The Russian-Turkish war caused a rise in patriotic sentiments in society. This wave revived the liberal movement. Referring to the constitution drawn up for Bulgaria, the liberals asked questions: why does the government refuse to introduce a constitution in Russia? Does it really think that the Russian people are less ready for a constitution than the Bulgarian people?
The government forbade zemstvo leaders to come to all-Russian meetings and even gather in individual regions. Therefore, the Zemstvo began to hold secret congresses. They conspired no worse than the revolutionaries, and the police never found out about some congresses. In the late 1970s, an illegal "Zemsky Union".
In 1878, the government, concerned about the strengthening of the revolutionary movement, issued an appeal to society calling for help in the fight against "a gang of villains". But the appeal contained no promises to change policy and resume reforms, and therefore it did not find public support.
Zemstvo leaders, having gathered at a congress in Kyiv, tried to agree with the revolutionaries on joint actions. They made the renunciation of terrorist acts an indispensable condition. Negotiations were not successful, and the Zemstvo developed their own plan of action. The Kharkov Zemstvo was the first to speak, declaring that without a change in the internal policy of the government, no assistance from society was possible. The Minister of the Interior immediately ordered a ban on discussing and adopting such statements at Zemstvo meetings.
Therefore, the vowel of the Chernigov Zemstvo, I. I. Petrunkevich, who began to read the draft address addressed to the tsar, was rudely interrupted by the chairman. Petrunkevich did not obey and, supported by the assembly and the audience in the choirs, continued reading. Then the chairman called the police and with their help closed the meeting. It was one of the first political speeches Ivan Ilyich Petrunkevich (1844-1928). Subsequently, he became one of the most prominent and most respected figures in the liberal movement. After an incident in the zemstvo assembly, Petrunkevich was exiled to the city of Varnavin, Kostroma province.
The Tver, Poltava and Samara provincial zemstvo assemblies also made demands for a constitution. The Tver Zemstvo declared that the Russian people should enjoy the same benefits of constitutional freedoms that the Bulgarian people received.
In 1879, an illegal zemstvo congress was held in Moscow, which was attended by about 30 representatives from 16 zemstvos. It was decided to start widespread propaganda in the zemstvos and the publication of literature abroad. Shortly thereafter, the program of the Zemsky Union was published in Austria-Hungary, which included three main points: freedom of speech and the press, guarantees of the inviolability of the person, and the convening of the Constituent Assembly.
In the summer of 1877, the St. Petersburg mayor F. F. Trepov, during a visit to the prison, noticed that one of the prisoners did not take off his cap when he appeared. It was Bogolyubov, a demonstrator in front of the Kazan Cathedral, who had been sentenced to hard labor. The enraged Trepov ordered him to be whipped. The prisoners raised a fuss, but they were quickly subdued, and Trepov's order was carried out. By law, he could not demand that the hat be removed in front of him. Corporal punishment in this case was also illegal. But the mayor was sure of his impunity.
On January 24, 1878, a young populist, Vera Zasulich, appeared at Trepov's reception and fired a revolver at him. Trepov was seriously wounded, but survived. At the time of the assassination attempt, Zasulich was not a member of any revolutionary organization. The public did not know about the connection between the assassination attempt and the Bogolyubov incident. Trepov was portrayed by conservative newspapers as a victim of the call of duty. The government, hoping for the same success as in Nechaev's story, sent the Zasulich case to a jury trial.
The case was heard on March 31, 1878. In the hall there were many people from high society, headed by A. M. Gorchakov, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. At first, the mood of the public was not in favor of the defendant, but in the course of the proceedings it changed dramatically. The jurors found Zasulich not guilty, and the court, presided over by A.F. Koni, dismissed the case. The audience gave an ovation. Upon leaving the hall, the police tried to arrest Zasulich in order to send him into administrative exile. But the youth beat her back, and that same evening she fled abroad.
Vera Ivanovna Zasulich (1849-1919) at the end of her life she became a principled opponent of the death penalty and political assassinations. She defended her opinion, not being afraid of the wrath of the Bolsheviks who came to power. But then, in 1878, her shot had a dual effect. On the one hand, in the most dramatic form, he drew the attention of society to the fact that the authorities commit lawlessness at every step. But on the other hand, he shook the negative attitude of society towards terror. The extreme revolutionaries, who had long insisted on terror, decided that the public sympathized with him.
The split in "Earth and Freedom". At the end of the 1970s, a tense internal political situation developed in Russia. The students were worried. The voice of the supporters of the constitution grew louder and louder. After Zasulich's shot, a wave of terrorist attacks swept across the country. The executions of terrorists increased the general tension and caused new assassination attempts. There were signs of a revolutionary situation.
But the village remained calm. And this drove the propagandists from "Lands and freedom". Among them grew disillusionment with their work. One of them, Alexander Solovyov, in the spring of 1879 appeared in "main circle" and declared that he wanted to kill the king. After a heated debate, the leadership "Lands and Freedom" voted against the assassination by a majority vote. But on April 2, Solovyov nevertheless tracked down the tsar during a walk on Palace Square and rushed at him with a revolver. Alexander did not lose his head and ran, making zigzags. Solovyov fired five times, but wounded only a policeman who came to the rescue. The captured terrorist shared the fate of Karakozov (in 1866 he shot at Alexander II and then was hanged).
Illustration. Solovyov's assassination attempt on Palace Square.
"Land and Freedom" turned into a terrorist organization. Some of its members protested, referring to the program. Then the supporters of terror demanded its revision. We decided to meet at a congress in Voronezh in order to look for a compromise. But by this time "disorganization group" became so isolated that she gathered for her own convention - secret not only from the police, but also from the rest of the "Lands and Freedom".
A.I. Zhelyabov
Supporters of terror gathered in Lipetsk in June 1879. The most striking figure among them was A. I. Zhelyabov. He said that socialists, in principle, should not demand political reforms and civil liberties. This is the business of the liberals, but in Russia they are flabby and powerless. Meanwhile, the lack of freedom hinders the launch of agitation among the peasants. This means that the revolutionaries must also take upon themselves this task - to break despotism, in order then to prepare for the social revolution. The participants in the Lipetsk congress decided not to break with "Land and freedom" but conquer it from within.
But at the Voronezh congress, Zhelyabov failed to gain the upper hand, and a compromise was reached. Without revising the program, they decided to intensify the fight against the government, responding with terror to the executions of revolutionaries. Only Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856-1918) strongly protested against terror.
The son of a small estate nobleman, he once graduated from a military gymnasium here, in Voronezh, but then refused military service, studied at the Mining Institute, and participated in a demonstration near the Kazan Cathedral. When the compromise resolution was adopted, Plekhanov stood up and said: “In that case, gentlemen, there is nothing more for me to do here.” left the congress.
The compromise did not strengthen the organization. Each side interpreted it differently. In August of the same year, at the St. Petersburg congress, the factions finally split. "Villagers" headed by Plekhanov created an organization "Black redistribution". She tried to organize propaganda among the peasants and workers, but in the conditions of the war that unfolded between the government and the terrorists, nothing came of it. In 1880 Plekhanov was forced to go abroad.
Plekhanov at a meeting of the organization.
