovo. The silent reception of hundreds of thousands of refugees from Kosovo, the destruction and desecration of Serbian historical and religious shrines by the Kosovars. The complete collapse of Yugoslavia - the separation of Montenegro.

And all these years, the Yugoslav leadership has been smoldering and smoldering hope that, finally, now, after another surrender, and the implementation of another Western ultimatum, they can be forgiven and accepted into the family of "civilized European peoples."

Most likely, tomorrow Yugoslavia will receive another slap in the face from Europe, who has not forgotten anything and arrogantly despise her. Serbia's heart will be finally torn out - a historical shrine and the cradle of the Serbian civilization of Kosovo. And it will be necessary to reconcile, rub the shameful redness on the face. To brush off the spit of the thug Hashim Thaci, who tomorrow will become the national hero of Albanian history, and again knock on the back (for lackeys) door of Europe. Maybe this time she will have mercy on the Serbs...

Eight years ago, finishing my requiem for Serbia, I wrote:

“... Very soon, the new patrons will demand from the Serbian authorities the extradition of Milosevic and Karadzic, Mladic and Dragan, and tens and hundreds of Serbs whom NATO would like to try and throw in prison for daring to defend their land with weapons in their hands. And it is unlikely that the new authorities of Yugoslavia will be able to refuse this request.

The fate of Serbia has already been determined by the new masters of the world. A small Balkan country, an exotic resort for Italian, German and other tourists. Slightly to the left of Bulgaria, if you look at the map. Cheap hotels, tons of attractions, pretty inexpensive prostitutes. Two dozen lines in the guide to the "new Europe" ... "

Who would know how sad it is sometimes to feel like a seer...

And here again the question arises of the lessons of Kosovo and the "similarity" of the fates of Yugoslavia and Russia.

It is the precedent of Kosovo that we should carefully study and study, because the “Kosovo option” is more than relevant for Russia.

A number of "Kosovo mines" have been laid in Russia today. Chechnya and Ingushetia may at any moment be chosen by the West to play the role of Russian Kosovo, with all the ensuing consequences.

In 1999-2000, Russia was allowed to "solve" the Chechen problem because at that moment the United States was preparing to tackle a much more important and global task - the redivision of the world by the 9/11 project. And such a "trifle" as a half-dead Russia, clinging to some kind of Chechnya, was of little concern to anyone. But that time has passed, and the new US administration is absolutely not going to let anything down on Russia. Both main candidates demand a radical review of relations with Russia and curbing its imperial ambitions.

And there is no doubt that Russia will be pressed in all possible directions.

And here I would like to take, in Russian, the words of the Serbian Bishop Nikolai, uttered by him back in 1956:
“A terrible tragedy could happen again for the Serbian people. Everyone says that when Tito falls, things will get easier. But no one has any idea what will happen to us after the fall of communism.

The Croats have a plan inspired by the Pope and supported by Italy. When the communist system falls (if Russia does not intervene), the supply of weapons to the Croats will immediately begin, and the Serbs will be left with their bare hands ...

On the borders of Yugoslavia, everything is already ready: both the Ustashe and weapons ... Croatia will be armed in 24 hours ... The Pope will again bless the killing of Serbs with the tacit consent of the Anglo-Saxons ...

What do the Serbian party members think? They think that salvation, as in 1918, lies in holding elections, in which the Serbian people, stark-eyed, bent under the weight of worries, will express their will! And nothing more!

All the plans of the Serbian democratic and semi-democratic, left and semi-left parties, including patriotic, nationalist, Chetnik, etc., boil down to this thought.

What fantasies and what madness!

The question is not to topple Tito, but what will happen after Tito. Who will arm the Serbian people, and who will protect them from the eternal and more than powerful enemy? And what kind of power will become over the Serbian people?
(c) Vlad Shurygin

The politics of the modern West is thoroughly saturated with double standards. They recall the tolerance and inadmissibility of encroachments on the territorial integrity of states only in cases where this affects their tactical and strategic interests.

