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The language of the media is the factor that always has a huge impact on the spiritual development of society. Through the means of mass communication, "the corresponding vocabulary and phraseology is introduced into the linguistic consciousness of millions, thus influencing (primarily through the subconscious) the linguistic picture of the world and changing it in a certain direction."

In connection with the general democratization of the journalistic style, the language of the media becomes easily accessible to non-literary and previously taboo means of language, which inevitably leads to blurring of the boundaries between written, deliberate and prepared speech and oral, spontaneous.

The expression of evaluation (assignment to the rank of "good" or "bad") is largely the basis of the language of modern media. At the same time, the expression of a negative assessment is more frequent, which is explained by certain patterns of human thinking: “positive” or “good” is a kind of norm for us, that is, something taken for granted, while phenomena that violate the norm concentrate attention on themselves and turn out to be the most relevant for designation in speech and assessment. Often, criticism of a position or phenomenon is replaced in modern media by criticism of a person, which is perceived by the addressee as an insult. In this regard, the linguist faces the task of distinguishing between the expressive, sharp and categorical, but nevertheless acceptable and even necessary expression of a negative assessment in a particular material and verbal aggression that goes beyond the norms of successful communication, because one of the postulates of verbal communication is respectful relationship with the interlocutor.

Speech aggression in the language of the media has various forms of manifestation: sticking labels, playing up the name of the object of aggression, forcing negative associations, emphasizing details that are unpleasant or offensive to the object, direct insult, etc. Often, the media use in their activities such a technique as speech manipulation. Speech (linguistic) manipulation is a type of speech influence, the purpose of which is the hidden introduction into the psyche of the addressee of values, desires, goals and attitudes alien to him. Linguistic manipulation is used in all types of "propaganda" discourse: advertising and the media, politics (for example, in election campaigns), in relations between people (for example, relations between adults and children). Biased categorical formulations, one-sided interpretation of facts, saturation of the text with evaluative vocabulary, etc. are used as methods of speech manipulation. Speech manipulation is a much broader phenomenon than speech aggression. Verbal aggression is one of the methods of linguistic manipulation. However, according to Racibuska and Petrova, this is an unsuitable means, since its use violates the secrecy of the position of the manipulator. It should be remembered that not any expression of a negative assessment of a person, group of people, people, organization, country should be attributed to verbal aggression, otherwise the ethics of criticism as such would have to be questioned. Reproach, condemnation, critical analysis, critical remarks are a normal phenomenon if they are justified and expressed by means adequate to the situation. Constructive criticism aims to improve the object of criticism (appearance, knowledge, behavior, activity, structure, etc.), while verbal aggression sets itself a different task: to evoke negative emotions in the addressee, infringe on his dignity, to influence human consciousness, behavior and actions.

Freedom of speech, proclaimed at the turn of the 80-90s. XX century, caused the desire of the media to get away from officiality, stylistic "colorlessness", the desire to find new language means. Modern public communication fulfills a kind of "social order": it strives to be accessible, bright, expressive, tries to meet the current speech fashion. Hence the numerous foreign words, jargon, semi-dialect words and phrases, and sometimes even invective vocabulary in television and radio broadcasts, in popular newspaper and magazine publications and Internet materials. It is the desire of journalists to implement the main strategy of modern media - the strategy of proximity to the addressee - that researchers explain the tendency to blur the boundaries of official and unofficial, public and everyday communication in media texts, as well as to the spread of verbal aggression.

The process of loosening not only the literary norm, but also the notions of what is decent reflects the frequent use of invective vocabulary in the media, which not only offends the person who has become the object of the nomination, but also causes fair disgust in the reader, who also becomes a victim of aggression in this sense. This vocabulary includes words and expressions that contain in their semantics, expressive coloring and evaluative content the desire to humiliate, insult, even disgrace the addressee of the speech in the most harsh form. This is primarily non-literary (swearing) vocabulary, as well as words with a negative assessment from the sphere of the literary language.

Researchers also note the expansion of jargon in the media. This is evidenced by the widespread use of such words as showdown, killer, run into, lawlessness, wet, launder, smear, scammers, score an arrow and the like. The popularity of slang vocabulary is due to various factors, including those not directly related to what we call verbal aggressiveness.

