After the Austrian government, under pressure and an ultimatum from the German side, was forced to resign, on March 11, 1938, Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschning addressed the nation on the evening radio. He announced the resignation of his government and the transfer of control of the country to the Nazi protege Seyss-Inquart. The second part of the appeal concerned the call to the Austrian army, which should not resist if German troops crossed the border and entered Austrian territory. Shortly before midnight, the country's president also succumbed to pressure and agreed to a new chancellor. An official call was made on behalf of the new government for German troops to enter the country to maintain order, about which the new chancellor, who supposedly wrote it, learned already in hindsight.
On the night of March 11-12, 1938 German troops crossed the border according to a previously secretly worked out plan, which was to be carried out regardless of the internal decisions of Austria. The Austrian army offered no resistance. The first high-ranking German official to arrive in Vienna was Heinrich Himmler, accompanied by his intelligence and SS men. Adolf Hitler himself arrived in Vienna on the evening of March 13, 1938, and the next day was greeted with a standing ovation by crowds of people in the city. Over the next few days, after the Anschluss of Austria, the Nazis staged a number of events in the streets of Vienna, including Adolf Hitler speaking to the Austrian people, who were now part of the Third Reich. I visited all the main places of these parades and performances and took photographs from the same angles that became a well-known part of the history of such an event as Anschluss of Austria.
Banner with Swastika March 11
On March 11, 1938, in the evening, after the Austrian people, tired of expectations and the information war, were informed on the radio about the resignation of the government, about the upcoming accession to Germany (Anschluss of Austria), local Nazis took to the streets. The first Nazi symbol to be displayed on a public institution in Austria was the swastika on the building of the Chancellor's Office at Ballhausplatz. The flag was placed on the balcony above the main entrance. Also on the facade of the office, where Chancellor Schuschning was still located, a banner was installed with the inscription: DURCH KAMPF ZUM ZIEG, which translates as “Through struggle to victory”.
After the Anschluss of Austria, the puppet government of the Nazis under the leadership of Seyss-Ankwart was located in this building, until it was abolished on April 30, 1939. Until the very end of the war and the liberation of the country, the Nazi administration was located in the building. The Chancellery building was badly damaged during the bombing in the spring of 1945 and restored to its original architectural appearance in 1950. Today, you can compare a photo with a flag and a living building and almost see no difference.
Banner on the Vine House
Shortly after the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, a number of buildings in Vienna, not only state buildings, had new symbols or banners with inscriptions. One of these was placed above the facade of the famous Loz building at Michaelerplatz 3 - named after its architect. The inscription on the fabric read GLEICHES BLUT GEHORT IN EIN GEMEINSAMES REICH, which translates as "One blood belongs to the united Reich". The subtext was the idea that the inhabitants of Germany and Austria belong to the same historical nation and their unification is an important event.
The Looshaus building in Vienna was damaged during the bombings back in 1944, but was restored afterwards. At one time, a furniture store was located there, and in 1987 the Raiffeisenbank bank bought the building, which is located there today. The façade and characteristic columns have remained almost unchanged since 1938.
Hitler's speech at the Hofburg
On March 15, 1938, two days after the start of the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, a number of Nazi events took place on the streets of the city of Vienna. The most important was the pompous performance of Adolf Hitler from the balcony of the former residence of the Habsburgs - the Hofburg Palace. A huge crowd of Viennese gathered on the Heldenplatz (Heroes' Square) adjacent to the palace - several hundred thousand people filled all the free space and some of them even climbed the two monuments standing here - Prince Eugen and Archduke Charles. Hitler made a pathetic speech about the future of a united Germany and his homeland of Austria, which is destined for a glorious fate.
Military parades in Vienna
On March 15-16, 1938, German troops and SS units paraded through the central streets of Vienna, along the same Ringstrasse, where Adolf Hitler once liked to walk and admire the architecture of the city.
Hitler took a military parade along the Ringstrasse city ring. He and his retinue gathered on the Maria-Theresien-Platz between the Museums of Natural History and the Arts. German troops marched past Hitler, as well as tanks and 105 mm guns.
Parts of the Austrian army, which, after the Anschluss of Austria, swore allegiance to the new government, marched past the Parliament building, where Adolf Hitler once got an idea of \u200b\u200bdemocracy.
On March 16, 1938, units of the Austrian SS, now officially formed, marched along the same Heldenplatz near the Hofburg Palace, where Adolf Hitler had spoken the day before.
Laying flowers at the Monument of the Austrian Army
On the same day of March 15, 1938, Adolf Hitler took part in another part of the ceremonial festivities in Vienna. Hitler ceremonially laid a wreath at the Austrian Army Monument from the time of the First World War and then the only World War. This place is located just behind the Heldenplatz arch, near the Hofburg Palace.
A month after the Anschluss of Austria, Adolf Hitler returned to Vienna to celebrate the upcoming elections of the Austrian people, who were to vote and give their consent to Anschluss of Austria. The day before, according to Nazi data, 99.75% of people made such a decision, Hitler drove his car convoy through the city. The main part of this event was his journey from Burgtheater to urban Vienna City Hall (Rathaus), between which there are only about 200 meters. At the entrance, Hitler was greeted by Austrian nationalists and inside the Town Hall he gave a fiery speech about recent and upcoming events.
Hotel Imperial
During his stay in Vienna in March 1938, Adolf Hitler stayed at the Hotel Imperial at Kartner Ring 16 in the central part of the city. March 20 on the balcony of the second floor. In one of the photos, Joseph Goebbels is next to him, in the other, Heinrich Himmler. To the Imperial Hotel, built in 1862-1865. Hitler also returned in April on his second visit to Vienna, on the eve of the Plebiscite. After the war, the premises of the Imperial Hotel were occupied by the Soviet occupation troops. In subsequent decades, the Imperial Hotel was visited by: US President John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, Richard Nixon, Queen Elizabeth II and a number of other dignitaries.
Hitler at the Belvedere in 1941
On March 1, 1941, Adolf Hitler was present at the ceremony of signing by Bulgaria of a pact with the OSI countries on joining the so-called Tripartite Pact. Representatives from Japan and Italy also attended. These events took place in the luxurious Belvedere Palace, which has changed little since that time.
Anschluss in Linz
Adolf Hitler pompously entered Austria on March 12, 1938, to drive through the country in a column and visit the places of his childhood and youth. He moved from West to East, and before he entered Vienna on the evening of March 13, he managed to visit several cities where this was celebrated as an important event. After visiting the hometown of Branau, where Adolf Hitler was born in 1889, the Führer's car column proceeded to Linz, where Hitler spent the years from 1899 to 1907, where his parents are buried in the suburb of Leonding. After visiting Leonding, the column headed for the city of Linz itself, where Hitler was pompously greeted by the Austrians, the inhabitants of the city who supported the Anschluss of Austria.
The column proceeded through the main square of the city Hauptplatz, which on the same day was renamed Adolf-Hitler-Platz (Adolf Hitler Square). Several thousand residents of Linz came out to greet the German Chancellor. A little more than a month later, on April 20, 1938, the city authorities organize magnificent festivities in the main square and a parade on the occasion of Hitler's 49th birthday.
On the evening of the same day, March 12, 1938, Hitler delivered a fiery speech, standing on the balcony City Hall Linz. He proclaimed the unification of Austria and Germany into one entity, which would become a centuries-old empire. The square was filled with people who wanted to see Hitler and some of them even climbed a local statue from 1723 to get a better view.
Bridge Nibelungbrucke
When the Anschluss of Austria took place in March 1938, and Hitler's column proceeded to the city of Linz, it drove to the main square of Hauptplatz across the bridge, which Adolf Hitler had already decided to replace. He had big plans for Linz, where he was going to live out his old age, after fulfilling, as it seemed to him, his historical mission. The former bridge was blown up and thrown across the Danube Nibelung Bridge Nibelungbrucke.
The bridge, which remained a relic of Linz's Nazi past, has been preserved almost in the same form. Only after the war two statues were dismantled from it: Kriemhild and Siegfried.
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Chapter 16
RETURN TO THE HOMELAND (February - April 1938)
Vienna almost immediately felt the consequences of the bloodless purge of the Wehrmacht. Franz von Papen, former chancellor and now head of the German mission in a small country, was called to the telephone. The Secretary of the Reich Chancellery Lammers called: "The Führer asked you to inform you that your mission in Vienna is over." Papin was speechless. Hitler himself convinced him to take this post in order to alleviate the dangerous situation created by the murder of Dollfuss. “It seems that I have served my time and now I can leave,” he thought bitterly. To get an idea of what was happening, Papen immediately decided to go to Berchtesgaden, where he found the Fuhrer tired and worried. “It seemed that his eyes could not focus on one point, and his thoughts were somewhere far away. He tried to explain my dismissal with empty pretexts,” Papen recalled. The distracted Führer lost track of the conversation until Papen remarked that only a face-to-face meeting between Hitler and the Austrian chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg could resolve the many problems separating the two countries. “This is a great idea,” Hitler perked up and ordered Papen to return to Vienna in order to organize such a meeting as soon as possible.
Schuschnigg accepted Papen's invitation with some trepidation. He confessed to his foreign minister, Guido Schmidt, that he did this "to prevent a mutiny and buy time until the international situation improved in favor of Austria."
Kurt von Schuschnigg
Hitler greeted the guests outwardly cordially. After introducing the three generals "who happened to be" there, he led the Austrian chancellor to his office. Here the Fuhrer threw off his mask of affability, rudely accusing Austria of pursuing an unfriendly policy. Is it permissible to remain in the League of Nations after Germany leaves it? According to the Fuhrer, Austria did nothing to help Germany. The whole history of Austria has been a complete betrayal. “And now I can tell you to your face, Herr Schuschnigg, that I am determined to end this,” Hitler said irritably. “The German Reich is a great power, and no one will raise their voices if it settles its border problems.”