At the same time, they themselves repeatedly crossed the line of unacceptable actions in relation to entire countries and peoples. The world community must never forget the events that took place between March and June 1999 in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. It was then that the North Atlantic Alliance carried out the military operation "Allied Force", which claimed the lives and destroyed the fate of many thousands of civilians. Not only military installations, but also civilian infrastructure were hit by NATO air strikes. According to official information alone, the number of civilians killed by the United States and the European Union amounted to more than 1.7 thousand people. They included at least 400 children. Another 10 thousand people were seriously injured, and about 1 thousand people simply went missing. The enormity of this military operation is aggravated by the fact that a large number of lives were claimed by NATO bombings after they were completed. In the tolerant European Union, they try not to particularly remember what ammunition was used in the implementation of the anti-human operation "Allied Force". They included depleted radioactive uranium in their composition. This had the most detrimental effect on the health of many of those people who were lucky enough to survive under NATO bombing. However, after the end of hostilities and until today, the main perpetrators have not been punished for bombing of Yugoslavia.

The reason for the start of the NATO bombing

Western politicians justified this operation with the term "humanitarian intervention". However, such "explanations" are a cynical substitution of the true reasons for their actions in the eyes of the world community. The war in Yugoslavia was unleashed even without a permit from the United Nations. It will never be considered legal and is a real example of military aggression by NATO countries against a sovereign state. The formal reason for the start of the bombing of Yugoslavia was the wave of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. As you know, the territory of the former socialist Yugoslavia repeated the fate of the Soviet Union and by that time already represented separate allied states. Western countries have largely contributed to the outbreak of new ethnic conflicts and civil wars on the Balkan Peninsula. The Kosovo Albanians were chosen as "heroes" by Washington. This region territorially and politically belonged to the then existing Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. However, back in 1996, the movement of Albanian separatists, secretly supported by American intelligence services, intensified here. In February 1998, the so-called "Kosovo Liberation Army" declared a "fight for independence". The war in Yugoslavia began with armed acts of violence not only against the state police, but also against Serbian civilians. There were real victims. Official Belgrade was forced to respond to this with an internal forceful operation aimed at eliminating bandit formations from among the Kosovars. During this operation, one of the leaders of the separatists, A. Yashari, was destroyed. However, 82 Albanian residents of a village in central Kosovo where internal fighting was taking place were affected. Western leaders immediately took advantage of this opportunity and began to put pressure on Belgrade. A temporary truce between the parties within the country did not bring results. After another clash between the forces of Belgrade and Albanian separatists, scenes of Albanians allegedly executed by the forces of the FRY were falsified, and a NATO operation began.

The true causes of NATO aggression in Yugoslavia

Some researchers drew attention to some coincidence between the beginning of NATO aggression against the FRY and domestic political events in the United States. We remind readers that at that moment there was a scandal related to the intimate relationship of the American President Clinton with Monica Lewinsky. American leaders have always been able to use foreign policy to solve personal problems. However, in this case, the goals of the West were much more ambitious. NATO's barbaric bombings in Federal Yugoslavia became a tool to achieve the following goals:

change of leadership in the lands of Serbia and Montenegro, followed by a reorientation of the most pro-Russian part of the former Yugoslavia towards the West;
the state division of Serbia and Montenegro along with the transformation of Kosovo into a separate state;
liquidation of the army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia;
free stationing and anchoring of NATO forces in the Balkans and, in particular, in Serbia and Kosovo;
testing the military power of the North Atlantic Alliance in real combat conditions. Destruction of old weapons and testing of new types of weapons;
demonstrating to the whole world the significant role of NATO in supposedly resolving ethnic conflicts.

