Doctor of historical sciences, professor. Researcher, professor-consultant of the Kaluga State University. K. E. Tsiolkovsky.
Scientific interests: politics, ideology, culture of the early Roman Empire (the time of Augustus and Julio-Claudian); value attitudes and social psyche as political factors of the era of the "Roman Revolution"; archeology and history of Roman Germany.

Author biography

Born in 1947 in Zhytomyr in the family of a military man. After graduating from high school, he worked as an electrician. In 1971 he graduated from the Faculty of History of the Voronezh State University in the Department of the History of the Ancient World. In the same place, under the guidance of A. I. Nemirovsky, he studied in graduate school and prepared a dissertation on the Roman society of the time of Seneca. He defended it at Tbilisi University in 1978. In 1994 he defended his doctoral dissertation at the Moscow State Open Pedagogical Institute. It was published as a monograph ("Republican Monarchy"). From 1971 to 2014 (with interruptions) he worked as an assistant, associate professor, senior researcher, head. Department, Professor of the Department of World History, Kaluga State University. More than 70 textbooks, scientific and methodical works have been published.

Major Publications

Monographs:

"Republican monarchy": metamorphoses of the ideology and politics of Emperor Augustus. M., Kaluga: IVI RAN, KSPU, 1994. 444 p.
"Restored Republic" of Emperor Augustus. M.: Russian Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Science, 2016. 992 p.

"Antiquity" in the historical concept of Seneca // Norcia. Problems of history and culture of the most ancient societies of the Mediterranean. Issue. 2. Ed. A. I. Nemirovsky. Voronezh: VGU, 1978, pp. 104–120.
Principate Julio-Claudian in the works of Seneca // From the history of ancient society. Gorky: Gorky State. un-t, 1979. S. 95109.
Cicero // Reading book on the history of the ancient world. Student aid. Ed. A.I. Nemirovsky. M.: Education, 1981. S. 243–248.
The upper strata of Roman society based on the works of Seneca // Problems of the history of the ancient civil community. Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. Sat. I. M.: MGZPI, 1982. S. 112–130.
Models of sole government in the ideology of the early principate // Antique civil community. Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. Moscow: MGZPI, 1984, pp. 104–115.
Rec. on collections of Leningrad State University: "Antique polis" (1974); "The social structure and political organization of ancient society" (1982); "Problems of social and political organization and ideology of ancient society" (1984) // Bulletin of ancient history. M.: Nauka, 1986. No. 2. S. 183–193 (co-authored with V. I. Isaeva).
History of Ancient Rome // History of the Ancient World (educational manual). Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. Moscow: Education, 1986, pp. 135–207; 212–221.
Rec. on the book: Nemirovsky A.I., Dashkova M.F. “Roman History” by Velleius Paterculus. Voronezh, 1985 // Questions of history. M., 1987. No. 7. S. 124–127.
Iners otium // Life and history in antiquity. Ed. G. S. Knabe. Moscow: Nauka, 1988, pp. 41–68.
Claudius: Historian and Emperor // Antiquity and Early Middle Ages. Socio-political and ethno-cultural processes. Ed. V. M. Strogetsky. N. Novgorod: Nizhny Novgorod state. ped. institute, 1991, pp. 56–71.
"Polis" and "non-polis" elements in the worldview of Seneca. To the question of the mental foundations of the "republican" ideology of the principate // Socio-political, ideological problems of the history of the ancient civil community. Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. Moscow: MGZPI, 1992, pp. 138–158.
Poetry and Politics of the Formation of the Principate // Nostos. Sat., dedicated 65th birthday of Georgis J. Vellas. Athens, 2001, pp. 77–90.
Metamorphoses of "republicanism" and the question of the time of formation of opposition to the principate // Norcia. Issue. IV. Sat., dedicated 85th anniversary of A. I. Nemirovsky. Voronezh: VGU, Nomos, 2004, pp. 113–153.
Roman expansion and the death of the legions of Varus in 9 AD. e. // Norcia. Issue. VI. Sat., dedicated 90th anniversary of A. I. Nemirovsky. Voronezh: VGU, 2009, pp. 80–112.
Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensis / Cologne - the center of the Roman province of Germania Inferior // Antique World and Archeology. Issue. 15. Saratov: Saratov University, 2011, pp. 100–147.
Rec. in: Galinsky K. Augustus: introduction to the life of an emperor. Cambr., 2012 // VDI. 2013. No. 3. S. 222–231.
Another August // General History: Contemporary Studies. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. Issue. 23. Bryansk: BSPU, 2014, pp. 20–41.
Lost res publica and its restoration. On the question of the nature of Roman statehood under Augustus // Problems of the history of society, state and law. Sat. scientific works. Issue. 2nd. Ekaterinburg: Ural State. law academy (in press, 1 auth sheet).
About the cult of Augustus - princeps and emperor // "Gods among people": the cult of rulers in the Hellenistic, post-Hellenistic and Roman world. M.: Moscow State University (Section in a collective monograph. In press, 2 author's sheets).

Conference materials:

Oriental "examples" and Roman reality by Seneca // XIV International Conference of Antiques of the Socialist Countries. Abstracts of reports. Yerevan: AN Arm. SSR, 1976, pp. 258–260; Problems of Ancient History and Culture (Reports of the XIV International Conference of Antiques of the Socialist Countries "Eirene"). Yerevan: AN Arm. SSR, 1979. T. I. S. 163–169.
"Antiquity" and "novelty": the evolution of historicism in the ideology of the early principate // Antiquity and modernity. Reports. M.: AN SSSR, 1991. S. 98–102.
Res gestae Divi Augusti: the history of the creation of the monument and the formation of the ideology of the principate // Environment, personality, society. Conference materials. Moscow: RAN, 1992, pp. 72–77.
Pollion, Sever, Labien and Pompeianism // Methodology and methods of studying the ancient world. Conference reports. Moscow: IVI RAN, 1994, pp. 186–191.
Emperor Augustus, foundation of the empire and the problem of the frontier of civilizations // Civilizations. Issue. 3. M.: Nauka 1995. S. 180–189.
Principate of Augustus: from republic to monarchy / Il principato di Augusto: dalla republica alla monarchia // Jus Antiquum 1. M., 1996. P. 156–160. (Riassunto: Il principato di Augusto: dalla republica alla monarchia. // Index. Napoli, 1995. N 23. P. 504.)
German politics of Augustus, Drusus and the legend of the origin of the Russian tsars XXXIV seminario internazionale di studi storici. Migrazioni… Da Roma a Costantinopoli a Mosca. Campidoglio, April 22–23, 2014.