"Narodnaya Volya" and its program. Zhelyabov's supporters united in an organization "People's Will". The Narodnaya Volya were justly dissatisfied with the existing order in the country, but were unscrupulous in the means to achieve their goals. The organization was led Andrey Ivanovich Zhelyabov (1851-1881), a native of serfs, and Sofya Lvovna Perovskaya (1853-1881), the daughter of an important official, the former governor of St. Petersburg. They were brave, determined people. Under their leadership "People's Will" became a well-conspired, ramified and disciplined organization. It was headed by the Executive Committee, which had almost unlimited powers. Local circles and groups obeyed him.
She considered her main task a political coup and the seizure of power. This was to be followed by a socialist revolution. It was supposed to convene the Constituent Assembly and propose to it a program of measures for the transfer of land to the peasants, and factories and factories - to the workers.
The tactics of seizing power, chosen by the Narodnaya Volya, consisted in intimidation and disorganization of power through individual terror. Gradually, an uprising was being prepared. No longer relying on the peasants, the Narodnaya Volya tried to organize students and workers and infiltrate the army. In some military academies and schools, and then in the troops stationed in the provinces, officers' circles of the People's Will appeared. In addition to the ideological side "People's Will" attracted young officers with their usual discipline and unity of command.
Since the autumn of 1879, the Narodnaya Volya launched a real hunt for the king. They were not embarrassed by the number of possible victims, even accidental ones. Twice they laid mines under the rails, lying in wait for the royal train. Once the explosive mechanism did not work, another time the wrong train was derailed by mistake.
During one of the searches, the police found a plan of the Winter Palace. The royal dining room was marked with a cross on it. However, the gendarmes did not guess to inspect the palace and check all the people working in it. On February 5, 1880, a ceremonial dinner in honor of the Bulgarian prince was to take place in this dining room. The whole royal family gathered for the solemn exit, and only one person hesitated somewhere. Alexander, who loved punctuality, began to get angry when suddenly a terrible explosion shook the building. Narodnaya Volya Stepan Khalturin, who worked in the palace as a cabinetmaker, laid a huge charge of dynamite in the basement under the dining room and left the palace in advance. Eight soldiers were killed.
The multi-million peasantry of Russia greeted the great reform of 1861 with an outburst of indignation. Having received freedom almost without land, the peasants refused to believe what had happened, saying: "We were cheated! There is no freedom without land!" The "minute of disappointment" that Alexander II foresaw stretched out for years and resulted in an unprecedented rise in the peasant movement.
The forms of protest of the peasants were different. Very many did not believe in the authenticity of the royal "Regulations on February 19", believing that they were false, replaced by bars, which supposedly concealed the real royal letter. Some interpreters among the peasants argued that the tsar's "Regulations" contained an article prescribing the flogging of anyone who read the landlord's forgery and believed it. As true, "real" "Regulations", fake manifestos went from hand to hand with such clauses: "During the harvest, do not go to work to the landowner, let him harvest the grain with his family" - and even: "The landowner is left with an arable plot of land on his a family is the same as a peasant, but nothing more.
While there was talk about real and false "Regulations", the peasants almost everywhere refused to work for the landowners and obey the authorities, and in places, especially in the first months after February 19, when disappointment in the reform was still fresh, they rose up in revolt. The strongest of them broke out in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In April 1861, the peasants of the Chembarsky and Kerensky districts of the Penza province rebelled. The center, "the very root of the rebellion," according to the governor, was in the village of Kandeevka. The rebellion embraced up to 14 thousand former serfs and went down in history under the name "Kandeevsky uprising" as the loudest protest of peasants against the reform of 1861 / 227 / Many thousands of crowds of Kandeevsky rebels with a red banner then rode carts through the villages of Penza and neighboring Tambov provinces, everywhere proclaiming: "The land is all ours! We don't want to rent, we won't work for the landowner!" The peasant leader Leonty Yegortsev did not get tired of repeating that the tsar sent the peasants a “real” letter with their complete release from the landowners, but the landowners intercepted it, after which the tsar ordered through him, Yegortsev: whoever does not fight back before Holy Pascha will be, anathema, damned.
Experienced, having experienced all the hardships of serf life, rods, prison and running, 65-year-old Yegortsev, even before appearing in Kandeevka, according to search data, "called himself Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich (long ago, 30 years before, died. - N.T.) and angered the peasants of various estates "on the border of the Penza and Tambov regions. The rebellious peasants idolized Yegortsev. All the surrounding villages sent troikas for him, and the most enthusiastic admirers led him by the arms and carried a bench behind him.
The Kandeevsky uprising was crushed on April 18 (just before "Holy Easter") by regular troops under the command of the adjutant wing of the royal retinue A.M. Drenyakin. Dozens of peasants were killed and wounded, hundreds were flogged and sent to Siberia for hard labor and settlement. Egortsev himself managed to escape (the peasants fearlessly walked under the bullets and on the rack, but they did not give him away). However, a month later, in May 1861, this colorful leader of the peasant freemen died.
Simultaneously with Kandeevsky, another uprising of peasants broke out - in the Spassky district of the Kazan province. It covered up to 90 villages with the center in the village of Bezdna. Here, too, an authoritative leader came forward, a kind of ideologist of the uprising - the young Bezdny peasant Anton Petrovich Sidorov, who went down in history as Anton Petrov. He interpreted the "Regulations of February 19" desirable for the peasantry, i.e. he invested in them a meaning opposite to that which they contained in themselves: one should not obey the authorities, pay dues and go to corvee, but it is necessary to drive the landowners from the peasant land; "For the landowner, the land - mountains and dales, ravines and roads and sand and stones, the forest does not have a rod for him; he crosses a step from his land - drive him with a kind word, did not obey - flog his head, you will receive a reward from the king."
The peasants flocked to Petrov in droves and, even on his instructions, began to change the local authorities. When punitive troops arrived in the Abyss under the command of the adjutant wing of Count A.S. Apraksin, the peasants, prudently removing / 228 / from the village of women, defended Petrov with a mountain and did not want to extradite him. The Kazan nobility, frightened by the uprising, declared Anton Petrov "the second Pugachev" and demanded drastic measures from Apraksin. Apraksin launched a weapon. More than 350 peasants were killed and wounded. Anton Petrov came out to the soldiers with the text "Regulations on February 19" above his head.
Alexander II, on Apraksin's report on the execution of the peasants of the Abyss, noted: "I cannot but approve of the actions of Count Apraksin." The tsar ordered Anton Petrov "to be judged according to the field criminal code and the sentence to be carried out immediately", thus prejudging Petrov's condemnation to death. On April 17, Petrov was sentenced to death and executed on the 19th.
Less significant than Kandeevskoe and Bezdnenskoe, but also populous and stubborn peasant protests against the reform of 1861 took place in many Great Russian, as well as Ukrainian and Belarusian provinces. Some of them the authorities managed to suppress only by the forces of the troops. So, on May 15 in with. In Samuilov, Gzhatsk district in the Smolensk region, troops attacked a crowd of two thousand peasant rebels, who, as evidenced in an official act, “rushed at the soldiers with furious enthusiasm, discovering their intention to take their guns away,” and 22 peasants were killed. Punishers and peasants were pacified with iron and blood. Rudni, Kamyshinsky district, Saratov province, where another adjutant wing, Yankovsky, acted as the main suppressor.