It is noteworthy that the United Nations monitored the general situation on the territory of the FRY. However, no sanctions were issued by the UN in response to the open intervention of NATO countries in Yugoslavia. Why? Why war in Yugoslavia remained unpunished? The UN resolution, which condemned the actions of the North Atlantic Alliance, gained only 3 votes in the Security Council. Only the Russian Federation, China and Namibia dared to openly condemn the actions of Washington and NATO. There has been some criticism of NATO in the West. A number of independent media tried to draw the attention of the world community to the fact that the aggressive actions of the North Atlantic Alliance without the appropriate sanction of the UN Security Council are a direct violation of the Charter of the United Nations and all the canons of international law. However, by and large, the West has not yet made an official objective assessment of this criminal military operation.

Consequences of the barbaric bombardments of Yugoslavia

The most terrible "result" of NATO aggression in the FRY is the death of at least 1.7 thousand civilians, as well as thousands of wounded and missing. If we talk about the economic damage, then the losses are more than significant. As a result of the war in Yugoslavia, all the most important objects of the civilian infrastructure operating at that time were destroyed or seriously damaged. Under the lethal shells of the forces of the North Atlantic Alliance, national oil refineries, bridges, power supply units and the largest enterprises fell. More than 500 thousand people were left without work and means of subsistence. A huge number of citizens lost their homes. According to the estimates of the future Serbian authorities, the war in Yugoslavia brought an economic loss equivalent to 20 billion US dollars.

Such a barbaric action could not pass without a trace from the point of view of ecology. Targeted bombing of refineries contributed to the entry of sending substances into the atmosphere. We are talking about hydrochloric acid, toxic alkalis and chlorine compounds. The spilled oil entered the waters of the Danube. This led to the poisoning of not only the territories of modern Serbia, but also countries that were downstream of the largest European river. The use of munitions containing depleted uranium has triggered outbreaks of cancer and hereditary diseases. The NATO operation destroyed thousands of people, and hundreds of thousands are feeling the consequences of this terrible tragedy in our time.

The war crime committed by the United States and the European Union must not be forgotten by mankind. After such operations, statements by NATO leaders that the military bloc ensures "peace in Europe" sound doubly cynical. Only thanks to the sensible policy of the Russian Federation, at present there is a certain parity of forces that does not allow the West to repeat this in any of the countries they do not like. They still continue to arrange "democratic revolutions" and pit fraternal peoples against each other. However, this will not continue forever. The world is on the brink of radical change. And I want to believe that he will no longer allow death and destruction from the bombing of "humanitarian rescuers" from the NATO bloc.

Operation Allied Force (originally called Resolute Force) is a NATO military operation against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from March 24 to June 10, 1999.

The decision to launch an operation bypassing the UN Security Council was made by the then NATO Secretary General Javier Solana after the failure of the talks in Rambouillet and Paris, during which the President of the FRY Slobodan Milosevic refused to sign military annexes to the agreement on the settlement of the Kosovo crisis.

Serbian authorities were accused of ethnic cleansing. The official reason for the start of hostilities was the presence of Serbian troops in the territory of the province of Kosovo and Metohija.

The main part of the military operation consisted in the use of aviation to bombard strategic military and civilian targets on the territory of Serbia.

The basis of the NATO grouping participating in the operation was the naval and air forces of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Germany. Belgium, Hungary, Denmark, Spain, Italy, Canada, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Turkey took direct part in the operation by providing armed forces or territory for their deployment. The airspace or territory for the deployment of NATO forces was provided by neutral states: Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Romania.

The number of aircraft involved exceeded 1000 units. The Navy was represented by detachments of US and NATO warships deployed in the Adriatic Sea, a permanent NATO formation in the Mediterranean Sea.

The first missile strikes were carried out at about 20:00 local time (22:00 Moscow time) on the radar installations of the FRY army, located on the Montenegrin coast of the Adriatic Sea. At the same time, a military airfield a few kilometers from Belgrade and large industrial facilities in the city of Pancevo, located less than twenty kilometers from the capital of the FRY, were subjected to rocket attacks. Martial law was declared in most major cities in Serbia and Montenegro for the first time since World War II.