The so-called precedent texts serve as a capacious means of expressive characterization of someone or something in modern fiction and journalism. Among them, linguists include both the actual texts (for example, the texts of jokes, advertisements, songs, certain works of art), and individual statements, as well as anthroponyms and toponyms (Oblomov, Ivan Susanin, Chernobyl) associated with known texts or with some the significant situations. All types of precedent texts have common properties: firstly, they are well known to most members of a particular society; secondly, they are symbols of certain concepts or situations; thirdly, they can function as folded metaphors. In fact, these are some kind of quotations that can not only evoke in a person’s memory an idea of ​​some kind of hero, plot situation or event, but also - most importantly - activate a certain emotional and evaluative perception. That is why the media often use precedent text to express irony and sarcasm in relation to certain individuals.
The danger of using verbal aggression in the media is that people with a tendency to suggestibility can project verbal aggression into real life, and this can already lead to physical aggression.

Thus, one of the main dangers of speech aggression in the media is that the younger generation begins to perceive it as a speech norm, and not as an exception to the rules. The immoderate use of various forms of "language attack" leads to a distortion of the worldview, negatively affects the language culture, the psychology of the individual and provokes retaliatory aggression. Violation of linguistic, ethical, communicative norms by media workers gives the mass audience examples of non-normative use of the language, forms verbal aggression as a way of communication.

The current increase in the number of violent crimes, especially among adolescents, makes us wonder what social conditions lead to this.

Perhaps the increase in violence is facilitated by the increase in individualism and materialism in society. Or maybe a huge number of scenes of violence in the mass media. The latter assumption arises because the surge in physical violence coincided with an increase in the appearance in the media, especially on television, of bloody scenes.

Numerous studies of aggressive behavior, its acquisition and modification were carried out by the Canadian psychologist Albert Bandura within the framework of socio-cognitive theories. This approach assumes that modeling influences "learning" mainly through its informative function. Such a process, called by A. Bandura “learning through observation”, is regulated by four components:

Attention (understanding of the model): a person follows the behavior of the model and accurately perceives it;

· storage processes (memorization of the model): the behavior of the model, observed earlier, is stored in long-term memory;

motor-reproductive processes (translation of memory into behavior): a person translates the memories of the behavior of the model encoded in symbols into the form of his behavior;

Motivational processes: if positive reinforcement (external, indirect or self-reinforcement) is potentially present, the person learns the modeled behavior.

Obviously, not all "learning" through observation leads to socially acceptable outcomes. The adolescent may learn unwanted and even antisocial behaviors through the same processes that develop cooperation, empathy, altruism, and effective problem-solving skills.

A. Bandura is convinced that people "learn" aggression, adopting it as a model of their behavior, observing other people. Like most social skills, aggressive demeanor is learned by observing the actions of others and evaluating the consequences of those actions.

American psychologist George Gerbner studied the US television broadcast grid. As a result, it was revealed that two out of every three programs contained scenes of violence (“acts of physical coercion, accompanied by threats of beating or killing, or beatings or killings as such”). Thus, by the time they graduate from high school, a child watches about 8,000 murder scenes and 100,000 other violent acts on television.

Reflecting on his research, J. Gerbner notes: “There have been more bloodthirsty epochs in the history of mankind, but none of them was so saturated with images of violence as ours. And who knows where this monstrous torrent of visible violence will take us...seeping into every home through flickering TV screens in the form of scenes of impeccably staged cruelty.

Since the laboratory studies undertaken by A. Bandura and his colleagues in the 60s, a significant amount of data has been collected on the impact of television violence on social behavior. These works show that prolonged exposure to violence on television can increase the aggressive behavior of viewers, reduce the factors that deter aggression, dull the sensitivity to aggression, and form in viewers an image of social reality that is not quite adequate to reality.