With the light hand of the author of the well-known satire on the deification of Claudius (the so-called "Apocolocyntosis", apparently written by Annaeus Seneca)1, this emperor went down in history as a kind of physically and mentally ill tyrant, whose death vomited a sigh of relief throughout the Empire2. In many flaws and vices, Claudius was superior to other princeps of the first dynasty: the late Tiberius in cruelty, Caligula in obvious mental deviations, Nero in complete disregard for moral norms and traditions3. But among them there was no emperor, who not only dealt with history with all seriousness, but demonstrated his learning in a place and out of place. And there can be no doubt that the rhetorical question about the imaginary posthumous judgment of the gods: “When has it been seen that a historian is sworn in?”4 was designed for a special effect and, accordingly, a sentence with an “accusatory bias”5.
Does the condemnation of the studies of the late emperor only indicate the preservation of the traditional Roman distrust of "Greek learning" or should some more relevant political motives be assumed here? In other words, were Claudius' historical studies connected with politics (like the "archaeological" activity of Nabonidus or, closer, the Augustan restoration of ancient temples and elogies)? Or maybe contemporaries had reason to see the influence of the emperor's not quite ordinary passion on his political orientations and policies? Of course, since Claudius the emperor and Claudius the historian were "in the end one and the same person, some connection between them can be postulated a priori. But this not only does not solve the problem, but, on the contrary, dictates the need to identify specific lines of interdependence, mutual influence and interaction of theory and practice, historical reflections and ideological constructions6.
First of all, it is necessary to find out how true is the widespread idea of ​​a learned pedant, far from real life and cut off from the political controversies of his time, which made him allegedly incapable of

57

nym to state activity. As an example of the antiquarian interests of Claudius, they point to the history of the Etruscans he composed in 20 books, the loss of which can only be regretted by modern researchers7. It should not be forgotten, however, that the appeal to such subjects fit perfectly into the restoration ideology of the first decades of the Principate, especially since Augustus made great efforts to revive some of the ancient religious customs of the Etruscans and even intended to revive the Etruscan League8. A prominent place in the formation of the ideological policy of Augustus was occupied by Guy Cylnius Maecenas, a descendant of the Etruscan Lucumons. Natives of the Etruscan cities were the well-known poets Publius Virgil Maron, Aulus Persius, Sextus Propertius, grouped around him. In such a cultural and political atmosphere, an appeal to the history of the ancient people, who laid many of the most important foundations of Roman statehood, civilization and religion, could seem to contemporaries a convenient way to demonstrate loyalty to the new regime.
It must be borne in mind that antiquarianism, denounced with such sarcasm by Seneca half a century later, not only for general theoretical and, apparently, political reasons, but also as a result of personal hatred for Claudius10, during the period of the end of the Republic - the beginning of the Empire, was an influential trend in Roman scientific and social thought11 . This explains, along with the indicated opportunistic motives, not only the interest in the Etruscans, but also the writing of the history of Carthage in 8 books12. However, here, too, some ideological considerations cannot be ruled out, for example, some similarities between the state structure of Carthage and Rome, or the historical significance of the Punic wars, which were considered as one of the manifestations of the Roman military spirit and the “valor of the ancestors” that Augustus sought to revive.
Doesn't this mean that Claudius' fascination with history, which caused displeasure and irritation of the nobility during the period of his principate, arose from the very beginning as antiquarianism, demonstrating loyalty to the restoration ideology of the Augustan regime? And does this not confirm the opinion of the well-known Italian researcher, who emphasized Claudius' admiration for the founder of the principate13?
With ideas about an eccentric antiquary, far from politics and thoughtlessly idolizing Augustus, information about the youthful hobbies of the future emperor does not agree. Claudius did not begin his career as a historian with "antiquity". On the advice of Titus Livius himself, he began writing the Histories, beginning with the events following the death of Julius Caesar. However, being attacked by

58

mother (Anthony the Younger) and grandmother (Livia) and making sure that a “truthful and free story” about these events is impossible, Claudius crumpled up the narrative of civil wars, giving him only two books, while the events, starting with the “establishment of civil peace ”, devoted another forty-one, corresponding, according to Bucheler’s hypothesis, to the years of the principate of August 15.
Bucheler's opinion was joined by Momigliano, who also pointed out that writing about the time of Tiberius was just as dangerous for Claudius as writing about the time before "civil peace"16. Thus, the Italian scholar assumes, without essentially confirming his conjecture, the oppositional nature of the work, since it was hardly possible to see danger in the panegyric (like the “Roman History” by Velleius Paterculus) praising the ruling princeps17. However, we are more interested not in the final, but in the failed version of the Histories of Claudius and his original plan. To clarify these issues, it is important to establish the time and circumstances of the creation of the essay.
Valuable indications on this score are given by Suetonius. In particular, according to him, Claudius began writing the Histories "in his youth" (Suet. Claud. 41.1). Even if we take into account that the word adulescentia used meant a rather wide age range from 14 to 30 years, we get the latest date - 20 BC. e., although Suetonius would hardly have emphasized the youthful age of Claudius if it was a question of the upper limit18. It is clear, in any case, that the work was begun during the lifetime of Titus Livy, who died in 17 or, according to R. Syme, even in 12 BC. only as the inspirer for writing the Histories, Suetonius named Sulpicius Claudia as an assistant (Suet. Claud 41.1). It should also be taken into account that Livia and Antonia turned out to be the censors of Claudian's work, but not Augustus. This is explained, if not by the death of the princeps, then at least by the sharp deterioration in his health, which took place in the last years of his life, and the growing role of the empress in state affairs. Earlier, as it follows from the letters quoted by the same Suetonius, Augustus himself was engaged in the affairs of his great-nephew (Suet. Claud. 4). All these chronological calculations make it possible to place Claudius' occupation of the unfortunate plot of civil wars at the end of the Augustan principate, at the latest - at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, while censorship and addressing the topic of the Augustan principate most likely date from the time immediately following the death of the founder of the principate. This event not only opened up the possibility of tracing the principate of Augustus as a whole, but it must have created a need for such work.