During the 78 days of aggression, NATO aircraft carried out about 2,300 missile and bomb attacks on 990 targets in Serbia and Montenegro, using prohibited types of ammunition with radioactive impurities, mainly depleted uranium (U-238). 14,000 bombs were dropped on Yugoslavia (a total of 23,000 bombs and missiles) with a total weight of more than 27,000 tons.

The bombing ceased on June 9, 1999, after representatives of the FRY army and NATO in the Macedonian city of Kumanovo signed a military-technical agreement on the withdrawal of troops and police of Federal Yugoslavia from the territory of Kosovo and on the deployment of international armed forces on the territory of the region.

On June 10, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana ordered a halt to air attacks. On the same day, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution No. 1244. In particular, this document provided for the entry into the territory of Kosovo and Metohija of a military peacekeeping contingent, the number of which soon reached 37,000 servicemen representing the armies of 36 countries of the world.

During the 78 days of continuous bombardment of the territory of Yugoslavia, about 2,000 civilians were killed. Bombs, cruise missiles and clashes with Albanian terrorists in Kosovo killed 1,002 military and police personnel.

According to official NATO data, during the campaign, the alliance lost two servicemen (the crew of an American An-64 helicopter that crashed during a training flight in Albania).

The final amount of damage that was inflicted on the industrial, transport and civilian facilities of the FRY was not named. According to various estimates, it was measured in the amount of 50 to 100 billion dollars. About 200 industrial enterprises, oil storage facilities, energy facilities, infrastructure facilities, including 82 railway and road bridges, were destroyed or seriously damaged.

About 90 monuments of history and architecture, more than 300 buildings of schools, universities, libraries, more than 20 hospitals were destroyed. About 40,000 residential buildings were completely destroyed or damaged.

Massive bombardments turned the entire territory of Yugoslavia into a zone of ecological disaster. Bombing of oil refineries and petrochemical plants resulted in black acid rain. Oil, oil products and toxic substances have plagued the water systems of Yugoslavia and other Balkan countries.

The show trial on the former Yugoslavia at the Hague Tribunal was supposed to accomplish what the bombings of 1999 did not do - to destroy not only the country, but the very personality of the last president, Slobodan Milosevic. After hearing the allegations, on February 13, 2002, he delivered a speech in his defense. The full text of this speech is today available only from the transcript of the court, the video has apparently been destroyed.

The future will show that Yugoslavia, in fact, is a testing ground and a model for the countries of the former USSR. One of the main points is the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine and the planned inclusion of Ukraine into NATO by the end of 2005. That's why Madame Albright said in September 1999 that Kosovo was the most important thing done.

During his speech, Milosevic said that the war unleashed by the US and its allies in Yugoslavia was only part of a larger offensive against Russia.

Yugoslavia, once a huge Balkan country inhabited by Slavs and the main European ally of Russia, was destroyed.

78 days NATO bombers ironed Yugoslavia. The final chord of the 20th century was in the very center of Europe: bombs fell on cities, railways, factories and airfields.

From the high tribunes of the UN and NATO, the operation was called "Allied Force". Western politicians spoke only of a "humanitarian war" for the sake of peace, while in reality the blows fell on the heads of civilians and their homes. American soldiers often wrote "hello" to the Serbs on the bombs.

So, for example, from American and British planes, on Orthodox Easter, bombs were dropped on Serbian cities with inscriptions like these: "Happy Easter", "We hope you enjoy it", "Do you still want to be a Serb?"

The Kosovars, approved by the West, with air support, felt full power and began to destroy everything Serbian. Kosovo Albanians in the city of Poduzhevo destroyed the church of St. Elijah. This happened within an hour after the KFOR peacekeepers left the city and left the city at the complete disposal of the militants of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army.