The year 1861 gave an unprecedented number of peasant protests in Russia. But also in 1862-1863. the struggle of the peasants unfolded with great force, although less than in 1861. Here are comparative data on the number of peasant unrest:
1861 - 1859
1862 - 844
1863 - 509
It is significant that before the announcement of the reform, from January 1 to March 5, 1861, there were only 11 unrest, and from March 5 until the end of the year - 1848. Only 1905 will give a larger figure.
Unprecedented for the entire XIX century, the scope of the peasant movement of 1861-1863. discovered his weaknesses, obvious even to his contemporaries. It was spontaneous, without a clear leadership and organization (such leaders and even "ideologists" as Leonty Yegortsev and Anton Petrov were exceptions). The peasants were guided by naive (often tsarist) illusions. Finally, the movement was local, capturing sporadically /229/ thousands of villages, while hundreds of thousands of others (sometimes neighboring ones) remained submissive.
Nevertheless, tsarism suppressed the resistance of the peasants with considerable difficulty, sending against them, in addition to the troops of the internal guard, another 64 infantry and 16 cavalry regiments of the regular army. Alexander II clearly burdened the punitive functions of his aide-de-camp. Herzen, therefore, ironically suggested that on the occasion of the liberation of the peasants from serfdom, he should be given a medal: on the one hand, a wreath of rods tied with an aide-de-camp aiguillette, and on the other, the inscription: "I liberate you!" Only from the end of 1863 did the peasant movement decline sharply:
1864 - 156 riots
1867 - 68
1865 - 135
1868 - 60
1866 - 91
"Hydra rebellion", as they said at the royal court, was crushed.
This did not mean at all that the Russian peasantry had come to terms with the reform of 1861. The liberal publicist F.P. Yelenev (Skaldin) and at the end of the 60s testified to the "universal expectation of a new or pure will among the peasants", the peasant mass was full of rumors about the upcoming redistribution of land and continued to fight for their right to live with at least a minimal income. Peasants of different provinces in compassionate petitions to the Minister of Justice K.I. Palen, Minister of the Interior A.E. Timashev and the tsar himself were appealed to be endowed "somewhere with land", about replacing inconvenient lands with convenient ones, about protecting them from the arbitrariness of the authorities. The governors reported to the minister of the interior, and the minister to the tsar, about ever new forms of protest by the peasants against their economic strangulation. Almost everywhere, the peasants refused to make unbearable redemption payments, numerous - quitrent, poll, zemstvo, worldly, fine and other - fees. Since 1870, they even began to refuse allotments because of the discrepancy between their profitability and the payments established for them. The Permian peasants formed a special "non-payer sect", which declared it sinful to collect exorbitant taxes from the working people. All this kept the Russian countryside in the post-reform years in a state of chronic tension, fraught with new riots.
Although the material (as well as legal) position of the Russian peasantry after 1861 became better than before the reform, it still remained intolerable for a civilized country, a great power. Suffice it to say that even after the liberation the peasants mostly lived in "smoky" (or "black") huts. Their peasant son, populist E.E. Lazarev /230/ (Nabatov's prototype in Leo Tolstoy's novel "Resurrection"). The smoke in such a hut "from the stove man had to pour straight up to the ceiling, filling the entire hut almost to the very floor, and go out through the open door (and in the summer and through the windows) outside. So it was in summer, so it was in winter. As a result Therefore, in the mornings, during the firing of the stove, the inhabitants of these dwellings usually walked bent over, with tears in their eyes, groaning, puffing and coughing, swallowing clean air from time to time near the floor. It was called "drown in black". In such huts, the peasants lived in crowded families, and in winter "the four-legged population joined the two-legged population - calves and lambs, to which their mothers came in the mornings and evenings to feed them with milk. In the frosty winter, new-bodied cows themselves appeared in the hut to be milked, squeezing through the narrow hay and hut doors with the unceremoniousness of primordial family members ... ".
Meanwhile, the working class was taking shape and fighting for its rights. In the conditions of his life, and even in the character and methods of struggle, there was much in common with the position of the peasantry. The workers of the 1960s still retained close ties with the countryside. Statistical surveys of three industrial districts of the Moscow province showed that 14.1% of workers from the age of 18 and 11.9% from the age of 14 to 18 left seasonally for field work. The so-called rural workers, who performed ancillary operations in factories and plants, strove to get enough allotment for subsistence and leave the enterprise.
The workers were in poverty no less (if not more) than the peasants. Until 1897, the working day in industry was not standardized and, as a rule, was 13-15 hours, and sometimes reached 19 (as at the Struve machine-building plant in Moscow). At the same time, the workers worked in unsanitary conditions, without basic safety precautions. “Somehow, my weaver friends took me to the factory while I was working. My God! What hell it is!” an eyewitness recalled about one of the St. Petersburg factories. what he says, but also shouts. The air is impossible, the heat and stuffiness, the stench of human sweat and the oil that lubricates the machine tools;<...>One has to stand inevitably, since one is not supposed to sit, and there is nowhere to sit except on the windowsill, and one cannot sit on the windowsill - "you will stop the light" - it is not allowed. I stayed at the factory for no more than two hours and came out crazy, with a headache.
The weavers of this factory worked standing at least on both feet. And here is the testimony of the worker of the Krenholm manufactory in Narva V.G. Gerasimova: "We were raised to work at 4 o'clock in the morning. I worked on water machines, and I had / 231 / to stand all the time on one leg, which was very tiring. This hellish work lasted until 8 o'clock in the evening." Labor in such conditions was all the more "hellish" because the workers were forced to fulfill exorbitant production standards. Thus, the artisans of the railway depot in Kaluga complained that the owners asked them such "lessons" that "a horse is not able to work out."
With hard "lessons" young Russian capitalists strangled not only adult men, but also children and women. Women's labor was widely exploited in light industry (in St. Petersburg in the 70s, women accounted for 42.6% of workers employed in the processing of fibrous substances) and was even used in metallurgy. Children and teenagers from 10-12 years old (sometimes from 8 years old) worked literally everywhere. According to the data of the 70s, at the Izhevsk Arms Plant, minors aged 10 to 18 years old made up 25% of all workers, and at the Morozov Tver factory - 43%. The newspaper Russkiye Vedomosti in 1879 wrote about the work of juveniles in the factories of the city of Serpukhov, Moscow province: These emaciated, pale, inflamed-eyed creatures, who are dying physically and morally, still do not enjoy the proper degree of protection from the law.Meanwhile, this young labor force represents a very large percentage of all forces employed in local factories; , up to 400 children work at one factory in Konshin.
The payment for such a hard work of workers in the first decades after the "great reforms" was penny. Sporadic wage increases have lagged far behind rising prices. M.I. Tugan-Baranovsky cited the following data for one of the largest in Russia, the Ivanovo-Voznesensky industrial region: by the beginning of the 80s, wages for all types of labor increased by 15-50% compared to the end of the 50s, and the price of rye bread - by 100% , oils - by 83%, meat - by almost 220%.