59

What, after all, could the grandmother and mother of Claudius dislike so much in the story of the civil wars? According to Ά. Momigliano, the reason was not the subject, but its interpretation by Claudius. In this connection, he recalls another work of Claudius, known only by name, "In defense of Cicero against Asinius Gallus"20. It was conceived as a refutation of the work of the son of the famous orator of the end of the Republic G. Asinius Pollio, in which he tried to show that his father as a speaker was superior to Cicero21. At the same time, if Asinius Gallus had in mind, first of all, the stylistic differences between the two speakers, known as Asianism and Atticism,22 Claudius, who did not show a special interest in rhetoric, was guided primarily by sympathy for Cicero as a writer, person and politician.
Following A. Momigliano up to this point, we cannot join his assertion that the praise of Cicero was an act hostile not to Augustus, but only to Antony,23 which caused Antonia, the daughter of the triumvir by Octavia, to be especially displeased. Moreover, the Italian scholar believed that Claudius, acting as an apologist for Cicero, allegedly demonstrated adherence to his concept of a “republican” principate, which Augustus followed, but opposed by Antony24.
Cicero's defense in the invective against Asinius Gallus indeed sheds light on the ideological orientation of the historical work of Claudius (especially since they are united by the period under consideration, the characters, and, apparently, the time of creation of the works). But the irritation of Livia and Antonia arose not only on the basis of kindred feelings, and even less because of their adherence to the Antonian concept of autocracy25.
It seems that the matter was not only in Cicero, whose blood, of course, stained Octavian26. The theme of civil wars in itself was unprofitable for Augustus. With the most loyal attitude towards him, it was possible, say, to omit the jokes that once circulated around Rome about the cowardice of the heir J. Caesar or his worthlessness as a commander, but how could it be at least not to mention the proscriptions and the Perusin massacre, as without prejudice to the reputation of the founder principate to tell about his numerous political transformations, when he entered into an alliance with the Senate against Antony, then with Antony - against the "republicans", etc.? The very theme of civil wars and the triumvirate, as a result of which Octavian came to power at the cost of the lives of tens of thousands of fellow citizens, did not fit into the ideology of the “restored republic” and continuity, did not agree with the image of Augustus created by long efforts as the protector and savior of the state.

60

The episode with the Claudian "Histories" shows that despite all the efforts of government propaganda, this topic not only did not lose its relevance over time, but apparently began to irritate the government more and more. Judging by the well-known "Acts of the Divine Augustus", where there is not even an appropriate term, already from the second half of his reign, the topic of civil wars becomes "closed"27. Judging by the style of Velleius Paterculus, the narrative of the turbulent events of Roman history should have been adorned, if not with the gold of silence, then with the silver of brevity. But even it, apparently, was not a guarantee of security28. In any case, Velleius was not the inventor of the "short style", and at least one of his predecessors was the future emperor, who was forced to drastically shorten his narrative of civil wars. On the other hand, the detailed annals of the Augustan principate compiled under captious censorship (with excursions into the reign of Tiberius?) for many years turned Claudius away from describing the present29, and he sat down to study Etruscan and Carthaginian histories.
Thus, the widespread opinion of Claudius as an “antiquary”, completely alien to pressing problems and only thanks to an absurd accident pulled out of the back streets of the palace to the throne of the empire (Suet. Claud. 10.1-2), is not so indisputable from the point of view of his spiritual evolution. Neither the appeal to the topic of civil wars, nor sympathy for Cicero could not but have a political connotation30. No less important is, perhaps, another circumstance that escaped the attention of researchers. Is it not surprising that Titus Livy, whose most extensive work covered, among other things, civil wars and even most of the principate of Augustus31, advised a member of the imperial family to re-cover these events? What motives prompted the illustrious historian to give up his professional pride?
Talking about the ancient republic, Titus Livius lived in the hope that the new regime became the heir to the great past. And the representative of the Patavian nobility, who saw the “restoration of the republic”, did not have to prevaricate at first. In the name of patriotic goals and restoration plans, Augustus agreed with the former opponents of J. Caesar. Pompey was posthumously rehabilitated, and Livy could safely express "Pompeian" sympathies in his work (Tac. Ann. IV. 34.3). The princeps himself, in agreement with the concept of "republic" and "order", approved Cato as a worthy citizen, since he did not seek to overthrow the law and the constitution (Macrob. Sat. II. 4. 18); no wonder Livy dared to speculate on whether

61

the birth of J. Caesar is more a curse than a blessing to the world (see Sen. N. Q. V. 18.4).
"Republicanism" and "pompeianism" were not just a disguise - they organically fit into the social policy of Augustus, focused on restoring the authority of the nobility and the senate. However, true freedom of speech under a regime where ideology was controlled by state power was impossible. Any interpretation of events that came from the princeps acquired the character of an official one and set the parameters for publicity. In the case of Livy, this circumstance was aggravated by the position of the court historian. The lack of freedom of the historian, albeit in the form of "friendship" with Augustus, was the main reason for the weakness of the last decades of Livy's work; it is no coincidence that subsequent historians have practically no references to them32.
As for the interpretation of the era of the triumvirate, here the framework for research freedom was first set by the "Autobiography" of Augustus, and then, after 23 BC. e., a concept that was embodied as it developed in various versions of the "Acts of the divine Augustus"33. If the main task of the government after the Action remained the refutation of Anthony's propaganda, then over time, positive goals came to the fore more and more. Attention was focused on the depiction of Octavian during the civil wars in strict accordance with pietas necessitudo rei publicae and dementia: there was no alternative to military action, especially since they were justified not only by filial duty, but also by patriotism; the winner was merciful. Not only former enemies were debunked, but also allies; in particular, it was important to place on them the main responsibility for proscriptions. One of the most difficult facts for the government to interpret was, as already mentioned, the assassination of Cicero. And even Livy, an ardent admirer of the great orator, was forced to admit that Cicero suffered from his enemies what he himself would have done to them if he had gained the upper hand. (See: Sen. Suas. VI.22).
The last example, along with the considerations outlined, indicates not only the possible reasons for the dissatisfaction of Titus Livius with his work, but also the point of contact between the famous historian and the young Claudius and his essay in defense of Cicero. Convinced of a certain independence of judgment of a member of the imperial family and relying on his high position, Livy decided to induce Claudius to write a true history of events, the turning point in the fate of Rome became clearer every year of the existence of the new regime. Conspiracies and the increasing concentration of power in the hands of Augustus, the events of the turbulent decade 6 BC