Few people remember this, but 150 churches were destroyed on the ancient Orthodox Balkan land in Kosovo. Monuments with a long history, frescoes, relics of saints, icons were wiped off the face of the earth. At the same time, the parishioners of these churches, mostly ethnic Serbs, were expelled from their homes.

However, the bombing of Belgrade was only the final act of the bloody drama played out according to the scenarios of Western geostrategists in the Balkans. Today, few people remember how it all began.

And there was a whole series of incidents filed in the Western press in such a way that the blood of an ordinary American or European would simply run cold in their veins and there would be only one desire left - to slaughter all the Serbs to the last.

Anti-Serbian hysteria was whipped up consistently and professionally.

On May 27, 1992, Western television cameras lined up in Sarajevo near Vasya Miskin Street, they received nothing less than an invitation from a little-known PR company and were warned about the upcoming event. Namely, the journalists knew in advance about the TERRORIST ACT in the CENTER of Sarajevo.

Some terrorists, who were immediately declared by the "Serb side" fired at civilians standing in line for bread. The cameras of Western TV channels showed what was happening live. Mostly Muslims stood in the queue; of course, they could not even think that the mortar attack was also organized by Muslims, who chose their fellow believers as a target.

The attacks in the center of Sarajevo, regardless of who was behind them, ultimately had very specific consequences. They influenced the decision of the UN Security Council, which was just in the wake of the bloody shelling of the bread line. And under pressure from the Americans, the Council decided to impose economic sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The American geostrategists did not rack their brains over the scenario of the destruction of Yugoslavia either. They decided to break up the union state in stages, pinching region after region from the country. Slovenia was the first to secede, the regional authorities announced their withdrawal from Yugoslavia, and a ten-day war began in Slovenia. This war lasted only 10 days and ended relatively peacefully for both sides.

In order to maintain the independence of the Yugoslav republics, the United States had to prepare ahead of time. In October 1990, eight months before Slovenia declared independence, the U.S. Congress approved an amendment to the Foreign Financing of Operations Act that prohibited U.S. credits and loans from Yugoslavia unless they were intended for the republic, " which held three free elections and in which there is no systematic violation of human rights".

This was an extraordinary case in US legislative practice. The congressional amendment meant that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia no longer existed, and therefore the US government had to deal with "republics" - entities that had no legal international status.

US senators are flexible when it comes to US national interests.

The media followed the civil war in Yugoslavia very selectively, as they chose not to notice how Croatian troops under the flags of the Ustashe, without hiding nationalist slogans, went to the Republic of Serbian Krajina.

Historians believe that it was not without the efforts of the United States and Germany, which had a so-called "sleeping network" of agents from former Nazi accomplices - in pro-fascist organizations in Croatia and Albania. One way or another, with the approval of the US Embassy and with the support of US air power, Croatian troops in 1995 carried out a brutal punitive organization to destroy the Republic of Serbian Krajina and expel ethnic Serbs from Croatia. More than 200 thousand people were forced to leave their homes - thousands of people on tractors, cars and on foot, along with simple belongings, moved from Croatia to Serbia, those who did not have time or did not want to do this were brutally killed by Croatian troops, and their houses were burned.

As it turned out after the NATO bombings, the information support for the collapse of Yugoslavia was coordinated and well paid through non-governmental funds. And the American PR company Ruder Finns Global Public Affairs, headed by James Harf, was engaged in it.

It turned out unexpectedly - James Harf could not resist and, apparently, in search of fame, gave an interview in which he admitted that the tasks of his company included promoting a negative image of the Serbs in the world. Harf was especially pleased that he managed to introduce a number of clichés into the public consciousness, such as "concentration camp", "genocide", "mass rape".

Press releases from Ruder Finns were broadcast virtually unchanged on all news channels around the world. The task of this information company was to prepare public opinion in the countries allies of the United States for the joint destruction of Yugoslavia.