Moreover, the owner took a significant part (up to half!) of the already miserable wages from the worker in the form of fines. Before the Fines Act was passed in 1886, employers fined workers in an unrestrained and cynical manner. For example, the "General Conditions of Employment" in the "pay book" issued to its workers by the office of Lopatin's cotton-printing manufactory in the Vladimir province read: "Factory workers and craftsmen of both sexes and all ages must appear at work no later than ten minutes after the call, under fear of recording in this pay book to collect from them the / 232 / payment that is due to them for the whole working day. So, 11 minutes late was supposed to work for free all day! From other points of the same "conditions" it is clear that the owner could fine the worker for any reason, and dismiss him at any time for "bad behavior". Of course, under the motivation of "bad behavior" the owner could bring any of the unwanted workers.
Hellish labor at a penny pay did not allow workers to secure even an elementary human existence. They lived with their families in a beggarly way, mostly in barracks and barracks, which were hardly suitable "even for a cow or horse stall, not only for a human dwelling", or in basements like the one described by the inspector of the Zemstvo administration of the Petersburg district, who examined the living conditions of the capital's proletariat for 1878: "Representing a recess in the ground of at least 2 arshins, he (basement.- N.T.) is constantly flooded, if not with water, then with liquid from a nearby latrine, so that the rotten boards that make up the floor literally float, despite the fact that its residents are diligently engaged in draining their apartment, scooping out several buckets daily. In such and such a room, with a content of 5 1/3 cubic meters. I found up to 10 tenants of deadly air in itself, of which 6 were minors. "V.V. Bervi-Flerovsky, who thoroughly studied the situation of Russian workers in the 60s, came to the conclusion: either from existence, or from human dignity."
All this forced the workers to think critically about their situation. Vasily Gerasimov testified: “I often thought about these facts, drawing a parallel between the conditions that surrounded us and the conditions under which our factory owners lived, feeding on our blood, eating our lives in the literal sense of the word. I was aware of the abnormality, the injustice of this order of things<...>I just didn't know how to get out of this situation."
The first steps of the labor movement in Russia after 1861 were relatively timid (complaints, "most humble petitions", escapes, sometimes riots and strikes), but they were distinguished by a proletarian orientation - against fines and unbearable "lessons", for shortening the working day and increasing wages. Some of them already contained symptoms of political protest. So, the workers of the Lyudinovsky plant of Maltsev in the Kaluga province said at the inquest that the factory owner took revenge on them for not going to him with bread and salt in honor of the announcement of the reform of 1861. As the workers became more and more disappointed in / 233 / the consequences "great reforms", their struggle grew: if in the 60s 51 actions of workers (strikes and unrest) were counted, then in the 70s - already 329.
The tsarist government followed the protests of the workers with alarm and tried to calm them down with the appearance of guardianship, without, however, offending the factory owners. The following example is typical: in July 1869, the Moscow authorities banned work in factories and plants on holidays, passing the final decision on this issue to the manufacturers, who decided to leave everything as before.
On the same occasions when the workers resorted to "disorders," to strikes or revolts, tsarism helped the employers to crush the dissatisfied mercilessly. "Instigators" and "leaders" were shackled and sent to jail (as at Maltsev's Lyudinovsky plant in April 1861), sentenced to whipping and exile to hard labor (as at the Lysvensky plant of the Perm province that same spring). Until the mid-1980s, there was no labor legislation in Russia at all, and the existing laws protected the rights not of workers, but of their owners. A strike, like a "revolt against the supreme power," was considered a state crime, and for participating in it, workers were subject to criminal and administrative prosecution. Symbolic for the 70s was the statement of the chief of police to the workers of the St. Petersburg workshops of the Main Society of Russian Railways in response to their economic demands: "Everyone has their own position: the priest serves mass, the doctor heals, and I came to strangle you<...>I know that you have about ten or twenty instigators. I will tear them out from you, tear them out - I will send them to Siberia. And if I want, I will send 100 people to Siberia! "[. See: Tugan-Baranovsky M.I. Russian factory in the past and present. M., 1938. T. 1.S. 349.
. Bervi-Flerovsky V.V. The position of the working class in Russia. M., 1938. S. 442.
Community. 1878. No. 3-4. pp. 27, 28.
Labor movement in Russia in the 19th century. Sat. doc. and materials. M., 1950. T. 2 Part 1. S.
After a long period of reforms, under the pressure of disgruntled retrograde nobles, Alexander II gradually began to curtail the reforms. After the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. the reactionary nature of the reign of "Alexander the Liberator" intensified. The progressive part of Russian society feared the return of serfdom, even if in a modified form.
The half-hearted nature of the peasant reform of 1861 was the reason for the further development and spread of the liberation movement in Russia. Since the 60-70s. 19th century the leading role in the liberation movement in Russia is no longer played by nobles, but by raznochintsy (natives of the middle classes, children of officials, priests, petty bourgeois). Populism became the dominant ideology of the Raznochinsk stage of the liberation movement (1861-1895).
Populism - a social movement of the 60-90s. XIX century, propagating and trying to implement in Russia the ideas of peasant utopian socialism, suggesting a transition to socialism through the peasant community, bypassing capitalism. The main ideas of Russian peasant socialism were outlined in the works of A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, who were the founders of the ideology of populism.
In the 70s - early 80s. The main trend in populism was revolutionary populism, which considered the peasant revolution to be the main means of achieving social justice. It developed three currents: "rebellious" (ideologist - nobleman, professional revolutionary, one of the founders of anarchism M.A. Bakunin), who put forward the demand for the organization of an immediate and general peasant uprising; "propaganda" (ideologist - publicist and sociologist, son of the landowner P.L. Lavrov), who defended the need for long-term propaganda among the people in order to prepare them for the socialist revolution; and "conspiratorial" (ideologist - publicist, member of the student movement of the 60s P.N. Tkachev), who proposed the idea of seizing supreme power by a narrow group of revolutionaries in order to carry out socialist transformations.
Under the influence of the agitation of the theorists of revolutionary populism in the mid-70s. 19th century began spontaneous "going to the people" (1874 - 1879) - mass visits by populists, revolutionary-minded youth, rural areas in order to promote the socialist revolution among the peasants. However, the peasants did not respond to calls for a general revolt and the revolutionary overthrow of the autocracy. The first experiments of "going to the people" were unsuccessful and led to mass arrests of populists.