62

n. e. - 4 AD e., associated with the failures of dynastic politics (the departure of Tiberius to Rhodes, the shame of the daughter of Augustus Julia, the death of Gaius and Lucius Caesars, the return and adoption of Tiberius), prompted Titus Livius to stop in his narrative at 9 BC. e. The last books (CXXXIV-CXLII), if we follow the quite convincing interpretation of R. Syme, were written in 6-10 years. n. e. Shortly thereafter, as shown earlier, Livy's conversation with the young Claudius was to take place. All these necessarily cursory considerations suggest that Claudius' work on civil wars after the death of J. Caesar was from the very beginning conceived as at least independent of the official interpretation of events.
Of course, considerations about the disloyalty of the future emperor in relation to Augustus, made on the basis of indirect data, need more convincing evidence. In our opinion, two series of facts should be borne in mind, a somewhat detailed analysis of which should be carried out elsewhere. First, this is the practical policy of Claudius and the direction of the development of his principate in comparison with the plans of Augustus and his measures aimed at the "restoration of the republic" and the revival of "ancient customs". The second, perhaps even more important in this case (especially since real politics was guided, of course, not only by the wishes of the emperor), are the statements of Claudius, in which a certain system of his socio-historical views is revealed. It is not surprising that we have such information in relation to Claudius: a man who devoted a quarter of a century to historical delights, even at the helm of the Empire, could not give up his strong intellectual attachments and the formed style of thinking. For lack of space, we confine ourselves to one example, which, despite its seeming insignificance, is interesting already because it has a certain relation to both the practical and the theoretical (historiographic) field.
Around 47, Claudius celebrated the Games of the Ages (Ludi saeculares), referring to the fact that Augustus celebrated them ahead of time. Suetonius, however, accuses Claudius, who allegedly stated in his Histories that Augustus, after a long break, restored the games right on time, as a result of the most careful calculations35. This most curious passage, not properly appreciated by researchers, reveals, in essence, a discrepancy between the censored and uncensored Claudius the historian. It is clear that at one time to abandon any calculations that diverged from the official chronology, Claudius was prompted by the same reasons that forced him to change the very subject of consideration, and

63

interpretation of events. However, it is possible that the phrase about "careful calculations" is evidence of the young Claudius having some inclinations of a sense of humor, to which he was not alien even in the role of ruler (Compare: Suet. Claud. 21.5).
In any case, one should at least appreciate the fact that, having become emperor, Claudius did not “correct” places in his early censored work that could compromise him as a historian (and politician). It is difficult to say what played a decisive role here: disgust for the once imposed labor, the insignificance of the issue and absent-mindedness or unwillingness to draw public attention to it. - any of these explanations suggests at least the absence of pettiness.
The celebration of the Centenary Games, a little over six decades after the previous 37, was one example of the emperor-historian's peculiar challenge to the August tradition. And the point, I think, was not the dogmatism of the eccentric antiquary. Behind the scientific calculations, one can clearly see a seemingly naive protest against the unlimited and unconditional authority of the founder of the dynasty. What was behind this rebellion?
There is no doubt about the presence of personal motives. From adolescence, personal dignity was infringed upon and the ambitious impulses of a person of aristocratic blood were suppressed, who, according to all the concepts of his environment, could claim the highest positions in the state. Suetonius quotes curious passages from three letters of Augustus in which he discusses the shortcomings (but also some of the virtues) of Claudius in order to determine the place of his great-nephew in public and political life (Suet. Claud. 4.1-6). The main motive for preventing Claudius from the usual cursus honorum for a family member of the princeps turns out to be some kind of physical and mental inferiority. There is also no doubt that, citing the extremely unflattering statements of his mother, grandmother, telling about the numerous insults that Claudius was repeatedly subjected to in a variety of circumstances, even from his own servants and court jesters, not to mention members of the imperial family. Suetonius summarizes a certain extremely hostile tradition38. Its completely transparent meaning was to justify the complete inability of Claudius "to any public or private affairs" (Suet. Claud. 2.1). However, how to reconcile with this the fact that Claudius was proclaimed emperor at one of the most dramatic moments of the principate (after the assassination of Caligula and during the attempt of the conspirators to proclaim a "free republic"), moreover

64

Candidacy, Claudius did not cause any personal objections? Moreover, the thirty-year reign of Claudius proved to be the most productive of all the reigns of Augustus' successors.
The influential ancient version of the physical and mental inferiority of Claudius is contradicted by a number of well-known circumstances. The same writers who report on the weakness and stupidity of Claudius note the special signs of attention and reverence that were shown to him by the horsemen (and sometimes the senate), who elected him as their patron and representative in certain responsible cases, for example, to welcome Caligula as emperor39. Claudius's literary talents and abilities for the "free arts" were widely known; Augustus himself, in a letter to Livy, expressed admiration for one of his recitations (Suet. Claud. 3.1 and 4.6). These qualities, with the most noble birth and close relationship to the princeps, should have seemed to open the most brilliant career opportunities.
But, perhaps, Claudius himself avoided political activity, striving for a hermitic, armchair lifestyle? The evolution of Claudius's interests in the field of historiography showed that his "antiquarianism" (even if he became an antiquarian, which is far from obvious) was, so to speak, secondary, and initially young Claudius was attracted not by antiquities, but by even too topical subjects related to civil wars. wars, triumvirs and Cicero. Moreover, the letters of Augustus do not raise doubts that the system of life values ​​of the future emperor was formed under the influence of the ideals formulated in the treatises of the same Cicero, for whom any theoretical activity was nothing more than a forced substitute for active service to the “republic”40. Any doubts on this score are eliminated by the message of Suetonius, that even under Tiberius, Claudius continued persistently, although unsuccessfully, to ask the emperor for proper posts (Suet. Claud. 5.1).
Thus, we are talking about a forcible exclusion from state activity. Claudius could hardly be entirely comforted that he was not the exception here, but rather the rule. No less indicative is the example of Tiberius, whom Augustus, for reasons of dynastic politics, divorced from his beloved wife and married the depraved Julia. And the fate of Julia herself, the beloved daughter of Augustus, whom he completely unceremoniously used as an instrument of politics and who ultimately paid back with complete disregard for the efforts of the princeps to restore the “ancient mores”, marriage legislation, turns out to be a stroke of the picture of the totalitarian system that was being created41.

65

Psychologically, Claudius' attitude to the founder of the principate was, in essence, a spontaneous protest against a system that, by its nature, is unable to reckon with either dignity and honor, or with feelings, or (which was especially discovered by further transformations of the principate) with the life of a person, no matter who he is. was: a rebel soldier or a prince of the blood. This protest did not prevent Claudius himself from quite successfully continuing to create and strengthen the regime; we note that Claudius never dared (and most likely he did not even have such thoughts) to directly oppose the August tradition. And yet, despite the outward signs of reverence that Claudius showed throughout his reign42; we cannot share the opinion of A. Momigliano about the immense respect that Claudius supposedly had for the founder of the dynasty43.
The admiration for political genius, which should have been absorbed almost literally with mother's milk, was mixed with some feelings and memories that were not always under the control of Claudius himself, manifested either in terrorist actions against members of the imperial family41, or in the constantly breaking out spirit of rivalry and opposition. - rhetoric45. It is no coincidence that the author of the mentioned satire, who was well versed in the intricacies of relationships in the imperial family, portrayed Augustus as the main accuser of Claudius on Olympus46 - the parodic plot was based on the opinion shared by society about mutual hostility.
Why did Augustus and Tiberius not allow Claudius to power? It does not seem that the reason was too close kinship with the emperors, which, allegedly, was fraught with some danger to their position or dynastic politics47. In this case, the question is legitimate: why did Augustus, who intensively searched for successors for most of his reign, never once chose this “close relative”?
It seems that any convincing explanation of the special relationship to Claudius cannot escape the clear indications of tradition that he aroused hostility and neglect even from the closest people, not excluding his mother. In their eyes, Claudius was inferior. However, this was not an inferiority of the kind that would absolutely preclude state activity. The authority of Claudius among the horsemen, and even more so the events after the murder of Caligula, show that in the eyes of certain influential social groups he was a completely acceptable figure, not to mention the personal virtues that Augustus himself recognized. Most likely, we should talk about certain qualities that did not fit into the August (and generally traditional Roman) idea of