The report of the famous American CNN journalist Christian Amanpour, then just a journalist, also scattered around the world. She gained fame thanks to just such comments on the events in Yugoslavia.

In July 1992, reporters learned about the concentration camps in Bosnia. Muslim prisoners were tortured, sexually abused and executed. No one has seen footage like this in Europe since the Holocaust.

They were shown in prime time, and they hit the American public.

The footage that Christian Amanpour shows in his story is still shown by Western TV channels at any mention of the Yugoslav war - this is a television stamp. At the same time, most reporters know exactly how this fake was filmed! Footage of refugees behind barbed wire, filmed in 1992 in Bosnia, was exposed by German journalist Thomas Deichmann.

Emaciated refugees really were, and throughout the territory of Yugoslavia, in which there was a civil war. There were also help centers for the victims and special settlements organized by the government - there were not only concentration camps like Auschwitz, but they really needed to be invented. So, in 1992, a film crew of the British television channel ITN filmed a report in a camp for displaced persons in Trnopolje, there were Muslim refugees fleeing the horrors of the civil war. Many of them were exhausted and scared. However, this seemed insufficient to the correspondent, she needed a better picture, and then the cameraman of the film crew asked a group of refugees to move closer to the fence with two rows of barbed wire that encloses the electrical substation, and the interview was recorded there.

Some myths about the civil war in Yugoslavia are still replicated. So, every year on July 11, the world media remember and talk about the tragedy of the small Bosnian town of Srebrenica, where, according to journalists, in July 1995, Serbs killed 7,414 Muslims - most of the male population of the city ....

For international public opinion, Srebrenica has become a symbol of crimes against humanity, the "natural atrocity" of the Serbs and their unconditional guilt in all the bloody Balkan conflicts of the nineties. In confirmation, they usually show these shots.

Bosnian Muslims claim to have been terrorized by the Serbian Krajina army led by General Ratko Mladic. Allegedly, Mladic's troops entered the city and massacred the local civilian population there, just because they were Muslims. But these shots are usually not shown by the Western media. Here is the same General Ratko Mladic personally supervising the evacuation of Muslim civilians from Srebrennitsa.

Children, women first, then the elderly and men, don't worry, we don't create panic, calmly, there will be enough buses for everyone. You will be transferred to the territory controlled by the troops of Alija Izetbegovic and Croatia. Calmly, without fuss, get on the buses, be careful, do not forget the children.

In July 1995, the army of Ratko Mladic occupied Srebrenica, the city in which the Muslim troops of Nasser Ocic were located. Ochich militants became famous for raiding Serbian villages, so on May 6, 1992, the communities of Srebrenica itself were destroyed, and part of the village of Blechevo in the community of Bratunac was also burned. Having learned about the massacres against the inhabitants of this village, on May 9, the rest of the Serb residents of Srebrenica fled the city. By the end of 1992, 21 Serbian villages were destroyed in the Srebrenica community, and 22 Serbian villages in the Bratunac community, about a thousand civilian Serb residents were killed. All this happened in front of the KFOR peacekeepers, whose contingent was in Srebrenica, in fact, the "blue helmets" guarded the people of Nasser Ochich.

However, when the army of the Republika Srpska entered the city, a humanitarian corridor was organized for everyone who wanted to leave Srebrenica without weapons.

The column of buses with refugees was supposed to proceed from Srebrenica to Tuzla, controlled by Izetbegovic's troops. However, on the way she was attacked by unknown armed men, more than two hundred people died in this military provocation.

Then, in 1995, this story, oddly enough, did not receive a wide public outcry, it acquired it later and in a completely different light.

By 1999, there was practically nothing left of Yugoslavia, the largest state in central Europe. Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and even Montenegro broke away, in fact only Serbia itself remained with its capital in Belgrade, although it was still called the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. But even this was not enough for the Western world! A new special operation has begun. And Western journalists started it again.