In the second half of the 70s. 19th century organizations of populists began to be created to coordinate the activities of individual populist circles. The first such organization was the Land and Freedom founded in December 1876 (leaders - A.D. Mikhailov, G.V. Plekhanov and others), which continued unsuccessful attempts to conduct socialist propaganda among the peasants. Differences on tactical issues led to a split in this organization in 1879 into Narodnaya Volya (leaders - A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. officials), and "Black Repartition" (leaders - G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich and others), whose members remained in propaganda positions and continued the practice of "going to the people" for some time. The assassination of Emperor Alexander II on March 1, 1881, organized by Narodnaya Volya, led to the tightening of repressions and the curtailment of the activities of Narodnaya Volya and Black Redistribution. On April 3, 1881, St. Petersburg was plastered with government announcements: "Today, April 3 at 9 o'clock state criminals will be subjected to death by hanging: the noblewoman Sofya Perovskaya, the priest's son Nikolai Kibalchich, the tradesman Nikolai Rysakov, the peasants Andrey Zhelyabov and Timofey Mikhailov. Narodnaya Volya - organizers of the assassination of the king were executed. In the early 80s. 19th century most of the leaders of revolutionary populism were arrested or ended up abroad.
liberal movement. The liberal movement that took shape in the first half of the 19th century. and expressed at that time in the movements of Westerners and Slavophiles, in the 60-90s. 19th century continued to develop on the basis of the ideas of Westernism and European liberal ideology. The activities of the Slavophiles also had a certain influence on him. The liberal movement unfolded with particular force during the preparation of the peasant reform and other bourgeois reform projects of the 1960s and 1970s. 19th century Liberals (historians and lawyers K.D. Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin and others) supported the reforms carried out by the government of Alexander II, advocated freedom of speech, press, personal immunity, the abolition of class privileges, the independence of the judiciary, and the development of local self-government.
The activities of the liberals were expressed in work in committees for the preparation of the peasant reform, filing petitions with the government for liberal reforms, and appearances in the press. The liberal movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. opposed the revolution, putting forward the demand for liberal reforms carried out by the government "from above" with minimal participation of the people.
Of great importance for the development of the liberal movement was the zemstvo movement, which took shape after the zemstvo reform of 1864, which created local self-government bodies - zemstvos, and advocated the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, the creation of all-zemstvo representative bodies, and the adoption of a constitution. In 1879, the first illegal all-zemstvo congress took place, bringing together the most radical representatives of the zemstvo liberal movement. The congress decided on the need to disseminate constitutional ideas in society, discussed the possibility of creating a secret society, but the activities of the congress had no serious practical consequences.
Centers for the formation of the liberal movement of the 60-90s. 19th century in addition to the zemstvos, there were universities, new courts, the liberal press, one of the most famous publications of which was the monthly moderately liberal journal Vestnik Evropy (1866-1912).
labor movement appeared in Russia in the 1960s. 19th century in connection with the process of formation of the factory proletariat. Initially, it had a spontaneous and unorganized character. In many cases, the workers limited themselves to passive forms of struggle (submission of petitions to the administration of factories, to the tsarist authorities, flight from the factories). At the initial stage of its development, in the 1960s and 1980s, the labor movement put forward mainly economic demands: higher wages, limited working hours, and improved working conditions.
The first political organizations of workers that arose under the influence of the populists (the South Russian Union of Workers (1875) and the Northern Union of Russian Workers (1878-1879)) were quickly crushed by the police and did not have a noticeable impact on the development of the ideology of the labor movement.
The defeat of revolutionary populism led to the transition of some of the populists to Marxist positions: in 1883 in Geneva, the leaders of the populist organization "Black Redistribution" G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich and others founded the Emancipation of Labor group, which set as its goal the propaganda of Marxism in Russia.
Towards the end of the century, the organized labor movement strengthened. The main form of struggle of the labor movement in the 60-80s. there was a strike. In the 80s. the strike movement begins to take on a mass and organized character. The largest strike of workers in the 60-80s. 19th century there was a Morozov strike in the city of Orekhovo-Zuevo, which took place in 1885 at the Nikolskaya manufactory of the manufacturer T.S. Morozov. Of the 11,000 workers at the enterprise, about 8,000 people were on strike. The Morozov manufactory was famous for its sophisticated system of fines, for 1882-1884. her wages were reduced 5 times. From each earned ruble was deducted in the form of fines from 30 to 50 kopecks.
The strike began on January 7 with spontaneous protests by workers who smashed the factory shop, administration apartments, and factory premises. However, its leaders (P.A. Moiseenko and others) were able to give the strike an organized character: the workers formulated demands, which they handed to the Vladimir governor who arrived at the factory. The administration did not make any concessions - on the personal instructions of Alexander III, arrests began, the troops cordoned off the enterprise, the workers were driven to work with bayonets. However, work at the enterprise was fully resumed only at the end of January. The organizers of the strike were put on trial. However, the jury, having familiarized themselves with the situation of the workers, was forced to acquit them.
The rise of the workers' strike movement at the end of the 19th century. forced the government to make some concessions and led to the creation of labor legislation that limited the use of female and child labor, the amount of fines, which created a state factory inspectorate to which workers could complain about the violation of their rights.
Counter-reforms of Alexander III. After the era of great reforms of the 1860-1870s. the country entered the next period of its history, called the period of counter-reforms of Alexander III. Under Alexander III, many of the transformations carried out during the reign of his father Alexander II not only did not receive further development, but were seriously curtailed. Alexander III was convinced of the harmfulness of the system of broad rights and freedoms, considering this to be a provocation of social upheavals. A significant role in this was played by the strengthening of the revolutionary populist movement, which resulted in the assassination of Alexander II.
The new Russian emperor was not the most democratic and enlightened person among the crowned persons. Alexander III did not receive at one time the necessary educational minimum that was due to the heir to the throne, since, being only the second son of Alexander II, he was preparing for military engineering service, and not for reign. With great growth (193 cm) and extraordinary physical strength, the emperor was distinguished by amazing endurance and self-control.
The image of Alexander III is interpreted differently by various historians, often ignorance and even outright stupidity were attributed to him, and the king was accused of cowardice. Supporters of this interpretation pointed out that the tsar did not know Russian grammar well, lived all his life on other people's ideas, trusting dignitaries-administrators, after the murder of his father hid for many years in the Mikhailovsky Palace (castle), etc. The other side claimed: the king was educated, knew foreign languages, was smart and brave. As a prince, he personally participated in the hostilities during the Russian-Turkish war (in 1877). During the crash of the tsar's train in 1888, Alexander III saved his family by pulling the household out from under the wreckage of the car. The political views of the emperor were dominated by the desire for stability in society, which many researchers define as conservatism.
Alexander III ruled the country for a short time - 13 years (1881-1894), having died early from a long illness - jade. The cause of the illness was, apparently, the colossal physical exertion that he had to endure during the railway incident mentioned above. The roof of the car during the train crash began to fall on the king's family sitting at the dinner table. Alexander was forced to hold her at arm's length. In subsequent years, the disease worsened for a different reason. The head of the guard of the emperor P.A. Cherevin left behind diaries, from which it follows that the king constantly and immoderately consumed alcohol.
serfdom russia reform
The age-old problem of Russian politics - the struggle between reforms and counter-reforms - was quite clearly manifested in the reign of Alexander III. At that time, S.Yu., respectively, became the conductors of both political lines. Witte and K.P. Pobedonostsev.
S.Yu. Witte was the Minister of Finance of Russia (1892-1903) and the most prominent figure among the reformers at the turn of the two centuries. His main ambition was, in Witte's own words, to give Russia the same "industrial age as the United States of North America is already entering." Under him, Russia had a powerful banking and tax system, was integrated into the world economy, and the ruble became convertible in 1897. The public sector in the economy was quite large (100% of defense plants, 70% of railways, 30% of land). Much of the above took place after the death of Alexander III, but the foundations of this path were laid during his reign. Such shifts in the economic course of the country could not but meet with resistance in the conservative environment of the king. Witte's main opponent was Pobedonostsev.