66

an aristocrat and a statesman who corresponded to the concept of a "restored republic" with the revived "old ways".
Indeed, Claudius, sickly and pathetic in appearance, was the opposite of the classically ideal statues of “ancient men” installed in the Forum, unwittingly turning out to be another challenge to the ideology of the August regime, as well as to the “image” of the princeps himself48. But, of course, it was not only in appearance, and Augustus himself did not much resemble his statues in the form of Mars or Jupiter. Forced for many years, when his character and worldview was being formed, to be in third roles, to experience fear, humiliation, insults and ridicule more than once, Claudius did not have the qualities of a “princeps” that were developed in military campaigns and at the forum, in the curia and on the judicial chair . And success in scientific studies could only do a disservice: according to the ancient Romans, sitting in an office among dusty scrolls, it was impossible even to become a good historian (this was said about Titus Livius, the first Roman historian who did not have political experience), not to mention the ruler Roman state49.
The conservatives were right in their own way. By his behavior, Claudius often resembles, rather, an absent-minded professor than a victorious and majestic emperor - a favorite of the gods50. He does not particularly care about his appearance, he says everything he thinks, and his style of thinking, shaped by scientific studies, differs sharply from the way of thinking of those around him. All this was very far from the Roman idea of ​​dignitas; Claudius completely lacked everything that in modern literature is called the "aura" of the leader. Hence the ancient tradition of the physically and mentally handicapped eccentric princeps.
All these features were not just eccentricity, and even more so not posturing. The great politician Augustus guessed in the young klutz in the book reader a completely alien spirit of looseness and readiness for renewal. Having finally gained power, Claudius, in essence, moved away from Augustan traditionalism and the policy of restoration (or pseudo-restoration). The activity of Claudius the Emperor was innovative and anti-Senate. The strengthening of the role of the bureaucratic apparatus to the detriment of the influence of the senatorial administration, the desire to expand Roman citizenship and introduce prominent representatives of the provincial nobility into the senate, the infringement of the judicial powers of the senate and other measures caused acute discontent of the old ruling class, expressed both in the satire "Apocolocynthosis" and in hostile historical tradition which has come down to us in the Annals of Tacitus. In this sense, the reign of Claudius was

67

a decisive step towards the reign of Nero, which was destructive for the August tradition.
Considering all of the above, it should be recognized that the condemnation of the historical activities of Claudius by political opponents had an actual ideological, political, and not just the traditional Roman “anti-intellectual” background. Indeed, "antique" studies had unexpected (for those who did not know their background and content) consequences. Instead of adopting and reinforcing the restoration element of the policy of their predecessors with the ardor of a fanatic, which should have flowed from a love of antiquities. Claudius proved to be a destroyer of tradition and an innovator.
There was no contradiction here, since Claudius, by the way of his thinking, was not at all an antiquary who bowed to everything “ancient”, but rather a reformer who used historical tradition to justify innovations. This type of historicism and a way of thinking that corresponded to the objective. the need for serious state reforms, in practice resulted in a policy detrimental to the privileges of the nobility. In turn, conservative senators, being alien to historicism as a method of comprehending social development trends, focused on stereotypes and patterns that turned into slogans and objects of the cult generation (like “freedom of the senate” or the mythologized image of Cato Uticheskoto). Thus, under his successors, mutatis mutandis, the Augustan ideology, oriented towards "ancient" models, served as the source of the ideology of the Senate opposition. It was under Claudius that this metamorphosis in the public consciousness experienced a decisive phase. No less important for the study of the ideological climate of Roman society is the fact that, thanks to Claudius's passion for history, this phenomenon acquired quite clearly expressed forms.
The historical concept of Claudius, no matter how much the emperor himself realized it, was the ideological basis of his policy. This is also evidenced by the well-known speech of Claudius in the Senate of 48, substantiating the need to introduce noble Aedui into the composition of this body51.
Already at the very beginning of his speech, the emperor urged the senators to consider the problem from positions that were completely alien to the conservative part of this estate: not being afraid of introducing the “new” (the term res novae used in the political context meant “coup”), reflecting on “how much the state already had renewed and how regularly from the very founding of the City our republic has alternated between different forms and states” (SC Claud. 1.1-7). This leitmotif of renewal and the spirit of free treatment of tradition, having appeared even in his youth, should have

68

alert Augustus, and then Tiberius. Decades later, he aroused the hatred of the conservative part of the Senate equally to Claudius the emperor and Claudius the historian.

NOTES AND LITERATURE

1 General problems of studying the satire "Apocolocyntosis". or "Ludus de morte Claudii" (in Russian it is called "Ottykvenie", or "Satire on the deification of Claudius") were thoroughly developed in the book: Weinreich O. Senecas. Apocolocyntosii. - Berlin, 1923. From later works, which dealt with the political meaning of satire, see, for example: MacCurrie Η. L. The purpose of the "Apocolocyntosis" // Antiquite classique. - Bruxelles, 1962. - Vol. 31.-fasc. 1-2. - P. 91-97; Kraft K. Der politische Hintergrund von Senecas * "Apocolocyntosis" // Historia - Wiesbaden, 1966. - Bd. 15. - Η. 1. - S. 96-122.
Literature review: Goffey M. Seneca. Apocolocyntosis 1922-1958 // Lustrum. - Gottingen, 1962. - Bd. 6. - S. 239-272.
Riikonen Η. K. Menippean satire asalliterary genre. With special reference to Seneca`s "Apocolocyntosis". - Helsinki. 1987.
2 In the last half century, Claudius has undergone some "rehabilitation", one of the initiators of which was A. Momigliano, whose famous work stimulated our reflections on the historicism of Claudius: Momiglia-no A. Claudius: the emperor and his achievement. - Oxford, 1934 (repr. - Cambridge, 1961).
See also: Scramuzza V. M. The emperor Claudius. - London - Cambridge (Mass). 1940. Apparently, it was no coincidence that the thirties, which put the world under the threat of totalitarianism, aroused interest in Claudius, during which the monarchical tendencies of the principate intensified. At this time, the novels of Robert Graves, widely known abroad, were published: Graves R. D. Claudius.-London, 1934; Idem. Claudius the god and his wife Messalina. - London, 1934. We do not know any monographs about Claudius written in the following decades, except for: De Vivo A. Tacito e Claudio. - Napoli, 1980. Unfortunately, in Soviet historiography, no one specifically referred to the activities of this emperor; a rather hostile tradition prevails in the general works, coming ultimately from the circles for which Apocolocyntosis was written. S., for example: Fedorova E. V. Imperial Rome in the faces. - M., 1979. - S. 98, where the author agrees with the derogatory review of Tacitus Ann. XII. 3).
3 Suetonius provides more than enough examples of this in his Lives of the Twelve Caesars. See also the book by E. V. Fedorova mentioned in the previous footnote. Compare: Grant M. The Roman emperors. - New York-London, 1985.
4 Sen. Apocol. 1.2: Quis unquam ab historico iuratores exegit?
5 As you know, the surviving part of the "Pumpkin" ends with the meeting of the gods giving Claudius as a slave to Caligula, and he, in turn, hands over to his scapegoat as a scribe (Apocol. 15). The name of the satire is interpreted by researchers in such a way that the deification of Claudius ultimately boils down to his transformation into a pumpkin (Lit. See note 1).
6 Various observations presented in this article were reported at the VI All-Union Sergeev Readings at Moscow State University (January 27-30, 1989) and readings in memory of S. I. Arkhangelsky at the Gorky Pedagogical Institute (February 10-11, 1989).
7 See, for example: Nemirovsky A. I. Etruscans: from myth to history. - M., 1983. - S. 3.
8 Momigliano A. Claudius. - R. 9 and 83-84. - Not. 22.
9 Nemirovsky A. I. Etruscans ... - S. 134, 233.
10 This is directly indicated by Tacitus (Ann. XII. 8). As you know, the first years of the reign of Claudius Seneca spent in exile on the island of Corsica,

69

where he was returned thanks to the efforts of Agrippina. Claudius appears as one of the negative "examples" in Seneca's treatise "On Anger" and others. See: Principate Julio-Claudian in the works of Seneca // From the history of ancient society. - Gorky, 1979. - P. 106. On Seneca's attitude to historical studies: "Antiquity" in the historical concept of Seneca // Norcia., - Issue. 2, - Voronezh, 1978. - S. 105-107.
11 See: Glover T. R. Antiquities and antiquarians // The Cambridge ancient history. - Vol. X: The Augustan empire. - Cambridge, 1934. - P. 523-529; Syme R. Tacitus. - Oxiord, 1958. - Vol. 1. - P. 132-144.
12 Set. Cloud. 42.2. Both stories, Etruscan and Carthaginian, were written in Greek.
13 Comp.: Momigtiano A. Or. cit.
14 Set. Cloud. 41. The message of Suetonius is confirmed by Pliny the Elder, who, citing some geographical information and facts of a curious nature, directly refers to Claudius (Pliny N. Q. V. 63; VI. 27; 31; 128; VII. 35; XII. 78). The fragments are collected in the book: Peter Η. Historico-rum romanorum reliquiae. IL-Leipzig, 1906. - S. 92 sqq. Momigliano A. Op. cit. _ p. 8-9; 83.-Note 20-21.
15 Set. Cloud. 41. Op. translation M. L. Gasparova. Compare: Bucheler. Divi CXaudii αποχολοχιυωδις // Symbol a philologorum Bonnensium in honorem Er. Ritschelii collecta. - Leipzig, 1864. - Vol. 1. - S.48 (= K1. Schrifthen. - Bd. 1. - Leipzig - Berlin, 1905. - S. 456).
16 Momigliano A. Op. cit. - P. 82. - Note 14.
17 Moreover, at the beginning of his reign, Tiberius sought to emphasize his "republicanism" and loyalty to the Augustan traditions. About the tendentiousness of Tacitus in the image of Tiberius, see, for example: Knabe G.S. Tacitus. - M., 1981. - S. 162 et seq.; comparison of the reliability of the pictures of the principate of Tiberius, given by Tacitus and Velleius:
Nemirovsky A.I. Velley Paterkul and his time//Nemirovsky A.I., Dashkova Μ. F. "Roman History" Velleius Peterculus. - Voronezh, 1985.- S. 27 and next.
18 Claudius was born on August 1, 10 BC. e. (Suet. Claud. 2.1). Elsewhere (Ibid. 26.1) Suetonius uses a similar term (with a particle - admodum adulescens) in relation to the 18-year-old Claudius (8 BC). For Suetonius' use of this word, see Baldwin B. Suetnius. - Amsterdam, 1983.- Ch. one.
19 Syme R. Livy and Augustus. // Harvard studies in classical philology. _ Cambridg (Mass.), 1959.-Vol. LXIV. - P. 41, 68-72 (=Roman papers 1, 1979).
20 This work of Claudius is reported: Suet. Cloud. 41.3; Pliny Ep. VII. 4; Gel. Noct. Att. XVIII. eleven; Quint, Inst. orat. XII. 1.22.
21 The work of Asinius Gallus was called "De comparatione patris et Ciceronis".
22 On the struggle between these two strands in rhetoric, see Wilamowitz-Moel-lendorf U. von. Asianismus und Atticismus // Hermes. - bd. 35 (1900). - S. 1 sqq.
23 Momigliano A. Claudius. - P. 7.
24 Ibid. - P. 33, n. 17, where. A. Momigliano argues on this issue with T. Mommsen.
25 On the “concepts” of sole power in Rome, see: Models of autocracy in the ideology of the early principate // Problems of the ancient civil community. - M., 1984. - S. 104-115.
26 As you know, the official version was that Octavian agreed to the inclusion of Cicero in the proscription list only under pressure from his colleagues in the triumvirate (Plut Cic. 46).
27 Work on the edition of the Res gestae that has come down to us was completed in the main by 2 BC. e. See: Javetz. Z. Tbe Res gestae and Augustus public image // Caesar Augustus: seven aspects. - Oxford, 1984. - P. 2-8.
28 The assumption about the death of Velleius Paterculus in a wave of terror after

70

the execution of Sejanus looks quite convincing, although not indisputable. See: Nemirovsky A.I. Velley Paterkul and his time. - S. 10.
29 The autobiography mentioned by Suetonius (Suet. Claud. 41.3) seems to refer to the last years of Claudius' life. See: Tac Ann XIII. 43.4.
30 One must think that the fright of his grandson, whom Augustus found reading Cicero, was not without reason (see: Plut. Cic. 49),
31 Titus Livy brought his work to 9 BC. e. Moreover, the period 44-29 years. (books 117-133) was illuminated "with an abundance of detail". See: Sume R. Livy and Augustus. - P. 44-42, 62.
32 The word "amicitia" denotes the relationship between Augustus and Livy Tacitus (Ann. IV. 34.3). The topic "Livy and Augustus", in addition to the very useful article by R. Syme, was also cited in other special works: Dessau Η. Livius und Augustus // Hermes. - 1906. - Bd. XLI. - S. 142 sqq.; Nethercut W. R. Additions to the search for Augustan influence in Livy // The Classical Bulletin. - 1969/69. - Vol. 45.-P. 33-37 etc. The absence of references to the last decades of Livy, which covered the triumvirate and principate of Augustus, was noted by M. Levi: Levi Μ. A. Ill tempo di Augusti. - Firenze, 1951. - P. 415 sqq. From the extensive latest literature on Libya, see: Nemirovskiy A.I. Socio-political and philosophical-religious views of Titus Livius // Questions of history. - 1977. No. 7. - S. 103-117 (in a revised form included in his book: The Birth of Clio: at the Origins of Historical Thought. - Voronezh, 1986. - S. 217-239); Livy / Ed. Dorey. - London, 1971; Wege zu Livius / Ed. E. Bruck. - Darmstadt, 1967, 1977: Walsh R. G. Livy. - Oxford, 1974, etc.
33 Javetz Z. Op. cit. - Loc. cit.
34 Syme R. Op. cit. - P. 60ff.
35 Set. Cloud. 21.2. Comp. Tac. Ann. XI. P. Augustus organized the Age-old Games in the 17th century. BC e. Prior to that, they were arranged in 249 and 149. Claudius held games in 45 and 47 BC. e., the following - Domitian in 88. See for more details: Basiner O. Ludi secuilares. Ancient Roman secular games. - Warsaw, 1901. Chapters VII-VIII are devoted respectively to the secular games of Augustus and Claudius. Compare: Momigliano A. Claudius. - R. 27, 82-83.- Not. fourteen.
36 Momigliano A. Claudius. - P. 7.83. - Not. 21.
37 Questions of dating of games are considered in the decree. op. O. Baziner. - Ch. VI. - S. 216-220.
38 Suit Cloud. 2-9, compare: Id. Nero 6.2; Seneca. Aros. passim; ios. A. J. XIX. thirteen; Dio Cass. LX. 2 etc.
39 cm. Suet. Cloud. 5.1-2; nine; 33.2. Compare: Sen. Apoc. fifteen; Dio Cass. LIX. 23. Data from ancient sources about the personality of Claudius and the opinions of researchers are discussed in Chapter II of the book: Scramuzza V. The emperor Claudius. - P. 35-50 and notes on p. 238 sqq.
40 See, for example: Cic. De rep. 1.1-7 etc. Deoff. 1.57-58 etc. See Shtaerman Ε. M. From citizen to subject // Culture of Ancient Rome. - M., 1985. - T. 1. - C 29 et seq.; Knabe G.S. The category of prestige in the life of Ancient Rome // Life and history in antiquity. - M., 1988.- S. 143 et seq.
41 Julia was first engaged to the son of Antony, later to the "barbarian" (Getic) king Cortison, then she was married to her cousin, the infant Marcellus, after - to Agrippa (whom Augustus previously divorced from his sister, separated from his children), finally - with the future emperor Tiberius (forcing him to divorce his beloved wife, who was already pregnant with her second child). See Saet. Aug. 63.
42 Suit. Cloud. 11. "The name of Augustus became his most sacred and most beloved oath." Pliny the Elder (Η. Ν. XXV, 36.94) reports that Claudius allegedly ordered the face of Alexander the Great to be erased from two paintings by Apelles, replacing it with the face of Augustus.
43 Momigliano A.Claudius. - P. 4.

71

44 Augusta accuses Claudius Seneca of the executions of relatives (Aros. 10-11). See: Baldwin B. Executions under Claudius: Seneca's Ludus de morte. Claudis // Phoenix. - Toronto, 1964. - Vol. 18. - P. 39-48.
45 In a speech to the Parthian ambassadors, Claudius mentioned himself along with Augustus. However, he kept silent about Tiberius, who, according to Tacitus, should have been named in that context (Tac. Ann. XII. II, I).
46 Sen. Aros. 10-11.
*7 Momigliano A. Claudius. - R. 2-3.
-;h On the image of Augustus and his propaganda: see Walker S., Burnett Α. The image of Augustus. - London, 1981; Zanker P. Studien zu Augustus - Portrats-Gottngen, 1973; idem. Augustus und die Macht der Bilder. - Munich, 1987 etc.
49 Reproaches against Libya: Quantilian I.5.9. (an unfavorable comparison with the more sophisticated Sallust); 1.5.56 (Quintilian quotes Asinius Pollio, who reproached Livy for patavinitas; that is, in essence, provincial ignorance of the problems of Roman big politics, misunderstanding of the interests of the aristocracy. Approximately about the same. - VIII. 1. 2). See also Nemirovsky A.I. Clio. - S. 219. Comp. above approx. 40.
50 See, for example: Wistrand E., Felicitas imperatoria. - Goteborg, 1987.
51 CIL. XIII. 1668 (= Dessau 211= Bruns. Fontes 52); Tac, Ann. XI. 24; Momigliano A. Claudius. - P. 10-19; Syme R. Tacitus. - Oxford, 1958. - Vol J. _ p. 317-319; P. -P. 703 - Not. 3; Scramuzza V The emperor Claudius - P. 130 sqq.; Griffin M. The Lyons tablet and Tacitean hindsight // Classical quarterly. - Oxford, 1982. _ Vol. 32. - P. 404-418 etc.

Prepared by edition:

Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. Socio-political and ethno-cultural processes: Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. - Nizhny Novgorod: NGPI im. M. Gorky, 1991. - 149 p.
© Nizhny Novgorod Order of the Red Banner of Labor State Pedagogical Institute. M. Gorky, 1991

Cornell, T.J. (ed.) 2013: The Fragments of the Roman Historians. 3vols. Oxford.

Hurlet, F. 2014: L'aristocratie romaine face à la nouvelle "Res republica" d'Auguste (29-19 av. J.-C.). Entre reactions et negociations. In: Lo spazio del non-allineamento a Roma tra Tarda Repubblica e Primo Principato. Forme e figure dell'opposizione politica. Atti del convegno di studi, Milano 11-12 April 2013. Rome, 117-141.

Lavan, M. 2013: Slaves to Rome: Paradigms of Empire in Roman Culture. Cambridge.

Lavan, M. 2016: “Fathers of the Whole Human Race.” Ecumenical Language and the Limits of Elite Integration in the Early Roman Empire. In: M. Lavan, R.E. Payne, J. Weisweiler (eds). Cosmopolitanism and Empire: Universal Rulers, Local Elites, and Cultural Integration in the Ancient Near east and Mediterranean. Oxford, 153-168.

Licandro, O. 2015: ‘ Restitutio rei publicae'tra teoria e prassi politica. Augusto e l'eredità di Cicerone. Annali del seminario giuridico. Università degli studi di Palermo. 58, 57-130.

Licandro, O. 2016: La pax deorum e l'imperatore Augusto (che "iniziò a por reordine nell'ecumene"). In: I. Piro (ed.) Scritti per Alessandro Corbino. Vol. 4. Tricase (LE), 223-300.

Macrobius 2009: Saturnalia.. Ekaterinburg.

Macrobius. Saturnalia. Per. from lat. and Greek, approx. and a dictionary by V.T. Zvirevich. Yekaterinburg.

Macrobius Theodosius 2013: Saturnalia. Moscow.

Macrobius Theodosius. Saturnalia. Per. from lat. and Greek V.T. Zvirevich; total ed., compilation, enter. article by M.S. Petrova; notes and indexes by M.S. Petrova, V.T. Zvirevich; applications of M.S. Petrova. M.

Makhlaiuk, A.V. 2017 (forthcoming): “What the history will tell about us?..” On some aspects and motives of Octavian Augustus’ memorial politics. Historical vestnik [Historical Gerald].

Makhlaiuk, A.V. What will history say about us? On some aspects and motives of the memorial policy of Octavian Augustus. Historical messenger(in the press).

Mezheritskiy, Ja. Yu. 1994: “Respublikanskaya monarkhiya”: metamorfozy ideologii i politiki imperatora Avgusta [The “Republican Monarchy”: the Metamorphoses of Emperor Augustus’ Ideology and Policy]. Moscow-Kaluga.

Mezheritsky, Ya.Yu. 1994: " Republican Monarchy”: Metamorphoses of the Ideology and Politics of the Emperor Augustus. Moscow-Kaluga.

Kharkhordin, O.V. (ed.) 2009: Res publica: The History of Concept. Collected Works. Translated from German. Saint-Petersburg.

Res publica: History of the concept: Digest of articles. Per. with it.; scientific ed. O.V. Kharkhordin. SPb.

Rizza, G. 2012: Opposizione e dissenso nell'età augustea. Pisa.

Rohr Vio, F. 2000: Le voci del dissenso. Ottaviano Augusto e i suoi oppositori. Padova.

Rowe, G. 2013: Reconsidering the auctoritas of Augustus. Journal of Roman Studies 103, 1-15.

Vervaet, F.J. 2010: Arrogating despotic power through decade. The Pompeian model for Augustan dissimulatio. In: A.J. Turner, J.H. Kim (eds). Private and public lies. The discours of despotism and deceit in the Graeco-Roman world. Leiden, 133-166.

Selected works

1. Seneca in Russian historiography and journalism // Questions of General History. Tula: Mrs. ped. Institute, 1974. S. 81-97.
2. "Antiquity" in the historical concept of Seneca // Norcia. Problems of history and culture of the most ancient societies of the Mediterranean. Issue. 2. - Voronezh: VGU, 1978. S. 104-120.
3. Roman society of the time of Seneca. Diss. cand. ist. Sciences. Scientific hands A. I. Nemirovsky. - Voronezh: VSU, 1978. - 195, XXVII p.
4. Oriental exempla and Roman reality in Seneca // Problems of ancient history and culture (Reports of the XIV International Conference of Antiques of the Socialist Countries "Eirene"). - Yerevan: AN Arm. SSR, 1979. vol. I. S. 163-169.
5. // From the history of ancient society. - Gorky: Gorky State. un-t, 1979. S. 95-109.
6. Cicero // Reading book on the history of the ancient world. Student aid. Ed. A. I. Nemirovsky. - M.: Education, 1981. S. 243-248.
7. The upper strata of Roman society based on the works of Seneca // Problems of the history of the ancient civil community. Sat. I. - M.: MGZPI, 1982. S. 112-130.
8. // Antique civil community. Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. - M.: MGZPI, - 1984. S. 104-114.
9. / Review of the collections of Leningrad State University: / "Antique policy" (1974); "The social structure and political organization of ancient society" (1982); "Problems of social and political organization and ideology of ancient society" (1984) // Bulletin of ancient history. M.: Nauka, 1986. No. 2. S. 183-193 (co-authored with V. I. Isaeva).
10. History of Ancient Rome // History of the Ancient World (educational manual). Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. - M.: Education, 1986. S. 135-207; 212-221.
11. /Rec. on the book: / Nemirovsky A.I., Dashkova M.F. “Roman History” by Velleius Paterculus. - Voronezh, 1985 // Questions of history. - M., 1987. No. 7. S. 124-127.
12. // Life and history in antiquity. Ed. G. S. Knabe. - M.: Nauka, 1988. S. 41-68.
13. // Antiquity and early Middle Ages. Socio-political and ethno-cultural processes. - Nizhny Novgorod: Nizhny Novgorod state. ped. Institute, 1991. S. 56-71.
14. // Socio-political, ideological problems of the history of the ancient civil community. Ed. I. S. Sventsitskaya. - M.: MGZPI, 1992. S. 138-158.
15. Republican Monarchy: Metamorphoses of the Ideology and Politics of Emperor Augustus: diss. doc. ist. Sciences. Specialty: 07.00.03. General history. - Kaluga: KSPI, 1994. - 393 p.
16. - M., Kaluga: IVI RAN, RAA, KSPI, 1994. 444 p.
17. Emperor Augustus, foundation of the empire and the problem of the frontier of civilizations // Civilizations. Issue. 3. - M.: Nauka 1995. S. 180-189.
18. Principate of Augustus: from republic to monarchy (Il principato di Augusto: dalla republica alla monarchia) // Jus Antiquum 1. - M., 1996. P. 156-160. (Summary: Il principato di Augusto: dalla republica alla monarchia. // Index. - Napoli, 1995. N23. P. 504.)
19. // Nostos. - Athens, 2001. S. 77-90.
20. Metamorphoses of "republicanism" and the question of the time of formation of opposition to the principate // Norcia. Issue. IV. - Voronezh: VGU, "Nomos", 2004. S. 113-153.
21. Roman expansion and the death of the legions of Varus in 9 AD. e. // Norcia. Issue. VI. - Voronezh: VGU, 2009. S. 80-112.
22. Ancient world and archeology. Issue. 15. Saratov: Saratov University, 2011, pp. 100-147.
23. // General history: modern research. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. Issue. 23. Bryansk: BSPU, 2014, pp. 20-41.
24. "Restored Republic" of Emperor Augustus. Monograph. - M.: Russian Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Science, 2016. - 992 p.