Similar terrible shots in January 1999 flew around the world. International observers discover a mass grave of 45 murdered Albanians in Racak in Yugoslavia. Official Washington declares that the killed are ethnic Albanians and this is nothing but the genocide of the Albanian population by the Serbian army. This incident would later become the formal reason for the bombing of Yugoslavia.

Then no one thought to understand, all that was needed was an excuse to get even with Milosevic, and forever destroy the last recalcitrant republic in the center of Europe. In a peremptory manner peculiar only to the State Department, Slobodan Milosevic was accused of tyranny, dictatorship and massacres. And already in March, NATO bombs fell on the heads of civilians in Yugoslavia.

But today the lie about the murder in Racak has been shattered. An international investigation exposed the staging - from all the fronts of Kosovo, dead militants and corpses from local morgues were brought to this village, they were dressed in civilian clothes and reporters were called to the scene. The scenario is exactly the same, which was previously worked out at the cemetery near Srebrenica.

NATO officials claimed in front of television cameras that they were bombing military installations in Yugoslavia, but in practice everything was different. Bombs fell on the streets of peaceful cities.

As it turned out later, NATO troops knew perfectly well that they were bombing peaceful cities, there was no mistake in this. At the trial in the Hague Tribunal, they tried to accuse Milosevic of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo, but the evidence crumbled before our eyes. Prosecutors alleged that the Serbs were expelling ethnic Albanians and other Muslims. However, for example, the city of Novy Pazar is considered the center of the Muslim community, and before the bombing, no one even thought of escaping from there. NATO bombs forced some civilians to flee this city. Subsequently, this was presented as pressure from the Serbian authorities….

For whom and why Belgrade was bombed, it became clear later. When the politicians of the unrecognized republic took shape from the former militants of the Kosovo Liberation Army. For example, the former field commander Ramush Haradinaj.

In 1998, the testimony of a woman who witnessed the terrible murder that Haradinaj committed in front of her eyes was recorded - he stabbed two captured Serbian policemen and raped her herself. These testimonies were not the only ones, Haradinaj was suspected of at least two hundred murders! Forty witnesses were ready to testify in court against Haradinaj. Formally, the witnesses were entitled to the protection of the Hague International Tribunal.

When his trial began, it was assumed that there would be about 40 witnesses who would accuse him. But all 40 died. All 40 were killed just before the start of the indictment process. Therefore, the court, releasing Haradinaj, said: "We have no evidence of his guilt."

Even biased judges of the Hague Tribunal refused to believe in this, and in 2010 they tried to raise the Haradinaj case again. Information even surfaced in the press that another witness was found alive, but he never appeared at the new trial and Haradinaj was acquitted again.

Do not be surprised, but in 2004-2005 he was the Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosovo, and then, according to the results of parliamentary elections, his party "Alliance for the Future of Kosovo" won.

The consequences of the bombing of Yugoslavia, modern Serbia is still reaping. After all, few people know that the Americans used shells filled with depleted uranium during the bombing.

Between 2001 and 2010, cancer cases in Serbia increased by 20%. And the death rate increased by 25%. According to Professor Slobodan Cikiric, about 400 thousand people will fall ill in Serbia, based on a population of 5.5 million people. The most common are leukemia and lymphoma.

The effect of uranium is being discovered only now - after 17 years. That is how many cancers have been secretive, without malignant formations, but now, Serbian doctors are recording the explosive growth of oncology throughout the country, where NATO bombs fell.

Not declared, but the real results of the Yugoslav company of NATO "Union Force" are really impressive. In order to understand this, you need to forget all the grandiloquent words about the freedom-loving Kosovars and the tyrant Milosevic. The real result is quite within the national interests of the United States. On the territory of Central Europe, a state that declared its own sovereign policy was destroyed, and on its ruins, right on the territory of the former Serbia, a pseudo-state of Kosovo was formed, where the largest American military base in Europe, Camp Bondstee, was immediately located.

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