Under Alexander III, Witte introduced a state wine monopoly, which significantly strengthened the country's budget and provided funds to start other reforms. A skilled diplomat, Witte knew how to find a common language with K.P. Pobedonostsev, on whom a lot depended in those years.
K.P. Pobedonostsev held the chair of civil law at Moscow University and was the tutor, first of Alexander III, and then of Nicholas II (he taught them jurisprudence). From 1868 he was a senator, from 1872 he was a member of the State Council, and from 1880 to 1905 he was chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod. These positions, especially the last one, allowed Pobedonostsev to actively influence the country's domestic and foreign policy, and the position of the emperor's educator further expanded his opportunities. He used them to the full, especially in the first years of the reign of Alexander III.
Pobedonostsev saw his main task as the elimination of the liberal institutions introduced by Alexander II, the protection of the political course from the penetration of socialist ideas. Witte, paying tribute to the education and talents of this politician, called Pobedonostsev one of the "pillars of conservatism."
Alexander III, who sought to surround himself with devoted and intelligent administrators, gave preference to a courtier well known from his youth and immediately entrusted him with compiling the tsar's manifesto. The manifesto of April 25, 1881 proclaimed the program of the new reign - a course towards counter-reforms and the strengthening of autocracy. The political course was based on the ideas of unlimited monarchy, extreme nationalism and militant Orthodoxy.
After writing this document, Pobedonostsev concentrated the administration of the country in his hands, began to slow down and even frankly torpedo liberal reforms, and severely persecute freethinking, the liberal press, publicists and writers. It was he who began the persecution of L.N. Tolstoy, who then expounded in philosophical publications the idea of "God in the soul" or "God without a church", and achieved the public excommunication of the great writer from the church. The most furious persecutor of the Narodnaya Volya was the same Pobedonostsev.
"Guardian angel of the throne", as contemporaries called K.P. Pobedonostsev, was neither a lackey nor a careerist. He served "for the idea" and did so consistently and stubbornly, fighting for the strengthening of the country through the strengthening of the autocracy. In many ways, he prevented Witte from carrying out progressive economic and political reforms under Alexander III and became the ideologist of the main counter-reforms of that time.
Administrative arbitrariness spread in the country, the activities of the political police reached an incredible scale, and the return to feudal serfdom began to be fixed legislatively. Almost immediately after the assassination of Alexander II by the Narodnaya Volya, the new emperor took the first step in counter-reforms - he issued the "Regulations on Measures to Protect State Order and Public Peace" (1881). This document gave the governors the right to declare a state of emergency in the provinces, without trial or investigation and bypassing existing laws, to carry out arrests, close the press, and stop the activities of public organizations. The "Regulation" was extended every three years until 1917.
One of the most important counter-reforms of the 80-90s. was adopted in 1889 the provision on zemstvo district chiefs (peasant counter-reform), which was aimed at restoring the administrative and judicial power of the landowners over the peasantry, which they had lost after the peasant reform of 1861. Zemsky chiefs, appointed by the Minister of the Interior from among the landowners, hereditary nobles, the right to control and supervise the bodies of peasant self-government, the right to make arrests, apply corporal punishment, and cancel the decisions of village assemblies and elected officials. The functions of magistrates were transferred to the zemstvo chiefs, and the magistrates themselves were henceforth abolished.
In 1890, the "Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions" (zemstvo counter-reform) were issued. According to this document, the system of elections to zemstvo bodies was changed. The first electoral curia began to include only the nobles, the number of vowels from it increased. The number of vowels from the second curia decreased, the property qualification increased. Peasant assemblies now elected only candidates for vowels. The list of candidates was considered at congresses of zemstvo chiefs and finally approved by the governor.
The “City Regulations”, published in 1892 (city counter-reform), increased the property qualification for voters in elections to city governments, about half of the voters lost their voting rights, city heads and members of the council were transferred to the category of civil servants and, therefore, fell into under the full control of the administration.
The policy of counter-reforms of the 80-90s. contributed to the slowdown in the socio-political development of the country, but could not completely eliminate the results of the bourgeois transformations of the 60-70s.
Consistently carrying out the counter-reforms prepared by Pobedonostsev, Alexander III is increasingly beginning to understand the need for forward movement in the economic and political fields. He increasingly turns to Witte, and in the bowels of the counter-reformist government, future reforms begin to prepare. Witte writes in "Memoirs" that the tsar began to rush him with the preparation of a law on the responsibility of the manufacturers to the workers. "We must move forward, we must create," said the tsar, urging us not to succumb to the influence of Pobedonostsev and his supporters. "I have long ceased to take into account their advice."
Alexander III went down in history as "Alexander the peacemaker", because. under him, Russia did not wage wars at all. The peacekeeping idea that guided him was expressed in diplomatic efforts to ensure guaranteed peace on the European continent. "By force and war it is impossible to establish strong and lasting alliances," said Alexander III. In the world, Russia's position was appreciated. "Happy is mankind and the Russian people that Emperor Alexander III held fast to the idea of universal peace and considered the implementation of this idea his first and greatest duty," the London Times wrote at the time. However, in the course of implementing peacekeeping diplomacy, Russia had to give up many things. So, Alexander III destroyed the achievements of the previous reign in the Balkans. In the Far East region, a conflict with Japan was already brewing under him. During the reign of Alexander III, there was a gradual deterioration in Russian-German relations. At the same time, Russia is moving towards rapprochement with France, which ended with the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance (1891-1893). Peacekeeping turned into a growing destabilization of Russia's relations with a number of countries, which subsequently led to wars.
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A) April 1866 B) 1869 - 1872 D) 1874-1875 G) 1872-1876 K) 1863-1866 |
For each position of the first column, select the corresponding position of the second and write it down in the table with the selected numbers under the corresponding letters.
For each position of the first column, select the corresponding position of the second and write it down in the table with the selected numbers under the corresponding letters.
1) A.I. Zhelyabov
2) V.G. Plekhanov
3) N.V. Tchaikovsky
4) M.F. Frolenko
5) A.D. Morozov
6) S.G. Nechaev
7) N.G. Chernyshevsky
8) A.D.Mikhailov
9) N.A.Ishutin
10) V.N. Figner
11) S.L. Perovskaya
12) A.I. Herzen
Answer: _________
2) Capitalism in Russia is an alien phenomenon, implanted "from above".
4) Russia is a constitutional monarchy. Guarantee of rights and freedoms.
6) The cell of socialism in the country is the peasant community.