Most of the evidence that violence shown on the screen contributes to aggressive behavior comes from laboratory studies. Usually, the subjects were offered to watch fragments of programs either with a demonstration of violence, or inciting, but without showing violence. Then they were given the opportunity to express aggression towards another person. This was most often done with a controlled electrical shock, which they knew would be painful. Typically, researchers found that subjects who watched a program showing violence acted more aggressively than those who saw a regular program.

Scientists also note that the impact on the subjects of the seen scene of violence persists for a short period of time. In addition, the actions by which the experimenter proposes to harm another person (pressing a button for an electric discharge) are far from real life.

Iron and his colleagues conducted a longitudinal statistical study in 1960, surveying 875 third-year students (boys and girls) in a small town in upstate New York. Some of the behavioral and personality characteristics of these children were studied, and data was collected about their parents and environment. In this initial phase of the study, it was found that 8-year-olds who preferred violent television programs were among the most violent in school.

Ten years later, researchers re-examined 427 children in this group to find an association between the amount and content of television programs they watched at age eight and how aggressive they became. It was found that frequent observation of violence in childhood predicted aggressiveness at the age of 18 years. In other words, there was a stable aggressive behavior for ten years.

In 1987, Iron and his colleagues published data from another study - 400 subjects from the same group, who by that time were approximately 30 years old, maintained stable aggressive behavior throughout the entire time. Those who were aggressive in childhood, by the age of 30, were not only in trouble with the law, but also showed cruelty towards their loved ones. What's more, researchers have found a strong relationship between the number of violent programs children watch at age eight and the likelihood that they will commit serious crimes as adults.

A variety of methods have been used to study the impact of television on everyday behavior, in the development of which many people have taken part. In 1986 and 1991, comparative analyzes of the results of correlational and experimental studies were carried out, on the basis of which the researchers concluded that watching films containing antisocial scenes is closely associated with antisocial behavior. Experimental work indicates the presence of just such a causal relationship. The conclusion drawn as a result of the conducted research is that television is one of the causes of aggressive behavior.

With correlational and experimental evidence in agreement, the researchers explained why seeing violence has such an impact on an individual's behavior. First, social violence is caused not by the observation of violence itself, but by the excitement that results from such observation. Arousal usually builds up in succession, energizing various behaviors. Second, watching violence is disinhibiting. Watching violence activates the thoughts associated with it, programming the viewer for aggressive behavior. Thirdly, the depiction of violence in the mass media causes imitation.

Observation of adolescents and adults has shown that people who watch TV for more than four hours a day are more vulnerable to aggression from others and perceive the world as more dangerous than those who spend two hours or less watching TV a day.

It is an undoubted fact that reports of violence have a great influence on people's fears. Thus, in the course of his research, Heath classified newspaper reports of robberies into categories such as randomness (lack of obvious motivation), sensationalism (strange and eerie details) and location (near the house or far away). Newspaper readers were then asked how the news made them feel. As a result, it turned out that when people read about local crimes, they are more scared if the crime is classified as random (unmotivated) and sensational details are given in the report than if none of these factors is highlighted in the newspaper report. .

A 1988 US study showed that the average ten-year-old child spends more time in front of the TV than in the classroom, and this has not changed for more than 20 years. In fact, the average American child watches about 30 hours of television a week. A report from the National Institute of Mental Health (1982) indicates that by the age of sixteen, the average television viewer has probably already seen about 13,000 murders and many other acts of violence. So, according to D.Zh. Gerbner, who has been evaluating prime time entertainment programs for children since 1967, averages five acts of violence per hour, and about twenty per hour on Saturday morning programs for children. Based on these statistics, it can be concluded that watching violence on television contributes to aggression, at least indirectly, and directly leads to interpersonal problems. In addition, statistical and experimental studies suggest that viewing violence on television reduces viewers' sensitivity to aggression, weakens restraining internal forces, and changes the perception of reality.

Russian cinema also uses scenes of violence in the creation of films filled with naturalistically filmed scenes of cruelty. Information programs compete with each other in who will scare the viewer more. Computer games, which are becoming available to an increasing number of children and adolescents, often often promote violence.

Thus, the media are one of the main sources of propaganda of aggression, which becomes a model for the further behavior of adolescents.