Not wanting to aggravate relations, Schuschnigg replied that the entire history of Austria was inextricably linked with the German one, and "Austria's contribution in this regard is significant." "Nonsense! exclaimed Hitler, as if he had never lived in Austria. “I tell you again that this cannot continue. I will fulfill my historical mission, it is prescribed for me by providence. This is my life. Look at life in Germany, Herr Schuschnigg, and you will see that only one will rules here. I am inspired by the love of the people. I am free to walk without security at any time . This is because people love me and believe in me.”
He accused Austria of building fortifications on the German border and ridiculed her efforts to mine the bridges and roads leading to the Reich: “Do you seriously believe that you can stop or delay me even for half an hour? Perhaps you will wake up one morning in Vienna and see that we have arrived like a spring thunderstorm. I would like to spare Austria such a fate, since such an action would mean bloodshed."
When Schuschnigg replied that Austria was not alone in the world and an invasion of the country would probably mean war, Hitler sneered scornfully. He was sure that for the sake of protecting the imaginary sovereignty of Austria, no one would lift a finger - neither Italy, nor England, nor France.
At 4 p.m., the Austrian Chancellor was brought to a meeting with Ribbentrop, who handed him a typewritten draft agreement, which in fact meant an ultimatum: Germany will support the sovereignty of Austria if all arrested Austrian National Socialists, including the murderers of Dollfuss, are released within three days, and all dismissed officials and officers - members of the National Socialist Party will be restored to their former posts. In addition, the leader of the pro-German faction, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, should be appointed Minister of the Interior with the right to unrestricted control over the country's police forces. A "moderate" Austrian Nazi should take over as Minister of Defense, and the current propagandists should be fired to ensure the "objectivity of the press."
For Schuschnigg, these concessions meant the end of Austrian independence, and, barely containing his indignation, he began to dispute point by point. He managed to squeeze some minor concessions out of Ribbentrop, then it was announced that the Führer was ready to accept him again.
Hitler paced the office excitedly. “Herr Schuschnigg, this is non-negotiable,” he said, handing the Austrian a second copy of the draft agreement. “I won't change a single comma. Either you sign it in this form, or our meeting will be useless. In this case, during the night I will decide what to do next. Schuschnigg refused to accept the ultimatum. His signature, he said, was not legally binding, since according to the constitution, only President Miklas could appoint ministers and grant amnesty to criminals. In addition, he cannot guarantee that the deadline specified by the document will be observed. "You must guarantee it!" shouted Hitler. “I can’t, Herr Reich Chancellor,” Schuschnigg replied.
Schuschnigg's calm but firm replies infuriated Hitler. He ran to the door and shouted: "General Keitel!" Then he turned to Schuschnigg and said to him: "I will invite you later." The cry was heard in the winter garden, and Keitel hurried up the stairs almost at a run. He entered the office and, breathing heavily, asked what the instructions would be. “None! Just sit down," Hitler barked. The perplexed chief of the general staff obediently sat down in a corner, and henceforth his fellow generals began to call him "Lakeitel" behind his back.
Not knowing that Hitler was bluffing, Schuschnigg was deeply shocked. He told everything to Foreign Minister Schmidt, who remarked that he would not be surprised if they were now arrested.
Meanwhile, another Austrian, a moderate Nazi and art critic, assured the Fuhrer that Schuschnigg was a scrupulous man who always kept his promises. Hitler decided to change tactics. When Schuschnigg re-entered the office, he generously announced: “I am changing my mind - for the first time in my life. But I warn you, this is your last chance. I'm giving you three more days before the agreement comes into force."
After the shock of the first two conversations, the small concessions wrested from Hitler seemed more important than they really were, and Schuschnigg agreed to put his signature on the agreement. As soon as the amended document was submitted for printing, Hitler again became amiable, like a merchant who sold a painting at a fabulous price and assured the buyer that he paid cheaply. “Trust me, Herr Chancellor, it's for the best. Now we can live peacefully in harmony for the next five years,” he said. By evening, two copies of the agreement were signed.
At the Berghof, Hitler went on another bluff. He ordered mock maneuvers along the Austrian border over the next few days to force President Miklas to ratify the agreement.
Schuschnigg had three days to get the approval of his colleagues and President Miklas. On Sunday, the chancellor returned to Vienna, and the term expired on Tuesday, February 15th. He immediately met with Miklas, who was ready to pardon the Austrian Nazis who were in prison, but strongly opposed the appointment of Seyss-Inquart. “I am ready to give him any post,” Miklas said, “but not the police and the army.”
News of the secret meeting at Berchtesgaden soon spread through the coffeehouses, Austria's unofficial parliament, and an uneasy mood swept through the country. Sharp disputes began in the cabinet, one group of ministers criticized Schuschnigg, another approved his cautious policy. A day before the expiration of Hitler's ultimatum, the differences between the parties were so deep that the president called an emergency meeting. After describing the situation, Schuschnigg presented three options: appoint another chancellor who would not be required to comply with the Berchtesgaden Agreement; fulfill the agreement with the new chancellor; perform it with him, Schuschnigg.
When word was received of German maneuvers at the frontier, an air of desperation filled the room and the discussion became heated. The most incredible proposals were put forward, for example, the transfer of the city of Braunau, where Hitler was born, to Germany. Schuschnigg was sure that if even one of Hitler's demands was rejected, he would invade Austria. Finally, Miklas gave in to the pressure and reluctantly agreed to the chancellor's third option: keep Schuschnigg in his post and accept the Berchtesgaden Pact.
Hitler's bluff at the Berghof, along with the false threat of invasion, intimidated Austria into capitulation. That evening a new cabinet was formed. Voices in Vienna were growing stronger, demanding that Schuschnigg tell frankly what had happened in Berchtesgaden. But, having promised to remain silent until Hitler's speech in the Reichstag on Sunday, February 20, he kept his word as a man of honor.
The German mission reported to Berlin that "Because of the political and economic consequences of the agreements, Vienna is agitated", that the city "looks like an anthill" and that "not a few Jews are preparing to emigrate". This was confirmed by the reports of the SD agents to Heydrich. In particular, one agent reported that the Chancellor was being heavily attacked by Jews and Catholics, that the Jews were taking their capital out of the country to Switzerland and England.
On February 20, Hitler delivered a speech to the Reichstag, which was also transmitted to Austria. Reporting that he and Schuschnigg "contributed to the cause of peace in Europe", he accused Austria of discriminating against the "German minority", which, in his words, "is subjected to constant suffering for their sympathies and desire for unity with the entire German race and its ideology ". He continued to orate, citing facts and figures and bringing the audience gathered in the opera house to patriotic ecstasy.
And in Vienna, the streets were deserted: people stuck to the receivers, listening to Hitler. The local Nazis were encouraged and after the speech of their Fuhrer began to gather in groups, shouting: “Sieg heil! Heil Hitler!
Although in Rome this speech was treated with sympathy and understanding, there was an underlying dissatisfaction with the fact that the issue of Austrian independence was omitted in it. The German attorney in Rome reported that the Italians were unhappy that, in violation of the 1936 pact, Hitler had not consulted them beforehand, and that if this continued, the end of the “Axis” might come.
Schuschnigg's answer to Hitler came four days later at a meeting of the federal parliament. The stage in the hall was decorated with many red and white tulips, as if covered with the national flag of Austria. Near the podium stood a bust of the martyr Dollfuss. When the Chancellor stepped onto the podium, he was greeted with cries of “Schuschnigg! Schuschnigg! Everyone expected his speech to be combative. “There is only one item on the agenda: Austria,” he said in a weary voice. This caused new cheers. Inspired, he spoke passionately about those who fought for the independence of Austria, from Maria Theresa to Dollfuss. Schuschning had never delivered such an emotional speech before, his intellectual restraint disappeared. When the Chancellor spoke of the Berchtesgaden Accord, his tone became more severe: “We have reached the limit of concessions. It's time to stop and say: "You can't go any further." “The motto of Austria,” continued the chancellor, “is not nationalism, not socialism, but patriotism.” The country will remain free, and for this the Austrians will fight to the end. He ended with the words: “Red-white-red! Austria or death!
The deputies stood up and gave him a standing ovation. Crowds of people gathered in the street singing patriotic songs. The enthusiasm of Vienna was transmitted throughout the country and reached Paris. In a debate in the French parliament the next day, the foreign minister declared that Austrian independence was "an indispensable element of the balance of power in Europe", and one of the deputies even predicted that "the fate of France will be decided on the banks of the Danube."
Throughout Austria, local Nazis staged demonstrations. Their center was Graz, where the Nazi flag was hoisted on the town hall during Schuschnigg's speech. Ignoring a government ban on political rallies, the Nazis announced a week-end rally involving 65,000 party members from across the country. Schuschnigg reacted decisively by sending an armored train to Graz. The Nazis backtracked and canceled the rally, although this was little consolation for the Chancellor. The performances of the Nazis were supposed to be suppressed by Seyss-Inquart and the police, not the army.
The French were indignant at Hitler's threats against Austria and invited London to issue a joint note of protest. But this proposal came at the wrong time. Anthony Eden had just resigned, leaving the Foreign Office without a leader. The English public was not yet excited by the events in Austria, and the Prime Minister was firmly committed to the policy of appeasing Germany. In this he was supported by the London Times, which in every possible way underestimated the significance of the events in Austria.
Even the condemnation by US President Roosevelt in the fall of 1937 of the aggressive intentions of Nazi Germany had no effect on Chamberlain. He was not affected by the president's proposal to declare a "quarantine" for the Japanese, Nazis and fascists. Roosevelt sent his representative, Captain Royal Ingersol, to London with instructions to study the possibilities of implementing a naval blockade of Japan. This proposal was approved by the English Admiralty. But Chamberlain blocked this plan and rejected, in early 1938, another proposal by Roosevelt to convene an international conference to discuss the principles of international law to curb the "bandit countries," as the American president privately called them. At first, Roosevelt did not immediately understand the meaning of this English refusal, but it soon became clear to him that Chamberlain's unwillingness to participate in such an international conference meant that the British government would not take part in any "quarantine", whether in the East or in Europe. Chamberlain's rebuff was such a blow to Roosevelt that it forced him to stop an active foreign policy that could stop further aggression in the world and thus change the course of history.
On March 3, the British ambassador to Germany, Sir Nevil Henderson, visited Hitler and informed him that the British government was ready in principle to discuss all pressing issues. Despite Henderson's apparent efforts to be friendly and correct, "the manners of this refined English gentleman," recalled the interpreter Schmidt, "always somehow irritated both Ribbentrop and Hitler, who could not stand 'worldly people'." For ten minutes, Henderson laid out the purpose of his visit: a sincere desire to improve relations between the two countries. Britain, he said, was prepared to make certain concessions in settling the serious problems of arms limitation and in a peaceful settlement of the Czech and Austrian problems. What contribution is Hitler prepared to make to the cause of security and peace in Europe?
During this lengthy statement, Hitler sat sullenly in his chair, and when Henderson finished, angrily replied that only a small fraction of the Austrians supported Schuschnigg. Why, he said irritably, did England stubbornly oppose a fair settlement and interfere in "German family affairs"? Then the Fuhrer went on the offensive, arguing that the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak pacts are a clear threat to Germany, which is therefore forced to arm itself. Therefore, any limitation of armaments depends on the Russians. And this problem is complicated “by the fact that trusting the good will of such a monster as the Soviet Union is the same as trusting the understanding of mathematical formulas to savages. Any agreement with the USSR is completely useless, and Russia should never be allowed into Europe.” The conversation was chaotic, and for two hours the Austrian question was not specifically discussed.
The next day, Hitler sent his chief economic adviser, Wilhelm Kepler, to Austria. Introducing himself to Schuschnigg, he formulated new stringent requirements. But Kepler's main interest was in economics, as he saw the Anschluss as a financial necessity for both countries and wanted to be seen as a benefactor, not a predator. “The Führer’s desire at that time,” Schuschnigg recalled, “was evolutionary development, in other words, he wanted to end Austria from within.” The time has come, Kepler declared, to accelerate this process.
Schuschnigg reacted sharply to Kepler's new demands, such as the appointment of a Nazi as Minister of Economics, the lifting of the ban on the Völkischer Beobachter, and the official legalization of National Socialism. How, the indignant chancellor asked, could Hitler bring forward new harassment in just three weeks? His government would cooperate with the Austrian Nazis only on the basis of the recognition of Austrian independence. After the meeting, Kepler reported to Berlin that Schuschnigg, in his opinion, would by no means succumb to force, but if he was treated reasonably, he could make concessions.
Meanwhile, in Vienna, stormtroopers and ordinary Nazis staged provocative demonstrations one after another in the Jewish district of the city, and brawls arose between them and Schuschnigg's supporters. As a rule, the patriots got hit harder, since the police were directly subordinate to the Minister of the Interior, Seyss-Inquart, and not to Schuschnigg.
In desperation, on March 7, Schuschnigg sent an appeal to Mussolini, warning him that in order to save the situation, he could go to a plebiscite. The Duce gave a reassuring answer in which, referring to Goering's assurance that Germany would not use force, he advised Schuschnigg not to hold a plebiscite. The answer was little consolation for the chancellor, who was threatened from the outside by foreign invasion, and at home by the protests of the workers against his softness and the attacks of the Nazis for various prohibitions. He chose to ignore Mussolini's advice.
On March 9, in the Tyrolean city of Innsbruck, he announced a plebiscite. Schuschnigg took the podium, dressed in a traditional Austrian gray jacket and green waistcoat, and enthusiastically announced that in four days the people would go to the polls to answer one question: "Are you for a free, independent and united Austria?" The second time he spoke as a speaker, and not as a scientist. “Tyroleans and Austrians, say “yes” to Tyrol, “yes” to Austria!” he urged and ended his speech in the Tyrolean dialect, quoting the words of Andreas Hofer, who called on the people to fight against Napoleon with the words: “People, the time has come!” An audience of 20,000 gave him a standing ovation. Most radio listeners were also encouraged. However, the former Vice-Chancellor Prince Starhemberg told his wife: “This means the end of Schuschnigg, but hopefully not the end of Austria. Hitler will never forgive this."
The vote for a free and united Austria - and this was the most likely outcome - meant that the Anschluss might not take place. And since the alliance with Austria was a necessary preliminary step to expansion in the East, the plebiscite threatened Hitler's program for the expansion of living space. The Fuhrer could not stand such a challenge, and on the morning of March 10, he told General Keitel that the Austrian problem had become much worse and that appropriate preparations should be made. Keitel recalled that at one time the General Staff had developed "Operation Otto" in case Otto von Habsburg tried to restore the monarchy in Austria. "Prepare this plan," the Führer ordered.
Keitel rushed to the general headquarters, where he learned to his horror that "Operation Otto" was just a theoretical study. Regretting his eagerness to please the Führer, he instructed General Beck to submit a report on a possible invasion of Austria. When Beck suggested to Hitler that two corps and the 2nd Panzer Division be used for the military occupation of Austria, Keitel was dumbfounded to hear that these troops should be ready to cross the border on Saturday 12 March. To a professional, the very idea of preparing such an operation in forty-eight hours seemed fantastic. Beck noted that in this case, the appropriate orders to the various formations should be given that evening, at 6 o'clock. “So do it,” ordered the amateur strategist Hitler.
He was more concerned about the reaction of the Italians to the invasion, and the Fuhrer urgently dictated a letter to Mussolini. “Austria,” he wrote, “is approaching a state of anarchy, and I cannot stand aside. Guided by my responsibility as Fuhrer and Chancellor of the German Reich and as a son of this land, I am determined to restore law and order in my homeland, to enable the people to decide their own destiny clearly and openly. He reminded the Duce of German assistance to Italy at a critical hour for her - during the events in Abyssinia - and promised to repay the Duce's support by recognizing the border between Italy and the Reich along the Brenner Pass. At noon, he handed over the sealed letter to Prince Philipp von Hesse and instructed him to hand it over to the Duce personally. When the prince boarded a special plane carrying a basket of seedlings for his garden in Rome, he had no idea how important his mission was.
All over Austria they put up posters announcing the plebiscite. Trucks with loudspeakers drove through towns and villages calling on Austrians to vote for an independent Austria on Sunday. In Vienna, the patriots finally made more noise than the Nazis. They walked the streets, shouting: "Heil Schuschnigg!", "Heil freedom!", "We say yes!". Encouraged by the support of the people, Schuschnigg continued to act decisively. In response to the accusation of the Minister of the Interior, Seyss-Inquart, that the plebiscite was contrary to the Berchtesgaden agreements, he wrote: "I will not play the role of a puppet and cannot sit idly by while the country goes to economic and political ruin." The chancellor urged Seyss-Inquart to take urgent action to end terrorism.
Seyss-Inquart was considered a protege of Hitler, but he also did not want the country's independence to be lost, and although he sympathized with the policies of the Austrian Nazis, the latter did not consider him one of their own. In ideology and character, he was closer to Schuschnigg. Both considered themselves patriots, both were devout Catholics, intellectuals and music lovers. And Seyss-Inquart promised on the radio to address his supporters with an appeal to vote positively.
Schuschnigg went to bed, pleased that the Nazi threat of a plebiscite had been thwarted, not knowing that Seyss-Inquart had by then lost influence in his own party. The Austrian Nazis were already on the streets, marching in columns towards the building of the German tourist office, on the facade of which hung a huge portrait of Hitler. At first, their cries of "One people, one Reich, one Fuhrer!" the patriots, who were much more amused, were more amused. But then the glass of broken windows rang out, and the police formed cordons to prevent the spread of unrest. Without doing anything to pacify the raging Nazis, she attacked the patriots, and as a result, the Nazis became the masters of the streets.
At 2:00 am on March 11, the hastily prepared plan, still codenamed "Operation Otto", was approved. It was personally controlled by Hitler. “If other measures prove unsuccessful,” he warned, not hiding the threat, “I intend to send armed forces to Austria in order to prevent further criminal actions against the pro-German population. Troops for this purpose should be ready by noon on 12 March. I reserve the right to choose a specific time for the invasion. The behavior of the troops should give the impression that we do not want to wage war against our Austrian brothers.
At 5:30 a.m., the telephone rang at Schuschnigg's bedside. The chief of police called, saying that the Germans had closed the border at Salzburg and cut off the railway connection. The chancellor hurried to his residence, where he learned that the German troops in the Munich region were put on alert and would probably move on Austria, and provocative reports appeared in German newspapers that red flags were supposedly hung in Vienna and the crowds were chanting: “ Heil Moscow! Heil Schuschnigg!"
At about 10 o'clock, the minister without a portfolio in Schuschnigg's office, the Nazi Gleise-Horstenau, arrived at the Chancellor with written instructions from Hitler and Goering. He was accompanied by a pale and preoccupied Seyss-Inquart, who reported on Berlin's demands: Schuschnigg should resign and the plebiscite should be postponed for two weeks in order to organize a "legal vote" like the Saar. If Göring did not receive a response by telephone before noon, he would assume that Seyss-Inquart had failed in his task and Germany would "act accordingly". It was already 11.30, and Seyss-Inquart, on behalf of the Fuhrer, extended the deadline until 14.00.
Schuschnigg convened an "inner cabinet" - his closest advisers - to discuss the situation. He presented three options for action: refusal to comply with the ultimatum and appeal to world public opinion; acceptance of the ultimatum and resignation of the Chancellor; finally, a compromise whereby Hitler's demand for a plebiscite is accepted and all others are rejected. Agreed to a compromise.
By 14.00 Seyss-Inquart and Gleise-Horstenau returned. They did not agree to a compromise, and Schuschnigg found himself faced with an unpleasant choice: submit or resist. He hastily consulted President Miklas and it was decided to cancel the plebiscite. Returning to his room, Schuschnigg informed the "inner cabinet" of this decision. Everyone was shocked, there was deathly silence. Seyss-Inquart and Gleise-Horstenau were then notified of this. They went out to call Goering.
Goering demanded that Schuschnigg and his cabinet resign, and a telegram was sent to Berlin asking for help. Both ministers returned to the hall, where all the members of the cabinet were, and reported on Goering's ultimatum. Questions poured in. "Don't ask me," answered Seyss-Inquart, pale and agitated. "I'm just a telephone operator." After a pause, he added that German troops would invade Austria within the next two hours unless he was appointed chancellor.
Life in Vienna went on as if nothing had happened. There were planes dropping leaflets calling for independence. Trucks of the "Front for the Defense of the Fatherland" drove around the streets, they were greeted with patriotic songs. It seemed that the nation was united. Suddenly, the cheerful waltzes and patriotic songs on the radio were interrupted and an announcement was made that all unmarried reservists born in 1915 were to report for duty. Then military trucks with soldiers in helmets moved towards the German border.
In desperation, Schuschnigg turned to London for help. He said that, in an effort to avoid bloodshed, he gave in to Hitler's demands, and asked for an "urgent response from his Majesty's government." Ironically, Prime Minister Chamberlain was given a telegram during a luncheon in honor of the Ribbentrops. Chamberlain invited Ribbentrop to speak with him and the Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax. "The conversation," Ribbentrop reported to Hitler, "was held in a tense atmosphere, and the normally calm Lord Halifax was more agitated than Chamberlain." After the Prime Minister read out the telegram from Vienna, Ribbentrop stated that he knew nothing about the situation and expressed doubts about the veracity of the message. If it is true, it is best to look for a "peaceful solution". These words were enough to reassure a man determined to maintain good relations with Hitler. Chamberlain agreed with Ribbentrop that there was no evidence of German violent action, and instructed Lord Halifax to send a reply to the Austrian government, which may have made Schuschnigg shudder: "His Majesty's Government cannot take responsibility for advising the Chancellor on the course of his action, which may expose the country to dangers and against which His Majesty's Government cannot guarantee protection."
Schuschnigg had no illusions about getting help from England or Italy, and around 4 pm he submitted his resignation. President Miklas reluctantly agreed, but firmly refused to comply with Göring's order to appoint Seyss-Inquart as Chancellor. He opted for the chief of police, but he refused, and both the inspector general of the armed forces and the leader of the former government refused. Then Miklas asked Schuschnigg to reconsider his decision. He flatly refused to take part in the "preparation of Cain to kill Abel." But when a frustrated Miklas said that everyone was leaving him, Schuschnigg reluctantly agreed to continue his duties until a new head of government was appointed. Then he returned to his room and began clearing the papers off the table.
Meanwhile, the nervous tension at the seat of government had become almost unbearable. Pressure from Berlin, especially from Göring, was mounting. At 5:00 p.m., the field marshal shouted over the phone to the leader of the underground organization of the Austrian Nazis, Otto Globocnik, that a new government should be formed by 7:30 p.m., and dictated to Seyss-Inquart a list of ministers, in which he included his brother-in-law. A few minutes later, Seyss-Inquart called Goering and said that Miklas had accepted Schuschnigg's resignation, but instructed him to act as Chancellor. Goering shouted that if the German demands were not accepted, "troops will cross the frontier and Austria will cease to exist." “We are not joking,” he added. “But if word arrives by 7:30 pm that you, Seyss-Inquart, are the new Chancellor, there will be no invasion.” “If four hours is not enough for Miklas to understand the situation, he will understand it in four minutes,” he promised ominously.
An hour later, Seyss-Inquart informed Göring that Miklas was refusing to appoint him Chancellor. The enraged Reichsführer ordered his Austrian henchman to take power by force. And in Vienna, on orders from Berlin, the Nazis took to the streets. In his office, Schuschnigg heard cries of "Heil Hitler!", "Schuschnigg - hang!" and the clatter of feet. Deciding that this was a prelude to an invasion, the chancellor hurried to the president, begging him to reconsider his decision, but he was adamant. Then Schuschnigg decided to speak on the radio.
At 7:50 p.m., the chancellor went to the microphone and announced the German ultimatum. With bated breath, the Austrians listened to his excited speech. “President Miklas asks me to tell the Austrian people that we have succumbed to force. Since under no circumstances do we want German blood to be shed, we have instructed the army to retreat without offering any resistance in the event of an invasion, and await further decisions. “God save Austria!” he said at the end. There was a deathly silence, then the national anthem was played.
It was almost 20.00 when Seyss-Inquart got through to Goering, announcing the resignation of the government and the withdrawal of Austrian troops from the border. But when Goering learned that Seyss-Inquart had not yet been appointed chancellor, he shouted: “That's it! Then I give the order to march. And everyone who resists our troops will be shot on the spot!”
A hundred thousand people gathered outside the Austrian parliament building, the Nazis chanted the name of the Fuhrer, brandished torches. And in the city center, groups of them walked the streets, singing Nazi songs and shouting: “Heil Hitler!”, “Death to the Jews!”, “Schuschnigg to the gallows!”, “Heil Seyss-Inquart!”.
Such a "telegram" was soon handed over to Hitler. She gave the Fuhrer the opportunity to act as a liberator and peacemaker. He ordered the troops to enter Austrian territory with bands and regimental colors. And at 22.25, Prince Philipp von Hessen called from Rome. “I have just returned from Mussolini,” he told Hitler. The Duce took the news very calmly. He sends you his regards. The Austrian question no longer interests him.
Encouraged, Hitler exclaimed: “Tell Mussolini that I will never forget this! Never! Sign any agreements he proposes. Tell him: I thank him from the bottom of my heart, I will never forget him! When he is in need or danger, he can be sure: I will be with him, no matter what, even if the whole world is against him!
In Vienna, the new Chancellor Seyss-Inquart asked Kepler to advise Hitler to cancel the order to send troops. He also thanked Schuschnigg for services to Austria and, since the streets were full of Nazis, offered to take him home. He agreed. As Schuschnigg descended the stairs, he noticed lines of civilians with swastikas on their sleeves. Ignoring their hands thrown out in a Nazi salute, the former chancellor got into Seyss-Inquart's car and drove away.
In Berlin, Seyss-Inquart's request not to send troops caused a stir. At 2.30 am, Hitler woke up, informing him of this, but the Fuhrer categorically refused to change his mind and went to bed. Meanwhile, the military expressed doubts about the correctness of this step. Brauchitsch was very upset, and the deputy chief of the general staff, General von Fiban, locked himself in the room, threw the ink set off the table and threatened to shoot anyone who tried to enter.
Early on Saturday morning, Hitler, accompanied by Keitel, flew to Munich to take part in a triumphant march back to his homeland. Before leaving, he signed a flyer outlining his version of the events leading up to the crisis. “Early this morning, soldiers of the German armed forces crossed the border into Austria,” it said. “Mechanized troops and infantry, German planes in the blue sky, invited by the new National Socialist government in Vienna, are the guarantees that in the near future the Austrian nation will have the opportunity to decide its fate through a genuine plebiscite.” Hitler added a personal note to the leaflet: "I myself, the Fuhrer and Chancellor, will be happy to set foot on the soil of the country that is my home, as a free German citizen."
At 8 o'clock in the morning, his troops rushed to Austria. In some places, the border barriers were dismantled by the residents themselves. It was more like a maneuver than an invasion. For example, the 2nd Panzer Division moved using a tourist guide and refueling at local gas stations. The soldiers were showered with flowers, the tanks moved with the flags of the two countries and were decorated with green branches. “The population saw that we had come as friends,” recalled General Heinz Guderian, “and we were welcomed everywhere with joy.” In almost all towns and villages houses were decorated with swastika flags. “We were shaken hands, we were kissed, in the eyes of many there were tears of joy.”
Residents of Austria meet German troops on March 13, 1938. Photo from the German Federal Archives
Hitler arrived in Munich around noon and headed for Mühldorf at the head of the convoy of vehicles, where General von Beck, commander of the invasion forces, reported that they were meeting no resistance. The road to the Inn River was so crowded with cars and onlookers that Hitler's column crossed to the opposite bank only a few hours later. His car trudged toward Braunau through cheering crowds, many reaching out to touch the car as if it were a religious shrine. Hitler drove slowly through the ancient city gates to the Gümmer boarding house, where he had been born nearly forty-nine years earlier. In Lambach, the Fuhrer ordered to stop at the old monastery (its coat of arms was a swastika), where he once learned to sing.
In London, the cabinet met for an emergency meeting. Chamberlain drew a gloomy conclusion: the Anschluss is inevitable, no power can say: "If you go to war over Austria, you will deal with us." There has never been such an opportunity. “In any case, this is not the question now,” he said, and noted that the fait accompli was of little importance.
It was already dark when the first leg of Hitler's "sentimental journey" ended in Linz, where he once wandered the streets alone. The 100,000-strong crowd in the square surrounded the cavalcade in hysterical delight, which amazed Hitler's assistants and adjutants. When the Fuhrer appeared on the balcony of the town hall with the new Chancellor of Austria, people were overjoyed. Tears streamed down Hitler's cheeks, and Guderian, who was standing nearby, was sure that this was "not a game."
In the evening, Seyss-Inquart returned to the capital, where Nazis with torches gathered to meet the Fuhrer. In the afternoon, Guderian's tanks left Linz, but snow fell, and a lot of cars accumulated on the road where repairs were being carried out, so the advance detachment did not arrive in Vienna until after midnight. Nevertheless, crowds of people stood in the streets, who were overjoyed at the sight of the first German soldiers. The Fuhrer's troops were greeted with flowers. Local Nazis tore off the buttons from Guderian's overcoat as souvenirs, then picked him up and carried him to the residence. The Austrians were surprised that German officers rushed to grocery stores, buying large quantities of butter, sausage and other products.
On Sunday morning Goering telephoned Ribbentrop in London and told him of the enthusiastic reception given to Hitler. It is a lie, he said, that Germany allegedly issued an ultimatum to Austria. Ribbentrop listened to this and replied that the average Englishman was in general indifferent to what was going on in Austria. But still, his anxiety did not leave him, and he asked if the Führer would stand firm if diplomatic complications arose in connection with the occupation of Austria.
Goering sent a courier to Hitler by plane, insisting on going beyond the original plan. This time, Hitler abandoned caution and ordered an employee of the Ministry of the Interior to prepare a law for the reunification of Austria and Germany. By noon it was ready, approved and handed over to Seyss-Inquart with instructions to ensure its acceptance during the day.
The new chancellor was at first stunned, but the longer he thought about the new law, the more inclined he was to pass it. Among other things, Hitler promised to hold a referendum within a month, which would give the new law a democratic character. Convincing himself that this step was not only inevitable but "valuable and useful," Seyss-Inquart called on his cabinet to approve the law on the grounds that the Anschluss was "the will of the people." The cabinet unanimously agreed to hand over the country to Hitler, but President Miklas again showed firmness by refusing to sign the document. He made a statement that he was "obstructed in the exercise of his functions", and thus transferred his constitutional right to the Chancellor.
Although Hitler was confident that the Anschluss law would pass, there was one problem. After a telephone conversation with Prince von Hesse, he was impatiently waiting for Mussolini's formal approval. Nearly two days passed with no news from Rome. Mussolini was really shocked by the news of the Anschluss, exclaiming: "That damn German!" Finally, he pulled himself together and on Sunday sent a short telegram: "I congratulate you on the solution of the Austrian problem." Hitler was overjoyed and replied with the same short telegram: "Mussolini, I will never forget this."
The Fuhrer wanted to share his triumph with Eva Braun, and he called her, asking her to come to Vienna.
Before that, he went to Leonding. Together with Linge, the Fuhrer came to the grave of his parents in a cemetery located not far from their former home. Hitler took a wreath from the orderly and asked him to leave together with the rest of the retinue. Laying a wreath on the grave, he silently stood by it for several minutes.
That evening, Seyss-Inquart, who looked more like a lackey than a head of state, appeared to Hitler. The Fuhrer was so moved to learn that the law by which Austria became a province of Germany had been passed that he shed a tear. “Yes,” he said at last, “good politics saves blood.” Thus collapsed the independence of Austria, and thus ended Sunday, March 13, the day on which Schuschnigg hoped his people would affirm their independence in a plebiscite.
Under the personal leadership of Rudolf Hess, the submission of the state to the Nazi Party began in Austria. Even more sinister was Himmler's orchestrated neutralization and purge of the political opposition. The head of the SD, Heydrich, settled in Vienna, and his agents delved into the documents of the Austrian secret police.
Local storm troopers began persecuting Jews, dragging them out of their homes and forcing them to scrape Schuschnigg's propaganda slogans off walls and sidewalks. Others were forced to clean the toilets in the SS barracks and sweep the streets. Many officers of the Wehrmacht were persecuted by such persecution, sometimes they simply sent old Jews home.
But these scenes did not dampen the ardor of most of the Viennese, intoxicated by the events of the last two days. “It is impossible to deny the enthusiasm with which the announcement of the incorporation of the country into the Reich was perceived here,” the British ambassador reported on March 14 to Lord Halifax. “Herr Hitler has every reason to say that the people of Austria welcome his actions.” And the reasons were strong. The Anschluss is likely to end unemployment. At that time, 600 thousand people were unemployed in Austria. Some doctors, for example, went door to door looking for patients.
On the morning of March 14, Hitler left for Vienna. He drove slowly: crowds, stuck cars and tanks interfered. Only at about five o'clock in the evening did his column reach the capital. All buildings, including churches, were decorated with Austrian and German flags. Masses of people stood along the streets and screamed hoarsely at the sight of Hitler in an open car. The jubilation was stormy, spontaneous. The Fuhrer's car stopped at the Imperial Hotel, and when he entered there, another of his dreams came true. In his youth, he dreamed of getting into this hotel. Now long red banners with a swastika hung from its walls.
People kept shouting: "We want the Fuhrer!" Hitler went out to the balcony of the royal suite, greeted the people and left. But the crowd did not calm down, demanding that the Fuhrer make a speech. He had to obey.
Residents of Vienna welcome Adolf Hitler. Photo from the German Federal Archives
He began timidly, as if embarrassed by the endless ovation, then moved on to reminiscing about walking past the Imperial Hotel in the evenings. “I saw flickering lights and chandeliers in the lobby,” he said, “but I knew I couldn’t even set foot in there. One evening after a blizzard when a lot of snow fell, I got a chance to earn money for food by shoveling snow. Ironically, five or six of our group were sent to shovel snow off the Imperial. That evening the Habsburgs gave a reception there. I saw how Karl and Zita got out of the imperial carriage and majestically entered the hotel along the red carpet. And we, poor devils, removed the snow and took off our hats in front of every aristocrat who arrived. They didn't even look at us, although I still remember the smell of their perfume. We were nothing to them, like falling snow, and the head waiter didn't even bother to bring us even a cup of coffee. And I decided that evening that someday I would return to the Imperial and walk the red carpet to this luxurious hotel where the Habsburgs danced. I did not know how and when it would be, but I was waiting for this day. And here I am."
On the morning of March 15, Hitler spoke on the square in front of a crowd of 200,000 of his admirers. Now, he declared, the people of Austria had a new mission, and the country had a new name: Ostmark. Having finished his speech, Hitler turned to the radio announcer and said in an undertone: "Announce that the Reich Governor Seyss-Inquart will now speak." He was simply stunned to learn that he had turned from a chancellor into a governor, but he took it for granted, especially since the crowd greeted this announcement with approval. On this day, Adolf Hitler could not be wrong.
Then there was a parade. Austrian generals galloped behind von Beck on horseback. The Austrian army was already included in the Wehrmacht. Timing the moment, the Catholic Papen turned to Hitler and warned him that the spirit of the Anschluss might be eroded if he subjected the Catholic Church in Austria to the same discrimination as in Germany. "Don't be afraid," Hitler said, "I know this better than anyone else."
On the same day, Cardinal Innitzer blessed him and assured him that as long as the church retained its privileges, the Austrian Catholics would be "the most faithful sons of the great Reich, into whose arms they returned on this momentous day." According to Papen, Hitler was delighted with the cardinal's patriotic words, shook his hand warmly and "promised everything".
Eva Braun was also infected by the general jubilation and in a postcard to her sister Ilse wrote: "I'm going crazy." She came to the city accompanied by her mother. She was settled in a separate room, opposite the chambers of her high-ranking lover, but their personal meetings were so "secret" that none of Hitler's assistants and adjutants knew about her presence. At the end of the day, the Fuhrer flew to Munich without Eva.
On March 16, Berlin welcomed him as a victorious hero. “Germany has now become Greater Germany and will remain so,” declared the Fuhrer. Providence itself, according to Hitler, chose him to carry out this great alliance with Austria - "a country that was the most unfortunate, and now has become the happiest."
But not all was well at home. The military trial of General von Fritsch, delayed by events in Austria, finally took place, and Fritsch was found not guilty. This incident came as an unpleasant surprise to Hitler, but the Fuehrer used his usual political trick: diverting attention from the court with boastful reports of a victory achieved. He hurriedly assembled the Reichstag to report on the great events in Austria. For the first time in history, the entire German nation will go to the polls on April 10 and prove allegiance to the Reich, and internal consolidation will only take four years.
Almost all Germans fully approved of everything the Fuhrer did or was about to do, and on March 25 he began the campaign with confidence. "The National Socialist idea," he declared, "goes far beyond the borders of little Germany."
Hitler spent the last ten days of the campaign in his homeland, where Himmler and Heydrich almost completely overhauled the entire security service. The wave of his popularity in Austria has not abated. The leaders of the Catholic Church sent a message to the parishioners, in which they recommended that they vote "for the German Reich."
Everywhere Hitler was accepted as a savior and Fuhrer. His return to Linz on 8 April was greeted with a new storm of delight. The lobby of the hotel where he stayed was always full of people eager to see him. One of them was a childhood friend Gustl Kubitschek. Hitler received him very warmly and admitted that now he no longer has a personal life, such as in former times. Looking out the window at the Danube and the metal bridge that irritated him so much as a child, the Fuhrer said: “Is this disgrace still here? Well, never mind, we'll change that, you can be sure of that, Kubizek." He then proceeded to lay out his ambitious development plans for Linz. In the city, he said, there would be a new large bridge, a new opera house with a modern hall, and a new symphony orchestra. The latter reminded Hitler of Kubizek's dreams. What has he become? He answered shyly: a clerk. The war, Gustl explained, forced him to give up music, otherwise he would starve. But he directs an amateur orchestra, and his three sons are musically gifted. And Hitler expressed his desire to take care of the fate of the boys: “I do not want gifted young people to disappear like us. You know perfectly well what we experienced in Vienna.” When Hitler got up, Kubitschek decided that the conversation was over, but the Führer called the adjutant and gave him instructions about placing the three Kubitschek boys at the Bruckner Conservatory. And that was not all. After looking at the drawings, letters and postcards brought by Kubitschek, Hitler suggested to an old friend that he write a book about their life in Vienna. Finally, he shook Gustl's hand warmly and said that they would see each other more than once.
At the end of the day, Hitler left for Vienna.
The election results exceeded all expectations. In Austria, 99.73 percent of voters approved of the Anschluss. In Germany, 99.02 percent voted for it, and 99.8 percent approved the list of candidates for the new Reichstag. “For me,” said Hitler, “this is the happiest hour of my life.” It also confirmed his belief in the correctness of the chosen path. The Fuhrer was sure that we must move on - to Czechoslovakia.
After a short heartfelt speech, Hitler returned to the hotel. Then he was not yet going to carry out the Anschluss in the full sense of the word and was thinking rather about an alliance like the one that Austria had with Hungary at one time. But the enthusiasm of the population prompted a different decision, and the Fuhrer said to his orderly: “Linge, this is fate. I am destined to be the Fuhrer who will unite all Germans in a great German Reich."
Anschluss of Austria
Hitler began the construction of the great German empire from Austria, as from the easiest site. Being a native of Austria, the Fuhrer believed that the country, ethnically and culturally close to Germany, was unlikely to stubbornly resist being absorbed by its more powerful northern neighbor. Moreover, Austria-Hungary was a loyal ally of Germany in the First World War. In Austria itself there were many supporters of rapprochement with Nazi Germany. This was evidenced by the Nazi putsch in Vienna in 1934.
Feeling nostalgic for the times of the Habsburg power, a considerable part of the Austrian society dreamed of its former greatness and considered itself deprived after the defeat in the World War. Unable to take revenge on their own, the Austrian revenge-seekers gravitated toward joint action with Hitler, who was making rapid progress.
The same gave them the widest support. Thanks to her, by 1938, supporters of unification with Nazi Germany had a strong influence in Austrian society, including in the state apparatus.
Much more worried about Hitler was the attitude of the Western powers to the problem of the Anschluss. The first among them was England. Therefore, on the eve of the Germans held the necessary consultations with the British side. Her position encouraged the leaders of the Third Reich. On November 19, 1937, during a meeting with Hitler at Obersalzberg, Lord Halifax declared that Britain was interested in solving the problem of Austria through peaceful evolution. Thus, through the mouth of its official representative, England actually declared that it would not fight Germany in the event of an Anschluss.
This prompted Hitler to take action. On February 7, 1938, he invited the Austrian chancellor Schuschnigg to come to his residence Berchtesgaden. At a meeting held on February 12, the German Fuhrer in an ultimatum demanded that the Austrian Chancellor lift the ban on the activities of the Nazi Party in Austria, grant amnesty to Nazis imprisoned, and appoint Nazi leaders to leading positions in the state. Hitler's ultimatum suggested that the German and Austrian armies should establish close relations, including an exchange of officers, and that Austria be included in the German "economic system". Under pressure from Hitler, Schuschning signed this "death sentence for his country."
The signed document actually untied the hands of the Austrian Nazis. Provoked by Hitler's speeches in Germany, they staged mass demonstrations, tore down Austrian national flags, hoisting Nazi banners with a swastika. The police, led by the appointed Minister of the Interior, the Nazi Seyss-Inquart, did not prevent the excesses. To resolve the impending crisis, Chancellor Schuschning decided to hold a nationwide plebiscite. The question was raised: “Do you stand for a free, independent, social, Christian and united Austria? Yes or no". The plebiscite scheduled for March 13 did not take place.
On March 12, the 8th German Army of General Fedor von Bock, in accordance with Hitler's plan "Otto", crossed the border of Austria. The Germans met no resistance anywhere. The main obstacle for them was their own tanks, which kept breaking down along the way. At the same time, German planes dropped leaflets over Vienna and other Austrian cities.
According to the memoirs of General Guderian, who paints idyllic pictures, the meeting of the German troops was peaceful and even joyful. “The population saw that we were going with peaceful intentions, and everywhere they joyfully met us. On the roads stood old soldiers - participants in the First World War with military orders on their chests and greeted us. At each stop, the residents decorated our vehicles, and the soldiers were supplied with food. Everywhere you could see handshakes, hugs, tears of joy. There were no conflicts in the implementation of this long-awaited and more than once frustrated Anschluss. The children of one people, who for many decades had been divided due to the ill-fated politics, rejoiced when they finally met each other. Hitler arrived in his hometown of Linz, and on March 14, 1938 he signed a document on the complete Anschluss of Austria. Austria became a "province of the German Reich".
The moment for the Anschluss was chosen well. France was at that time in a state of another governmental crisis. The former guarantor of Austrian independence, Italy, drawn into the war in Ethiopia, became increasingly dependent on German policy and did not interfere with the Anschluss of Austria. On March 11, the Italian leader Mussolini conveyed to Hitler that Austria was "immaterial" to him. Ribbentrop managed to negotiate with England. On March 9, he arrived in London and met with Prime Minister Chamberlain, Lord Halifax, King George VI and the Archbishop of Canterbury. On March 10, he reported to Berlin that "England will do nothing with regard to Austria." As a result, attempts by the Austrian government to enlist the support of England ran into a refusal.
Neighboring Czechoslovakia did not move either. On March 11, Marshal Goering sought out the Czechoslovak ambassador, Dr. Masna, at the State Opera and gave him his word of honor that Czechoslovakia had nothing to fear from Germany. The entry of German troops into Austria is a "family matter", and Hitler wants to improve relations with Prague. Calling his foreign ministry, Masny soon gave the answer that the Czechoslovak army was not mobilizing. Abandoned by neighbors and guarantors of its integrity, Austria was instantly absorbed by Germany. Thus, another pillar of the Versailles system, which proclaimed the independence of Austria, was crossed out.
In this situation, only the Soviet Union spoke on March 17 for holding an international conference to determine the method of preventing further German aggression. According to People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov, “this time the violence was committed in the center of Europe, creating an undoubted danger not only for the 11 countries now bordering the aggressor, but also for all European states, and not only European ones ...”. However, the Soviet appeal was not supported by the Western powers.
In the April referendum held after the Anschluss, 99.7% of the Austrians who participated in it voted in favor of it. Most likely, this figure is too high. However, Austrian historians confirm that the majority of the population voted for an alliance with Hitler. There were reasons for this. In the month that passed from the entry of troops to the referendum, the Nazis actively tried to win the sympathy of the Austrians. Children began to be sent to exemplary German sanatoriums, the unemployed were provided with work at military facilities.
As a result of the Anschluss, the territory of the Reich increased by 17 percent, the population - by 10 percent, that is, by 6.7 million people. The 50,000th Austrian army joined the ranks of the Wehrmacht. Three months after the Anschluss, the Austrians began to be subject to universal military service in Germany. Having captured Vienna, the Germans received the center of all communications of the former Austrian Empire, which significantly increased their influence in South-Eastern Europe.
The highly developed Austrian industry strengthened the economic potential of Germany. In 1937, 385,000 tons of pig iron and 690,000 tons of steel were smelted in Austria. The country had a machine-building, electrical and textile industries.
Germany received high-quality iron ore from Styria deposits. In addition, Austria ranked first in the world in terms of magnesite reserves, which, along with graphite, is the most important raw material for the metallurgical industry. Germany's own production of magnesite was insignificant, and for the supply of this most important strategic raw material, Germany was completely dependent on Austria.
In Austria, such valuable minerals as zinc, lead ores, silver were also mined, but most importantly, oil, which was discovered there only in the 30s. XX century, shortly before the Anschluss. The latter circumstance especially attracted Hitler. In 1937, oil production amounted to 33,000 tons. Germany also seized the Austrian gold reserves, which, together with foreign currency, amounted to about 300 million German marks.
The accession of Austria significantly improved the military-strategic position of Germany, which was especially important for the preparation of aggression against Czechoslovakia.
One of the key events that preceded the Second World War took place - the Anschluss of Austria to Germany. What does it mean? The Anschluss of Austria has the following definition - "alliance", "attachment". Today, this term is characterized by a negative connotation and is often used as a synonym for the concept of "annexation". Anschluss refers to the operation to incorporate Austria into Germany.
History and background. After the war
The accession of Austria to Germany took place in several stages, and there were certain prerequisites for this.
After the defeat in the First World War, the Central Powers found themselves in a very difficult situation. Germany was deprived of all colonies, obliged to pay reparations and reduced the armed forces to a minimum. And Austria-Hungary generally disappeared from the political map: the numerous peoples that united this country gained independence. Thus, Hungary and Czechoslovakia arose. A number of territories passed to Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania. Austria itself was drastically reduced in territory and now united lands with a predominantly German population. It is noteworthy that until October 1919 this state was called "German Austria" (Republik Deutschsterreich), and the plans were, in principle, full-fledged unification with Germany.
However, this was not destined to come true: the Entente countries in no way wanted to strengthen or increase the losing Germany, so they forbade Austria to unite with Germany, which was fixed by the Saint-Germain and Versailles treaties. These treaties obligated Austria to maintain its independence, and for any action relating to sovereignty, to refer to the decision of the League of Nations (an organization similar to today's UN). The name of the republic changed to "Austria". Thus began the history of Austria, which continued until the Anschluss of 1938.
First Austrian Republic
Before Austria was a full-fledged parliamentary republic. Since the 1920s, a difficult confrontation between the center-left and right-wing political forces has emerged. The first serious clash between left and right armed formations was the July uprising of 1927, the reason for which was the acquittal by the court of right-wing radicals who killed many people during the shelling of a left-wing demonstration. It was only with the help of the police that order was restored, which, however, cost a lot of lives - 89 people were killed (85 of them were representatives of leftist forces), more than 600 were injured.
As a result of the world economic crisis of 1929, the socio-economic condition of the country deteriorated sharply, which again caused an aggravation of the internal political crisis. In 1932, the left, the Social Democrats, won the local elections. The right-wing political forces, fearing to lose the national parliamentary elections, set out to retain power by force. This was one of the prerequisites for the Anschluss of Austria by Germany.
Reign of Engelbert Dollfuss
In March 1933, during a parliamentary crisis, Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss decided to dissolve the then parliament, after which measures began to be taken that led to the dictatorship of the Fatherland Front, an ultra-right Austrofascist political party. Elections were canceled, the Communist Party and the NSDP were banned, the death penalty for murder, arson, and vandalism was resumed.
At the same time, the National Socialist German Workers' Party, led by Adolf Hitler, began to gain strength in Germany, one of whose tasks was the reunification of Austria and Germany.
However, Engelbert Dollfuss was extremely negative about the idea of Austria joining Germany. In June 1934, he banned the activities of the NSDP in the country. In addition, Dollfuss for some time became close to the leader of the Italian fascists, B. Mussolini, who at that time was also not interested in the Anschluss of Austria with Germany and considered the first country, rather, as a sphere of his interests. In May 1934, Dollfuss adopted the so-called May Constitution, which was based on Mussolini's regime.
First attempts
On July 25, 1934, 154 soldiers of the 89th Austrian battalion broke into the office and captured Engelbert Dollfuss, demanding his resignation in favor of Anton Rintelen, who sympathized with the Nazi movement in Germany. Dollfuss was seriously wounded, but categorically refused to sign the resignation. He ended up dying a few hours later. By evening, surrounded by government troops, the rebels were forced to surrender. On the same day, Mussolini demonstrated his determination to resist the coup d'état by mobilizing and pushing 5 divisions to the border.
The failure of the first attempt, although it showed Hitler that at the moment it was impossible to solve the problem by rough methods, it did not convince him to abandon the intended goal.
On the way to the Anschluss
After the failure of the coup d'état, the German government exerted serious diplomatic pressure on the new Austrian government headed by Kurt von Schuschnigg. At the same time, the German intelligence services sharply increased their activities, recruiting various representatives of political forces. Trying to smooth out the pressure of Germany and the growing conflicts with internal nationalist political forces for a while, Schuschnigg went to negotiate with Hitler in July 1936. The result of the negotiations was the signing of the “Friendly Agreement” on July 11, 1936, according to which Austria was actually obliged to follow the policy of the Third Reich. Germany also pledged not to influence the internal affairs of Austria.
In addition, Schuschnigg agreed to an amnesty for several thousand Nazis, as well as the admission of some to positions of administrative leadership. Such an agreement did not cause much resonance in Western countries. On the contrary, many believed and argued that such agreements contribute to the speedy settlement of the conflict, and, consequently, to strengthening the independence of Austria.
Schuschnigg himself hoped for an agreement with the Entente countries. After all, it was they who after the war recorded the independence of Austria. They even refused to create a customs union between Germany and Austria in 1931. However, times have changed.
Treaty with Hitler
With the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the Versailles agreements were repeatedly violated. The most tangible blow was the remilitarization of the Rhineland by the Germans, the increase in the armed forces of Germany, and the Italian aggression in Ethiopia. By 1938, there were more and more politicians in the West who held to the idea that conflicts with small countries in Central Europe were not worth another big war.
At the beginning of 1938, Goering, in a conversation with the Austrian Secretary of State Schmidt, expressed the opinion that, most likely, the Anschluss of Austria by Germany (the date you already know) cannot be avoided, and if the Austrians do not like this wording, then they can interpret it as "partnership" .
In the meantime, a group of conspirators was arrested in Vienna, from whom certain papers were confiscated, later referred to as the “Tafs papers”. In these papers, addressed by Hitler's deputy R. Hess to the Austrian nationalists Leopold and Tufs, it was reported that it was too unlikely that any of the leading powers of Europe would stand up for Austria, since everyone was immersed in their own social, economic and military crises.
Desperate, Schuschnigg went to Berchtesgaden, Hitler's country residence, for negotiations. In a conversation, Hitler presented his demands to Austria, adding that none of the world powers would intercede for them in the event of Germany's forceful intervention.
Under German control
Under threats of immediate invasion, on February 12, 1938, Schuschnigg signed the three-point demands presented to him, which effectively placed the country under German control:
- Seyss-Inquart (occupied a leading position among the Austrian nationalist groups) took over as Minister of the Interior of Austria. This allowed the Germans to directly influence the power structures and law enforcement agencies.
- Another broad amnesty for the Nazis was announced.
- The Austrian Nazi Party was obliged to join the Fatherland Front.
Without seeing any serious support from Britain and France, Schuschnigg, in order to strengthen his position on the independence of Austria, urgently called a referendum on March 13, 1938 on how the people would react to unification with Germany. At the same time, he neglected to convene a meeting with his own government, which was provided for in such cases by the constitution.
Plan "Otto"
Hitler, fearing the will of the people of Austria in favor of independence, which could seriously interfere with his plans in the future, on March 9, 1938, approved the Otto plan to capture Austria. On March 11, Hitler signed an order for the entry of German troops into this country. On the same day, mass Nazi demonstrations began in the cities of Austria, and European newspapers began to report on the closure of the Austro-German border and the German troops being drawn to it.
Upon learning of this, Schuschnigg announced his decision to cancel the plebiscite, which, however, did not satisfy Hitler. The next ultimatum for Austria assumed the following: the resignation of Schuschnigg and the appointment of Seyss-Inquart to his post.
Schuschnigg urgently turned to Mussolini for help, but there was no answer. Much has changed since 1934: it was more important for Mussolini to maintain friendly relations with Germany.
On the reunification of Austria with the German Empire
Seeing no other way, at 6 p.m. he accepted the ultimatum, hoping to prevent the invasion of German troops, at the same time ordering the army not to resist if this did happen. However, Hitler was unstoppable. On the same evening, the Germans “concocted” and sent to the German ambassador in Vienna a fake telegram from the new Chancellor of Austria, in which Seyss-Inquart asked the German government to send troops to ensure order in the country. The "author" himself was informed about this telegram after it had been sent. The necessary ground for the implementation of the plan "Otto" was laid. On the night of March 11-12, German armed forces crossed the Austrian border. The Austrian army, having received orders not to resist, capitulated. Already at 4 am Himmler, Schelenberg, Hess arrived in Vienna. Former Chancellor Schuschnigg was taken into custody and a few weeks later sent to a concentration camp, where he stayed until May 1945.
On the evening of March 13, Hitler himself arrived in Vienna. On the same day, the law "On the reunification of Austria with the German Empire" was published. From now on, Austria became part of Germany and was referred to as Ostmark.
Hitler himself was extremely enthusiastic about this victory. Eyewitnesses described that he repeatedly indulged in sensual speeches, arguing that "by the will of God, he went as a young man to Germany and now returns his homeland to the bosom of the Reich." Schuschnigg's worst fears came true: the history of Austria was over. She temporarily disappeared from the historical arena.
Anschluss of Austria and its consequences. Western reaction
But, like any historical event, the Anschluss of Austria and Germany had a number of consequences.
In the world, the events that took place were accepted as a fait accompli. Great Britain, which at that time was heading for a policy of appeasement, did not show much desire to intercede for Austria, openly speaking about the absence of any obligations to this country. Italy, represented by its leader Mussolini, did not interfere with the Anschluss of Austria by Nazi Germany in 1938, realizing that it was more important for the country to maintain friendly relations with the Third Reich.
Perhaps the only country whose interests were affected by the disappearance of Austria was France. Worried about their security and the future of the Versailles system, French politicians made a number of statements that it was necessary to consolidate efforts with London and try to save the existing security system, however, having received no support either in London or in Rome, they could not do what - or significant.
Ostmark
In order to consolidate the success, on April 10, 1938, a plebiscite was organized in Germany and the Ostmark in support of the unification that had already taken place. According to German data, more than 99% of the participants in the plebiscite voted in favor of the Anschluss. For the Austrians, the Anschluss initially brought great hopes, the expectation that in a large empire the people would live better. And at first, their expectations were partly justified - already in April 1938, a program of economic assistance to Austria was launched. This was followed by a monetary reform. In 1938-1939, economic growth was observed - 13%. Many social problems were solved. So, in January 1938, in Upper Austria there were about 37 thousand unemployed. A year later, thanks to the influx of capital from Germany, their number decreased to 11 thousand. However, all this disappeared with the outbreak of war - Austria was used as a resource.
In addition, grief came to those nationalities that, following the fascist ideology, should not have existed in Germany. However, in general, until the fall of the Wehrmacht, the Austrians were quite loyal to the existing regime. Only in April 1945, Austria will be liberated by the Allied forces, and it will receive full sovereignty in 1955.
Munich agreement
The Anschluss of Austria for Hitler was a huge victory, symbolizing the defeat of the entire Versailles system. Convinced of the inconsistency of the leading powers, their weakness and unwillingness to get involved in a new protracted conflict, in the future Hitler acted much more decisively, rudely rejecting all possible Versailles restrictions. The clearest proof is that, without stopping there, the German government immediately began to demand a revision of the territorial boundaries of Czechoslovakia. Already in September of the same year, the well-known Munich Agreements will be signed, which can rightfully be considered a prologue to World War II.
Anschluss of Austria with Germany- the inclusion of Austria into Germany, which took place on March 12-13, 1938.
After the collapse of Austria-Hungary as a result of the First World War, two large German states appeared on the political map: Germany and Austria. The latter was considered unviable and artificial formation due to its small size and the loss of the main industrial facilities and agricultural land. The reunification movement was very strong on both sides, especially in the period immediately after the war, but it was artificially restrained by the victorious countries. The texts of the Treaty of Versailles and Saint-Germain (1919) and the Geneva Protocols (October 1922) contained articles prohibiting the Anschluss. In March 1931, the German and Austrian governments proposed a customs union. However, the victorious countries opposed this.
With the advent of Hitler to power in Germany, the Anschluss became part of the official course of German foreign policy. Agents of the Nazi regime were introduced into all state structures of Austria. At the same time, in Austria itself, the idea of an Anschluss with the Nazi dictatorship began to cause active rejection.
On February 12, 1938, Chancellor Schuschnigg was summoned to Hitler's residence Berchtesgaden, where, under the threat of an immediate military invasion, he was forced to sign a three-point ultimatum presented to him, which actually put the country under German control and turned it into a province of the Third Reich:
the leader of the Austrian Nazis, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, was appointed Minister of the Interior and chief of the detective police, which provided the Nazis with complete control over the Austrian police;
a new political amnesty was announced for Nazis convicted of various crimes;
The Austrian Nazi Party joined the Fatherland Front.
Trying to seize the initiative, on March 9, Schuschnigg announced for the next Sunday, March 13, 1938, a plebiscite on the question of Austrian independence. The only question on it was to be: does the people want to have a “free and German, independent and social, Christian and own Austria”, and the forms should contain only a “yes” circle. When announcing the plebiscite, Schuschnigg neglected the constitutionally prescribed meeting with his own government, in connection with which Seyss-Inquart and Vice-Chancellor Gleise-Horstenau announced to the chancellor that they considered the plebiscite to be contrary to the constitution.
Fearing that the idea of unification would be rejected in a plebiscite, Hitler reacted to the announcement of a plebiscite by ordering the mobilization of the 8th Army intended to invade Austria.
On the night of March 11-12, 1938, German troops, previously concentrated on the border in accordance with the Otto plan, entered Austrian territory.
The Austrian army, ordered not to resist, capitulated. On March 13, at 7 p.m., Hitler solemnly entered Vienna. On the same day, the law "On the reunification of Austria with the German Empire" was published, according to which Austria was declared "one of the lands of the German Empire" and henceforth became known as "Ostmark". Speaking on March 15 at the Hofburg Palace in Vienna to the people gathered on Heldenplatz, Seyss-Inquart proclaimed Hitler "Protector of the Crown", and Hitler himself declared: "I announce to the German people the accomplishment of the most important mission in my life."
On April 10, a plebiscite on the Anschluss was held in Germany and Austria. According to official data, in Germany, 99.08% of the inhabitants voted for the Anschluss, in Austria - 99.75%.
By annexing Austria, Hitler received a strategic base for the capture of Czechoslovakia and a further offensive in South-Eastern Europe and the Balkans, sources of raw materials, human resources and military production. As a result of the Anschluss, the territory of Germany increased by 17%, the population - by 10% (by 6.7 million people). The Wehrmacht included 6 divisions formed in Austria.
Appeasement policy. Munich Agreement 1938 After the Anschluss of Austria, Nazi Germany began to prepare for the capture of Czechoslovakia. The so-called Sudeten crisis was artificially created. In the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia, the majority of the population were Germans. Hitler demanded the separation of this region from Czechoslovakia and its annexation to Germany. Czechoslovak resistance to these demands was seriously weakened by the position of England and France, who advised the Czechoslovak government to make concessions. Hitler's agents operated in the Sudetenland under the guise of the Sudeten German Party. The English government of Chamberlain hoped to overcome the political crisis that had arisen by making concessions to Germany at the expense of Czechoslovakia. This was the essence of the appeasement policy. Its far-reaching goal is to direct German expansion to the east. The Western powers refused to help Czechoslovakia. In September 1938, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, M. M. Litvinov, declared that the USSR was ready to fulfill its obligations to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia under the 1935 treaty, even if France refused to fulfill its obligation to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia. However, under pressure from Britain and France, the Czechoslovak government was forced to accept the German demands. The capitulation of Czechoslovakia was formalized at a meeting of the head of the British government, Chamberlain, the head of the French government, Daladier, and the fascist dictators Mussolini and Hitler in Munich on September 29, 1938. There was no Czechoslovak representative at the meeting. The fate of this country was decided by four powers. According to the agreement adopted, Czechoslovakia was obliged to transfer the Sudetenland to Germany with all the structures available there within ten days. This meant the rejection from Czechoslovakia of one-fifth of its territory, a quarter of the population, the main part of the heavy and military industry, etc. The Czechoslovak government announced the adoption of the Munich Agreement. In the historical literature, this event was called the "Munich Agreement". True, Germany promised England and France that henceforth all disputes would be resolved through negotiations. However, these promises, recorded in the relevant declarations by Germany, were grossly violated.
On March 15, 1939, German troops occupied the Czech Republic and Moravia, and a pro-fascist regime was created in Slovakia. Following the absorption of Czechoslovakia, Germany demanded the city of Danzig from Poland. In April 1939 Germany's ally Italy invaded Albania. Such were the immediate results of the "appeasement" policy. In the spring of 1939, the danger of this policy for its very initiators finally began to be realized. A real danger of the establishment of world hegemony by Germany and Japan hung over humanity, having agreed on the division of spheres of influence in the West and East of the Eurasian continent.
44. non-aggression pact
After the Munich agreement, Germany foresaw the possibility of a turn in the foreign policy of the USSR towards her. Germany, due to the current foreign policy situation by the spring of 1939, was interested in disrupting the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations (Moscow, June-August 1939), ensuring the neutrality of the USSR before attacking Poland. And Stalin's distrust of Western democracies and delays by England and France during the negotiations led to a change in the foreign policy of the USSR.
Secret Soviet-German negotiations intensified. The first mention of the possibility of consolidating Soviet-German relations took place in a conversation between Ribbentrop and the head of the legal department of the German Foreign Ministry in May 1939, immediately after Chamberlain's statement about Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations.
In the course of secret Soviet-German contacts, the conversations were conducted in a general form, the terms of the Soviet-German rapprochement, the outlines of the non-aggression pact and the delimitation of the spheres of influence of the two countries in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe were agreed upon, against the backdrop of simultaneous Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations, a breakdown which is the main task of Berlin. In connection with the positive developments in these negotiations, the Soviet attorney in Germany, Astakhov, was told by the German side that Germany was ready to agree on any issues, to give any guarantees. The Soviet side was especially careful.
The final agreement was reached on August 23-24 during Ribbentrop's visit to Moscow. The most heated discussion was on the issue of delimitation of spheres of interest. The Soviet-German non-aggression pact was signed on the night of August 23-24: it was concluded for a period of 10 years, it provided for the neutrality of Germany and the USSR in the event of military conflicts of one of the parties with third countries, the parties pledged to refrain from any attack on each other. At the same time, a secret additional protocol was signed on the delimitation of spheres of interest: Germany renounced claims to Ukraine, from dominance in the Baltic states, from expansion plans to those areas of Eastern and Southeastern Europe where it could pose a danger to the USSR; in the event of a war between Germany and Poland, Germany undertook - German troops not to invade Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Bessarabia, and entering Poland not to advance further than the Narew, Vistula, San rivers.
There was a turn in Soviet foreign policy towards the appeasement of Germany, which had previously been carried out by England and France with the neutrality of the United States.
The treaty and the secret protocol became the legal and political basis for the further development of Soviet-German relations.
45. civil war in spain
Spanish Civil War July 1936 - March 1939 - the right rebelled against the Republic of the Popular Front. Germany and Italy intervened, the purpose of the intervention was to defeat the anti-fascist Popular Front in Spain. England and France proclaimed a policy of non-intervention in Spanish affairs, signed 27 states. The People's Front was supported by over 35 thousand people from 54 countries, and 7 international brigades were organized.
During the years of the Civil War, the government of the Popular Front continued to carry out its program. From the state employees who were disloyal to the republic were fired; instead of the disbanded civil guard, a people's militia was organized; a reform in the diplomatic service; The old judiciaries were abolished and new ones created.
A decree was issued to confiscate the property of the rebels. Mines, mines, military industry, railway, road and sea transport were nationalized.
Trade unions were in control of the enterprises. Established state control over banks and foreign companies.
The lands of the rebels were nationalized and transferred free of charge to the peasants, the lands of the tenants were transferred to their use.
The decrees of the Popular Front did not apply to the territories occupied by the Francoists.
The Popular Front actively fought against illiteracy - schools, libraries, houses of culture were opened. Universities were created in large cities, scholarships were paid to needy students.
Profound radical measures strengthened the desire of the rightists to put an end to the Popular Front as soon as possible.