Answer: _________________
1) N. Bukharin
2) P. Tkachev
3) A. Herzen
4) M. Bakunin
5) P. Lavrov
6) N. Ogarev
Answer: _________________
13. 1,4,5,8,10,11
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“Test on the topic “Ideology of revolutionary populism””
Test on the topic "The ideology of revolutionary populism"
1. One of the reasons for the strengthening of the revolutionary movement in Russia after the peasant reform of 1861. became
a) obtaining personal freedom by serfs
b) the dissatisfaction of the nobles with the decision to free the peasants from serfdom
c) the preservation by Alexander II of many figures of the pre-reform period in leading government posts
d) the disappointment of the peasants who remained in the position of temporarily liable
2. The ideological leader of the revolutionary movement in Russia in the late 50s - early 60s of the XIX century N.G. Chernyshevsky spoke in his articles
a) for the expansion of the rights and freedoms of citizens
b) for freedom of entrepreneurial activity
c) for the preservation of the old order
d) for the peasant revolution, the creation of a revolutionary organization
3. The ideologist of the propaganda trend in populism was
a) M. Bakunin
b) P. Lavrov
c) P. Tkachev
d) A. Herzen
4. The set of rules created by S.G. Nechaev and which the revolutionaries were to be guided by was called
a) "Catechism of the Revolutionary"
b) "Constitution"
c) "Russian Truth"
d) "Russian word"
5. The founder of the society "People's Punishment" in Moscow was
a) S.N. Nechaev
b) I.I. Ivanov
c) N.G. Chernyshevsky
d) N.A. Ishutin
6. The “going to the people” of the populist revolutionaries failed in
7. As a result of the split in 1879, Lands and Freedoms arose
a) "Northern Society" and "Southern Society"
b) Massacre of the People and the Big Society of Propaganda
c) "Union of Salvation" and "Union of Prosperity"
d) "Narodnaya Volya" and "Black Repartition"
8. How did the authorities react to the “going to the people”?
a) rendered all possible assistance to the populists
b) deep sympathy was expressed for the populists
c) all-Russian raid and show trials
d) were skeptical about what was happening
9. Match the term with its definition
| Definition |
|
| A) revolutionary way of development B) political demands B) radical D) conspiracy D) nationalism | 1) views aimed at preserving national identity or ensuring national independence 2) methods used by an illegal organization to keep its existence and activities secret 3) demands for a change in the political regime 4) the path of development of society, involving a sharp, abrupt transition to a new socio-political system 5) decisive action |
For each position of the first column, select the corresponding position of the second and write it down in the table with the selected numbers under the corresponding letters.
10. Match Date to Event
| A) April 1866 B) 1869 - 1872 D) 1874-1875 G) 1872-1876 K) 1863-1866 | 1) the beginning of the propaganda activities of the populists, "going to the people" 2) the assassination of Emperor Alexander II as a result of an assassination attempt by members of the "Narodnaya Volya" 3) the organization "Land and Freedom" arose in St. Petersburg 4) the activities of the society "People's Punishment", founded by S.N. Nechaev in Moscow 5) the activities of the revolutionary organization under the leadership of N.A. Ishutin 6) the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" appeared in St. Petersburg 7) publication abroad of the magazine "Forward!" 8) the "South Russian Union of Workers" was formed in Odessa 9) the formation in St. Petersburg of a circle of "Tchaikovites" 10) a member of the "Hell" group D.V. Karakozov made an attempt on Alexander II |
For each position of the first column, select the corresponding position of the second and write it down in the table with the selected numbers under the corresponding letters.
11. Establish a correspondence between ideologists and the direction in populism
For each position of the first column, select the corresponding position of the second and write it down in the table with the selected numbers under the corresponding letters.
12. Arrange events in chronological order
A) the formation of a circle of "Tchaikovites" in St. Petersburg
B) the assassination of Emperor Alexander II
C) the emergence in St. Petersburg of the organization "Land and Freedom"
D) the activities of the revolutionary organization under the leadership of N.A. Ishutin
D) "going to the people"
E) an attempt on Alexander II by a member of the "Hell" group D.V. Karakozov
13. Name the historical persons who are the organizers and leaders of the organization "Narodnaya Volya"
1) A.I. Zhelyabov
2) V.G. Plekhanov
3) N.V. Tchaikovsky
4) M.F. Frolenko
5) A.D. Morozov
6) S.G. Nechaev
7) N.G. Chernyshevsky
8) A.D.Mikhailov
9) N.A.Ishutin
10) V.N. Figner
11) S.L. Perovskaya
12) A.I. Herzen
Answer: _________
14. Name the provisions that are the main ideas of revolutionary populism
1) The abolition of serfdom (reform).
2) Capitalism in Russia is an alien phenomenon, implanted "from above".
3) The future of Russia is socialism, bypassing capitalism.
4) Russia is a constitutional monarchy. Guarantee of rights and freedoms.
5) The power of the king is not limited. The monarch takes into account the opinion of the people.
6) The cell of socialism in the country is the peasant community.
7) General state control over all spheres of society.
8) Russia has a special path of historical development.
Answer: _________________
15. Name the historical figures who are the ideologists of revolutionary populism
1) N. Bukharin
2) P. Tkachev
3) A. Herzen
4) M. Bakunin
5) P. Lavrov
6) N. Ogarev
Answer: _________________
1) the formation of a secret (secret) committee
2) renaming the Private Committee into the Main Committee on Peasant Affairs
3) rescript to V. I. Nazimov
4) establishment of editorial commissions
5) the establishment of "provincial committees to improve the life of the landlord peasants"
3. Choose the correct statements:
a) laws, decrees of the 19th century, undermining the foundations of serfdom in Russia:
1) about "free ploughmen" 2) about a three-day corvee
3) about "obliged" peasants 4) about peasants attached to factories
5) about inventory rules
6) measures taken by Alexander II to soften the political regime in the country:
1) weakening of censorship 2) elimination of military settlements
3) amnesty for the Decembrists 4) write-off of arrears
5) edition of "The Bells"
c) According to the documents on the abolition of serfdom:
1) the peasants had to buy the land
2) peasants received civil rights
3) the land was transferred to the personal property of the peasant
4) peasant land, exceeding the legal norm, was "cut off" by the landowner
5) the implementation of the reform on the ground was monitored by bailiffs
d) the peasant reform of 1861 made it possible:
1) personal liberation of the peasants
2) complete restructuring of the peasant economy on a capitalist basis
3) preservation of landownership
4) approval of the capitalist structure in the economy
5) eliminate class division in society
yard workers, serf workers of manufactories, peasants of small landowners
5. Who owns the words?
“Sir, give freedom to the Russian word... Give us free speech... We have something to say to the world and our own. Give land to the peasants .... wash away the shameful stain of serfdom from Russia ... "
Theme "Liberal reforms of the 60-70s."
Part A
a) of the liberal reforms, the following were carried out later than others:
1) zemstvo 2) military 3) urban 4) judicial
b) the most consistent of the bourgeois transformations was the reform:
1) urban 2) zemstvo 3) judicial 4) peasant
c) gymnasiums as the main type of secondary educational institutions were divided into:
1) state and parochial 2) seven-year and eight-year
3) zemstvo and urban 4) real and classic
d) violent actions with the aim of intimidating, suppressing, destroying political opponents are called:
1) dictatorship 2) blockade 3) terror 4) regime
e) contemporaries called the "dictatorship of the heart" ...... the time of activity:
1) Alexander II 2) M. T. Loris-Melikova 3) P. A. Valuev 4) M. M. Speransky
Part B
a) zemstvos were created:
1) in counties 2) in volosts 3) in provinces 4) in cities 5) in capital centers
b) as a result of the reforms of the 60-70s. in Russia:
1) the foundations of the political system have changed
2) accelerated the development of market relations
3) estates were eliminated in the socio-political life of the country
4) peasants received civil rights
5) the economic importance of the landowning nobility decreased
c) the following principles underlie the judicial reform:
1) electivity of some judicial bodies 2) democracy
3) all-estate 4) competition
5) separation of powers
3. Match:
| reforms | Year |
| a) peasant | 1) 1861 |
| b) military | 2) 1864 |
| c) zemstvo | 3) 1870 |
| d) judicial | 4) 1874 |
| e) urban | 5)1878 |
4. Indicate the principle of formation of a series:
D. A. Milyutin, N. A. Milyutin, Ya. I. Rostovtsev, A. V. Golovnin
5. What is it about?
b) “This first meeting,” writes a contemporary, “struck me in many respects: the vowels from the peasants, our yesterday's serfs, sat down between us so simply and unceremoniously, as if they had been sitting like that for a century; they listened to us with great attention, asked for an explanation about what they did not understand, and agreed with us on the meaning.”