Thus, the mass media, being the most accessible and widely used means of obtaining information, has a dual orientation: positive and negative. A modern teenager spends enough time in front of the TV screen, listening to music on the radio or using the Internet, can unwittingly become a "hostage" of the media.

Children's psyche, especially during puberty, is especially unstable. A child, becoming an adult, changing his beliefs, tastes, interests, hoping for the support of adults and still believing that an adult is always right, is disappointed in the people around him. Often parents do not understand their children, they scold, reproach, punish, so a teenager begins to look for idols among his favorite movie or cartoon characters, computer games or music performers. The behavior of the idol becomes a model of the behavior of a teenager. He tries to imitate in everything: clothes, gait, manner of communication, behavior. Unfortunately, most often negative heroes become idols. The child, as it were, protests against the established rules and laws, he tries to declare himself as a person, wants to become strong, respected, but does not always understand that his actions can harm the people around him.

Modern films and cartoons are filled with cruelty and violence. A child, starting from 3-4 years of age, watches cartoons in which there is an aggressive behavior of a "positive" hero. At the age of 13, it becomes the norm for him to watch scenes of violence and brutal murder on the screen. All this can lead to the fact that each subsequent generation will increasingly show aggression towards others, the threshold for criticism of their actions will decrease, which will lead to an increase in the number of delinquency among adolescents.

Thus, broadcasts through the media must be controlled by the state, not allowing cartoons and films with scenes of violence and cruelty to be broadcast during the day and in the evening.

Voter rights movement Golos reported that the electoral committees of Khakassia and the Vladimir region refused to accredit representatives of the Molniya media outlet, registered by the movement, for accreditation to the second round of gubernatorial elections. The electoral commissions referred to the fact that there is no separate accreditation for "repeated voting" and that the accreditation of the first round of elections is valid.

According to the legislation, persons sent from parties and candidates, public chambers, or journalists accredited by election commissions can observe the elections. It is for this reason that Golos registered the Molniya media outlet - the movement is critical of observers from public chambers, explaining this by their affiliation with the authorities.

The electoral commissions of Khakassia and the Vladimir region denied accreditation to representatives of Molniya for the second round of the elections of heads of regions, citing the fact that there is no separate accreditation for September 23, since this is a repeated vote within the framework of the elections that took place on September 9.

Deputy Chairman of the Vladimir Electoral Committee Sergei Kanishchev explained to Kommersant that the rules of the Central Election Commission on media accreditation in elections and federal law do not provide for re-accreditation. “The election campaign is the same. The procedure developed by the CEC states that the last day of accreditation is September 5. Accordingly, those who were accredited before September 5 have the right to be present at the polling stations, including the federal media, which were accredited through the CEC,” Mr. Kanishchev said. Dmitry Kirsanov, head of the public relations and information department of the Khakass electoral committee, also said that "this is a repeated vote within the framework of one announced campaign, which has been prolonged." “This is a clearly defined norm in the decision of the Central Election Commission of Russia, which we are guided by and cannot deviate from,” he said.

Vasily Vaisenberg, editor-in-chief of the Molniya online publication, noted that the problem arose due to the fact that no one expected the second rounds. “A journalist may not have accreditation for the elections in Khakassia, but he wanted to see what was happening there and come from another region. Moreover, the second rounds are always more competitive and interesting, of course, this attracts the attention of the media,” he told Kommersant.

To promptly resolve the situation, the Molniya online publication contacted the CEC unofficially and received an answer that the position of the CEC coincides with the position of the republican election commission.

Stanislav Andreichuk, a member of the federal council of the Voice for Fair Elections movement, called the situation absurd and contrary to the principle of openness and transparency in the activities of election commissions, which is enshrined both in Russian legislation and in a number of international documents signed by the Russian Federation. Golos lawyer Stanislav Rachinsky points out that the CEC also considers the words “voting day” used in the law to refer to the second round. “Just now, the CEC, speaking about the possible timing of the repeat elections in Primorye, was based on the fact that the words “voting day in the main elections” used in the law also apply to the second round,” the expert believes.

Dmitry Inyushin, Novosibirsk; Alexander Tikhonov, Yaroslavl; Ekaterina Grobman