Theme "Socio-economic development after the abolition of serfdom"
Part A
1. Choose the correct answer:
a) the Industrial Revolution is basically over:
1) in the 1930s-1940s. 2) in the 1940s-1960s. 3) by the 1960s. 4) by the 1980s.
b) the centers of large-scale engineering steel:
1) Petersburg, Baku 2) Moscow, Krivoy Rog 3) Petersburg, Moscow 4) Krivoy Rog, Petersburg
c) poll tax is:
1) property tax 2) income tax
3) house-to-house taxation, regardless of income
4) taxation of all men of taxable estates
d) in the landowners' farms in the 60s and 70s. system prevailed.
1) developmental 3) mixed
2) capitalist 4) feudal
e) in the first years after the reforms, the leading role in industry was played by:
1) metallurgical industry
2) textile production
3) production of means of production
4) engineering production
f) the first major uprising of Russian workers took place:
1) at the Kolomna plant of the Moscow province
2) at the Putilov factory in St. Petersburg
3) at the Krenholm manufactory in Narva
4) at the factories of Donbass
Part B
2. Choose the correct statements:
a) in post-reform Russia, serfdom remnants were preserved:
1) the main part of the land is in the hands of the landowners 2) mutual responsibility in the community
3) personal freedom of peasants 4) commodity production
5) preservation of the peasant community
b) features characteristic of the development of post-reform industry:
1) low production per capita
2) the formation of new industrial regions
3) lagging behind a number of advanced European countries
4) low labor productivity
5) the beginning of the industrial revolution
c) in Russia, the slowdown in economic growth in the early 80s. explained:
1) a decrease in prices for Russian goods abroad
2) the amount of duties, redemption payments and taxes from the peasantry
3) fast rail construction
4) the beginning of the Russian-Turkish war
5) low purchasing power of the population
3. Indicate the principle of formation of a series:
State, St. Petersburg, Moscow merchant, Volga-Kama
4. Insert in place of gaps:
The production of products that are oriented to _______ specifically for sale is called ______ production.
5. What is it about?
“The first private society that was formed received a concession ... At first, however, it did not go well. ... But then it passed into the hands of von Derviz, who gave it a completely different turn ... made many millions ... others rushed after him ... For people looking to make money, the temptation was enormous ... "
Topic: "Social Movement".
Part A
1. Choose the correct answer:
a) a trend that unites supporters of the parliamentary system, civil and economic freedoms:
1) socialism 3) conservatism
2) liberalism 4) reformism
b) the first printed policy document of Russian liberals in the 1950s and 1960s. - this is:
2) "Philosophical Letters"
3) "Domestic Notes"
4) "Letter to the publisher"
c) in the first printed program document of the Russian liberals of the 50-60s. no requirement:
1) the abolition of serfdom 5 2) freedom of conscience
3) introduction of the constitution
4) publicity of the court
d) the social pillar of liberalism in Russian society was:
1) part of the bourgeoisie and workers
2) nobility and officials
3) commoners
4) intelligentsia and part of the nobility
e) the mouthpiece of the ideology of conservatism in Russia in the 60-70s. edition became:
1) "Moskovskie Vedomosti"
2) "Domestic Notes"
3) "Contemporary"
4) "Polar Star"
Part B
2. Choose the correct statements:
a) common features of the liberal and conservative movements of pre-reform Russia:
1) supported the abolition of serfdom
2) sought to prevent infringement of the privileges of the nobility during the reforms
3) opposed the revolutionary path of the country's development
4) did not have wide support in society
5) called for the creation of the foundations of civil society
b) the most radical version of the liberal program of the 1950s and 1960s:
1) was created by the nobles of the Tver province
2) was sent to the Emperor in 1855.
3) announced the renunciation of all class privileges of the nobility
4) offered popular representation
5) was proposed by K. D. Kavelin and B. N. Chicherin
3. Match:
a) liberal movement 1) K. D. Kavelin
b) conservatism 2) P. A. Shuvalov
3) A. M. Unkovsky
4) V. N. Panin
5) Yu. F. Samarin
6) P. A. Valuev
4. Indicate the principle of formation of a series:
a) "Bulletin of Europe", "Domestic Notes", "Library for Reading"
b) K. D. Kavelin, A. N. Pypin, V. D. Spasovich, M. M. Stasyulevich, B. I. Utin
5. Who are we talking about?
a) “I changed my mind all the time. During his 30 years of publicistic activity, he turned from a moderate liberal into an extreme conservative; but even here there is no consistency in him ... If advice ... were always taken into account, it would be impossible for a calm and regular course of state life; one would constantly have to replace what was established with a new, opposite one. His influence ... is due to a large extent to his stylistic talent, as well as the freedom with which he, in contrast to representatives of other opinions, could sometimes express his views.
b) Russian public figure, landowner, lawyer. From 1857 to 1859 was the leader of the nobility of the Tver province, a member of the editorial commissions for the preparation of the project of the peasant reform of 1861. He criticized the government project for the liberation of the peasants. For a note submitted to the emperor, he was removed from all posts and exiled to Vyatka. In 1866 he was a sworn attorney.
Theme "Revolutionary Populism"
1. Choose the correct answer:
a) the ideology and movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. - this is:
1) reformism 2) Marxism 3) socialism 4) populism
b) the strengthening of the revolutionary movement after the reform of 1861 was due to:
1) the elimination of class barriers 2) the weakening of the political regime in post-reform Russia 3) the moderation of reforms and the inconsistency of the authorities in their implementation 4) the increase in the number and influence of "raznochintsy"
c) the foundations of the populist ideology were laid in the 1950s:
1) M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov 2) P. N. Tkachev, M. A. Bakunin
3) A. I. Herzen, N. G. Chernyshevsky 4) G. V. Plekhanov, S. L. Perovskaya
d) the beginning of the activities of the populists, called "going to the people":
1) 1861 2) 1874 3) 1876 4) 1881
e) the organization "Land and Freedom" split into:
1) "South Russian Union of Workers" and "Northern Union of Russian Workers"
2) "People's Will" and "Black Repartition" 3) "People's Will" and "People's Reprisal" 4) "Black Repartition" and "Emancipation of Labor"
f) the assassination of the emperor by the Narodnaya Volya occurred:
