THE INDIAN LEGION Initially formed in April 1943 as the 950th Indian Infantry Regiment of the Wehrmacht, this unit consisted of captured Indians - from among those who fought in the ranks of the British in North Africa. In November 1944, the unit was transferred

Chapter 2 LEGION The Pomors took courage and went to the Slavic-British Legion, formed by General Edmund Ironside. Russians, Poles, Finns, Lithuanians, Latvians, Czechs, Estonians and even Chinese served in the legion. It was assumed that in 3-4 months the Russians would start fighting, and the British

TURKESTAN LEGION A package from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Third Reich in a solid departmental envelope with the appropriate stamps and marks was delivered to the designated Berlin address by courier. It followed from this that the recipient with the eastern surname in the ministerial offices

Muslim Legion "Idel-Ural" and Belarusian partisans

Transfer of the 825th battalion of the legion "Idel-Ural" to the side of the Belarusian partisans

To date, much has been written about the attempts of Nazi Germany to attract the eastern peoples of the USSR to military and political cooperation. Among them, stakes were also placed on the Volga Tatars, the interest of the Nazis in whom was not accidental. Back in the First World War, Germany and Turkey, being allies, tried to involve the Turks in the fight against the allied forces of the Entente and Tsarist Russia 1.

During the Second World War, the turn of the ideologists of National Socialism towards the Turkic nationalities of Russia occurred at the end of 1941. Most researchers explain this by a change in the military situation on the Eastern Front. The defeat near Moscow, the heavy losses of the Nazi troops caused an acute shortage of manpower. In addition, the war has acquired a clearly protracted character. It was then that the Reich Minister of the Occupied Territories of the East, Alfred Rosenberg, suggested to Hitler that prisoners of war of different nationalities of the Soviet Union be used against their own homeland.

In pursuance of Hitler's directive, during 1942, under the leadership of the Eastern Ministry, a number of "national committees" were created: the Volga-Tatar, Turkestan, Crimean Tatar, Georgian, Kalmyk and others. One of their main tasks was to create in contact with the German high command national military formations - legions.

In March 1942, Hitler signed an order to create the Georgian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Turkestan and Gorsky (from the peoples of Dagestan) legions. The order to create the Volga-Tatar Legion (the legionnaires themselves called it "Idel-Ural") was signed in August 1942.

The training of the commanders of the national formations was carried out through a special reserve camp of the Eastern Ministry, Wustrau, located 60 km from Berlin. Here the Germans gathered prisoners of war of different nationalities of the USSR, who had higher and secondary education. After appropriate indoctrination and due diligence, they were enrolled in the legion.

The text of the oath read:

“I am ready in the ranks of the German army to use all my strength to liberate my homeland, and therefore I agree to join the legion. By this I consider the oath that I had previously taken in the Red Army to be invalid. I undertake to unquestioningly obey the orders of my superiors.

The recruitment of persons suitable for service in the Volga-Tatar Legion was carried out in special prisoner-of-war camps in Poland, where Volga Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashs, Maris, Mordvins and Udmurts were kept.

Such camps were Seltsy (Sedlec), Demblin, Keltsy, Holm, Konski, Radom, Czestochowa, Krushino, Edlino, Veseleye stations. The base camp for the formation of the battalions of the Idel-Ural legion was the camp in Yedlino. In total in 1942-1943. seven combat battalions of the Volga-Tatar National Legion (Nos. 825 to 831) were formed, as well as a sapper, headquarters or reserve, and some work battalions. According to various sources, from eight to ten thousand legionnaires served in them.

Of all the above units, the fate of the 825th battalion has been most thoroughly studied in connection with its transfer to the side of the partisans. However, in the literature, when describing the details of the uprising in the battalion, there are serious factual errors, inaccuracies and arbitrary interpretations.

First, in a number of publications of past years, there was an intention to link the uprising in the 825th battalion with the name of Musa Jalil4. Only in recent years have studies appeared that prove that the uprising was prepared without the participation of the poet-hero. Underground work in the Volga-Tatar Legion began long before M. Jalil got the opportunity to join it5.

On the contrary, according to available documentary evidence, this uprising had a strong influence on the poet and became a powerful incentive for him to join anti-fascist work.

The second discrepancy concerns the number of partisans who have gone over to the side. Numbers are given from 506 to 900-930 people, the basis here is the testimony of partisan commanders. Military historian M. Garaev cites data from the German field police, according to which 557 legionnaires went over to the partisans 6.

Such discrepancies in the coverage of the transition of the 825th battalion to the side of the partisans forced the author to resort to the original source. Thanks to the Naberezhnye Chelny local historian S. Lurie, a report from the commissar of the 1st partisan detachment Isak Grigorievich Grigoriev to the commissar of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade Vladimir Andreevich Khabarov about the admission to the detachment of personnel of the 825th battalion, dated March 5, 1943, fell into our hands. I

It comes from a direct participant in the events, endowed with certain powers and written immediately after the event at the request of a higher commander.

This allows us to conclude that the report of Commissar I. Grigoriev is the most objective document of all describing the fact that the 825th battalion went over to the side of the partisans. All other documents - both Soviet and German - appeared later and, in our opinion, are not devoid of opportunism.

At the same time, the picture of the transition described by Commissar Grigoriev should be supplemented with some comments on the situation on the eve and after the uprising of the legionnaires. They can be made possible by the information obtained during the author’s personal conversations in 2004 with the former scout of the “Aleksei’s brigade” (A.F. Domukalova) Nina Ivanovna Dorofeenko, as well as information from the documents of the partisan underground of the Museum of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk and the Museum of M. F. Shmyrev in Vitebsk.

After the successful offensive of the 4th Shock Army during the Battle of Moscow in 1941-1942. in the north-west of the Vitebsk region, a gap formed in the front line, called the "Vitebsk Gate". They became the main artery connecting the mainland with the partisan detachments of Belarus and the Baltic states.

In 1942 - early 1943. in the Surazh-Vitebsk region, behind enemy lines, there was an extensive partisan zone, on the territory of which collective farms operated, newspapers were published, and a hospital operated.

The guerrilla brigades, which grew out of the detachment of "Father Minai", burned the fascist garrisons, supplied the army with valuable intelligence. The German command could not tolerate such a situation and from time to time sent punitive expeditions to the "Vitebsk region". One of these expeditions called "Ball Lightning", with the involvement of the 82nd Army Division and punitive detachments, was organized in early February 1943. The enemy, numbering 28 thousand people, managed to surround a six thousandth partisan group in the Vitebsk region.

Cossack detachments consisting of Ukrainian nationalists were thrown against the brigade of M. Biryulin. On February 20, the 825th battalion arrived in the villages of Senkovo, Suvari and Gralevo along the banks of the Western Dvina to replace them. The Biryulintsy kept the defense on the other side of the river, which separated the opposing sides for a short time...

According to some reports, the 825th battalion was supposed to enter the battle in three days. Probably, this was one of the weighty arguments that prompted the partisan command to accept the proposal of the legionnaires to go over to the side of the partisans.

The partisans themselves feared that such a large and well-armed military unit would pass to them: in the event of a provocation, the partisans would face an inevitable rout, since there were only 500 people in M. Biryulin's brigade.

But with a positive outcome, they received significant reinforcements, weapons and ammunition.

It was also not known how the legionnaires would behave after the transition - the Cossack punishers who preceded them were particularly cruel towards the civilian population and partisans. Therefore, on the part of M. Biryulin and G. Sysoev, this was a big risk.

The transition of the 825th battalion to the side of the partisans was of great importance.

It disrupted the general course of the German offensive against the partisans in the Vitebsk region and complicated their position on the right flank, where the enemy received unexpected reinforcements in manpower and weapons 7. The Germans began to fear the direction of legionnaires to the eastern occupied regions.

Immediately after the uprising, ready to be sent to the Eastern Front, the 826th battalion was redeployed to Holland, in the region of the city of Breda. The news of the success of the uprising spread widely among other legions and undoubtedly intensified the struggle of the anti-fascist underground.

On February 28, 1943, the detachment of M. Biryulin broke through the encirclement of the Nazis and dealt them a crushing blow from the rear in the Shchelbovsky forests. At the same time, the former legionnaires did not spare themselves in battles. This is how researchers of the history of the Vitebsk underground described this episode: “In the area of ​​vil. Popovichi detachment destroyed 6 fascist tanks, a car and captured several Nazi soldiers.

In this operation, the partisans I. Timoshenko, S. Sergienko, I. Khafizov, I. Yusupov and A. Sayfutdinov especially distinguished themselves. High heroism was shown by the fighter N. Garnaev and the Komsomol organizer of the fighter battalion created from the Tatars Akhmet Ziyatdinovich Galeev. The Komsomol organization filed a petition with the Surazhsky underground district committee of the Komsomol to give him a recommendation for joining the party. A thunderstorm for the Nazis was a partisan company under the command of Kh. Latypov, which consisted of Tatars” 8.

When studying the history of the uprising and the further fate of the former legionnaires, the fact that the names of only some of them have now been established. The fate of the majority remains unknown.

Muslim Legion "Idel-Ural" and Belarusian partisans

A few years ago, a group of researchers, which included the author of this publication, S. Lurie, R. Mustafin and some former employees of the KGB of the Republic of Tatarstan, tried to find documentary traces of the remnants of the 825th battalion dating back to the period after February 23, 1943.

The former commander of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade, M. Biryulin, in a conversation with S. Lurie then explained that since the Germans repeatedly tried to send agents to the partisans under the guise of escaped prisoners of war, the partisan leaders at first did not fully trust the rebels.

In this regard, it was ordered to distribute them among the detachments of several brigades: the 1st Vitebsk, 1st Belarusian brigade named after. Leninsky Komsomol and others. Therefore, trying to find former legionnaires in these partisan formations, we turned to the book "Partisan formations of Belarus during the Great Patriotic War (June 1941 - July 1944)", which provides data on the national composition of some partisan brigades at the time of their connection with units of the Red Army 9:

Even if we count that among the 99 people recorded in the columns of the table as “other nationalities” and “nationality not established”, there are Tatars, Bashkirs and Chuvashs, then where are the remaining at least four hundred former prisoners of war legionnaires?

In a conversation with S. Lurie, M. Biryulin gave such explanations.

Firstly, former prisoners of war, unlike partisans from local residents, did not know the area where the battles with the punitive expeditions of the Nazis took place, they were worse oriented in it, therefore they often died in swamps or fell into ambushes of punishers.

Secondly, it was not possible to change clothes for everyone, they fought on the side of the partisans in their gray-green German overcoats, and many local residents and partisans of neighboring detachments could kill them, mistaking them for the Germans.

Thirdly, some commanders of the detachments, who at first did not really trust the rebels, sent them to the front lines of the attackers in the offensive, and during the retreat they left them to cover the withdrawal of the main forces of the detachment.

All this led to the fact that the losses among the former legionnaires were much greater than among the partisans from the local residents.

In addition, the lightly wounded were treated in their detachment, and the seriously wounded were airlifted across the front line to army hospitals. After treatment in hospitals, local partisans, as a rule, returned to their units, while former prisoners of war were sent (mostly after checking in filtration camps) to part of the army, most often to penal battalions.

According to the Belarusian researcher A. Zayerko, the 825th battalion was disbanded after the transition to the partisans. His personnel joined the 1st Vitebsk, 1st Belarusian partisan brigades and the "Aleksey's brigade". The main part of the Tatars remained in the detachment of G. Sysoev 10.

In a memorandum from the organizer of the Vitebsk Regional Party Committee, K. I. Shemelis, it was reported that a total of 476 legionnaires were disarmed. Of these, 356 people were sent to the detachments of the 1st Belarusian brigade under the command of Ya. Z. Zakharov, 30 people remained in the 1st Vitebsk brigade of M. F. Biryulin. In the detachment of G. I. Sysoev, a separate Tatar company 11 was formed.

The National Archives of the Republic of Belarus has a curious document describing the fate of the legionnaires who ended up in the partisan "Aleksei's brigade". Judging by it, in February-March 1943, during the punitive operation "Thunderball", part of the "Alexei's brigade" was squeezed out by the Nazis behind the front line.

Among these partisans were former soldiers and officers of the 825th battalion. Many of them, if not all, were arrested by the SMERSH authorities.

On June 22, 1943, 31 people from the 825th battalion were in the special purpose camp No. 174 in the city of Podolsk. Their fate is unknown 12.

An important explanation was given by one of the veterans of the KGB of the Republic of Tatarstan, retired colonel L. N. Titov. According to him, in the summer of 1943, army units and partisan formations behind enemy lines received an order from SMERSH to "withdraw" from their composition former prisoners of war who had transferred from the Russian Liberation Army (ROA), national legions and other military formations of Nazi Germany.

From the partisan detachments, legionnaires were sent by plane to the mainland, where they ended up in special camps of the NKVD.

During the interrogations, detailed lists of legionnaires were compiled, which were guided by the local NKVD authorities when tracking the soldiers returning home. These persons remained under the control of the security agencies until the early 1970s. In addition, in the post-war years, the state security agencies searched for legionnaires who hid their service in the Volga-Tatar Legion and other collaboration units.

So, in one of the documents compiled by the Chekists of Tatarstan in 1951, there is a list of 25 legionnaires (including four people from among those who served in the 825th battalion), who were arrested, convicted and kept in special camps of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs 13.

Currently, out of 10 thousand members of the Idel-Ural Legion, about two dozen people have been officially rehabilitated. There is still a difficult search for biographies and documents regarding the organizers of the uprising in the 825th battalion: a doctor from Chuvashia Grigory Volkov, who gave his name as Zhukov, unit commanders Rashid Tadzhiev, Alexander Trubkin, Khusain Mukhamedov, Akhmet Galeev, Anatoly Mutallo, I.K. Yusupov, V Kh. Lutfullina, Kh. K. Latypova and others, as well as intelligence officer Nina Buynichenko, who left Belarus for Vilnius after the war. The feat they accomplished in February 1943 has not yet been adequately noted.

I The original of this document is kept in the Vitebsk Regional Museum of M. F. Shmyrev. S. Lurie copied it in 1979, when he was in Vitebsk as the head of the search detachment of students of the Naberezhnye Chelny secondary school No. 28, which made a trip to the places of partisan glory of the Belarusian Polesie.

NOTES:

1. See: Gainetdinov R. B. Turkic-Tatar political emigration: the beginning of the twentieth century - the 30s. - Naberezhnye Chelny, 1977. - S. 55-59.

2. Mustafin R. A. In the wake of a broken song. – Kazan, 2004. – P. 82.

3. Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Tatarstan, f. 109, op. 12, d. 9, l. 29-92.

4. Mustafin R. In the wake of a broken song. - Kazan, 1981 - 335 p.; Zabirov I. Jalil and the Jalilians. - Kazan, 1983 - 144 p.; Kashshaf G. According to the will of Mussa Jalil. - Kazan, 1984 - 224 p.; Bikmukhametov R. Musa Jalil. Personality. Creation. A life. - M., 1989 - 285 p.

5. Cherepanov M. Were the Legionnaires Dzhalilians // Kazanskiye Vedomosti. - 1993. - February 19; Akhtamzyan A. In memory of the participants in the resistance to Nazism during the Great Patriotic War // Tatar news. - 2004. - No. 8 (121); Mustafin R. A. In the wake of a broken song. - Kazan, 2004. - 399 p.

6. Garaev M. Ours! Transfer of the Tatar battalion to the side of the Belarusian partisans // Tatarstan. - 2003. - No. 7.

7. See: Gilyazov I. A. On the other side. Collaborators from the Volga-Ural Tatars during the Second World War. - Kazan, 1998. - S. 107-108.

8. Pakhomov N. I., Dorofeenko N. I., Dorofeenko N. V. Vitebsk underground / 2nd ed. revised and enlarged. - Minsk, 1974. - S. 124.

9. See: Partisan formations of Belarus during the Great Patriotic War (June 1941 - July 1944). - Minsk, 1983. - 281 p.

10. Zayerko A. The illusory nature of the second oath: "Turkic volunteers" in the forests of Belarus // Political interlocutor. - 1991. - No. 12. - P. 28.

11. National Archives of the Republic of Belarus (NA RB), f. 3793, op. 1, d. 83, l. 87.

12. NA RB, f. 3500, op. 2, bundle 12, case 48, sheet. 128-128 rev.

13. Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Tatarstan, f. 109, op. 12, d. 9, l. 120-130.

Report of the commissar of the 1st partisan detachment I. Grigoriev to the commissar of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade V. Khabarov on admission to the detachment of personnel of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion

March 5, 1943

Report of the commissar of the detachment I. G. Grigoriev to the brigade. According to your instructions, I inform you about the expansion and transfer to our detachment [from] the Volga-Tatar Legion of the 825th battalion.

The Volga-Tatar Legion consisted of our Tatar prisoners of war, taken prisoner by German troops in 1941 and early 1942 in the cities of Bialystok, Grodno, Lvov, Kerch, Kharkov. Until May 1942, they were in prisoner of war camps and endured hunger and atrocities on the part of German soldiers and officers.

On June 19-20, 1942, the Germans began to concentrate Tatars in the mountains from all prisoner of war camps. Sedlice, after which they were sent under heavy guard to the mountains. Radom, they were divided into 3 groups of 900 people, that is, into 3 battalions.

Hitler's envoy, Lieutenant General of the Eastern Legions, delivered a speech:

“You, Tatars, Hitler liberates from captivity, creates good conditions for you and creates a legion, which is tasked with liberating its Tatar Republic from the Bolsheviks ... The power of the Bolsheviks was finally defeated by the German troops, we are arming you and sending you to study. After your studies, you, the liberated people, must clear your national territory of the Bolshevik partisans hiding in the forests and swamps, who are harming our army.”

From July 1942 to February 1943, they underwent combat training in the fight against partisans. There was an exam at the beginning of February. Those who distinguished themselves in their studies were appointed commanders of platoons and squads, adding Major Zeks to this battalion (actually - Tsek. - G.R.). This legion was sent to the disposal of the 82nd division, located in Vitebsk.

On February 19, the scout of the unspoken group “B”, partisan Buinichenko Nina, reported that the Volga-Tatar Legion of the 825th battalion had arrived from Radom to fight partisans in the Surazh-Vitebsk-Gorodok triangle. This battalion will be deployed in the villages of Senkovo, Suvary and Gralevo in the Vitebsk region (where there were several companies of partisans).

On February 20, I took two fighters from reconnaissance and at night, having made my way through the Dvina to the village of Senkovo, I gave the task to an illegal partisan group led by Nina Buinichenko: when this legion arrives, find out their morale, outline the situation on the fronts.

If there is a positive result, send hostages to the detachment, preferably officers. On February 21st, 1943, this battalion was stationed in the above villages.

In the house of our illegal partisan Nina Buinichenko, the battalion doctor Zhukov settled down, with whom frank conversations quickly began. Zhukov told her that he had the idea to go over to the side of the Red Army in the mountains. Radom.

He has 6 people from the command staff who are also thinking about the transition and named their positions and names: adjutant to the commander of the battalion, Major Zeks - Tadzhiev, commander of the headquarters company Mukhamedov, assistant commander Latypov, platoon commanders Isupov (Yusupov - G. R.), Galiev, Trubkin and (platoon commander) of their economic unit Rakhimov.

After these conversations, Zhukov asked Nina to speed up communication with the partisans. Nina advised Zhukov to send four Tatars to our detachment for negotiations, and also advised him to take a resident of the village of Suvara Mikhalchenko as a guide, dressing him in their uniform so as not to leave any traces.

Zhukov listened attentively, quickly went to the comrades with whom he had a conversation.

At 7 p.m. (probably February 22. - G.R.), having come home, Zhukov told Nina that Trubkin, Lutfulin, Galiev and Fakhrutdinov had been sent with Mikhalchenko, dressed in a German uniform. He warned Nina that if the partisans fired at them, then she was personally responsible. Nina replied that I had agreed on the place of the meeting with the commissar of the detachment Grigoriev, they would be met. Our ambush met representatives at the appointed place and delivered them to the detachment headquarters.

Representatives asked to be given one rocket, denoting: “Accepted well. Start preparing." The rocket was given.

The headquarters of our detachment set before the representatives the task of destroying the entire German officer corps and traitors from the Tatars, withdrawing the entire personnel with full armament, convoy and ammunition. After the destruction of the headquarters, pull up (personnel) to the shore of the Western Dvina and the dumps of the Ruba plant, give 3 red rockets, which would indicate: “Ready for the transition, accept”, 3 flashlight signals: “white, red, green”, which means: “ The representative went to the middle of the Western Dvina, where I should meet him.

Two of the Tatars - Trubkin and Lutfulin - were left hostage in their detachment, and Galiev and Fukhrutdinov were sent back to the legion to organize and carry out their tasks. At 11 o'clock at night, one white rocket was fired at the village of Suvar, according to the agreement, which meant: “We returned safely. We begin to destroy the Germans.

We reported this to Biryulin's brigade headquarters and asked him to send a representative. Anashchenko and the chief of staff, Kritsky, were expelled, who were present and observed this process ... While observing their operation to destroy the Germans and traitor Tatars, grenade explosions, machine-gun bursts and single shots from rifles and machine guns were heard. It was the Tatars who completed our task. At 0.30. nights received flashlight signals - white, red and green, as agreed.

The commander set up in ambush with a group of partisans, and I, with the company commander Streltsov, headed along the Dvina towards Ruba to meet representatives. We met Fakhrutdinov with two of his comrades, with the question: “Who are you by rank?”. I answered: "The commissar of the Sysoev partisan detachment is Grigoriev."

“Mission completed. They destroyed 74 Germans, three company commanders - Suryapov, the commander of the 2nd company Minozhleev and the commander of the 3rd company Merulin. The personnel with weapons, transport and ammunition will be pulled up. Please accept.

At the same time, I inform you that our headquarters driver turned out to be a traitor and secretly took away by car from (Suvarey, Senkovo?) Major Zeks, whom they wanted to capture alive and deliver to you. In Senkovo, they arrested the battalion doctor Zhukov, Tazhdiev (or Tadzhiev) and Rakhimov, who were tasked with destroying the Germans (in Senkovo?). I ask you to speed up the reception, I am injured, please help.”

Streltsov was ordered to deliver him to the first-aid post for assistance, and he himself met gun crews and personnel. On the way, he made a small rally, told them that they were going to join the partisans for the time being, with the intention of sending them over the front line.

The meeting was very joyful, many laughed with joy, and some wept, remembering the conditions, the torments that they experienced while in captivity, hugging and kissing me, shouting that we were again with our own, with us comrade. Stalin, etc.

Those who arrived on the territory of our detachment are forced, on the basis of the order of the brigade commander, to disarm, send the personnel to the disposal of the brigade on the territory of the peat plant, and send part of the weapons to the economic part of the brigade. Obviously, brigade commander comrade. Biryulin proceeded from the fact that our brigade, especially our detachment, had been fighting since February 14 with an expedition against partisans, and an extra concentration of people could lead to undesirable results, besides, they were in German uniform.

There was no desire in the detachment to disarm, because [as] the headquarters of the detachment had the intention to put them into battle, but the order of a superior comrade had to be followed.

506 people arrived at the location of our detachment of personnel with weapons: 45 mm cannons - 3 pieces, heavy machine guns - 20, battalion mortars - 4, company mortars - 5, light machine guns - 22, rifles - 340, pistols - 150, rocket launchers - 12, binoculars - 30, horses with full ammunition, ammunition and food - 26.

Later they arrived in separate small groups.

Fulfilling the instructions of the brigade commander comrade. Biryulina, our personnel were disarmed and sent to the disposal of the brigade.

Armament, in addition to guns and heavy machine guns, was sent to the brigade's economic unit. After talking at headquarters, the detachments decided to take under their responsibility part of the personnel, gun crews and machine gunners of heavy machine guns, which were used to combat the expedition against partisans. It should be noted that [they] fought exceptionally bravely, courageously in battles, and many of them distinguished themselves in battles and retained their weapons.

The brigade sent personnel to all detachments and brigades located in the Vitebsk, Surazh, Gorodok triangle.

3 officers were sent to the rear of the Soviet Union, to the headquarters of the partisan movement, of which I inform you.

Commissar of the partisan detachment Grigoriev.

From the funds of the Vitebsk Regional Museum of M. F. Shmyrev. Copy.

APPENDIX 1

We list some of the approaches that were used by the German military in their work with the soldiers of the Muslim Legion. The general principles of work are listed in the post-war memoirs of General von Heigendorf: “Volunteers from the Eastern peoples were consistent Muslims who could not be supporters of Bolshevism. We supported Islam, and this manifested itself in the following:

1. Selection of suitable personnel and their training in the mullah schools in Göttingen and Dresden-Blausewitz;

2. Creation of positions of chief mullah and mullah at all headquarters, starting with the headquarters of the commander of the Eastern Legions;

3. Identification of mullahs with special insignia (turban, crescent);

4. Distribution of the Koran as a talisman;

5. Allocating time for prayers (if it was possible for the service);

6. Exemption from service on Fridays and during Muslim holidays;

7. Accounting for Muslim prescriptions when compiling the menu;

8. Providing mutton and rice during the holidays;

9. The location of the graves of Muslims with the help of a compass to Mecca, the inscriptions on the graves were accompanied by the image of a crescent;

10. Attentive and tactful attitude to someone else's faith.

Von Heigendorf wrote that he always demanded from his subordinates a tactful attitude towards Islam:

“... do not show curiosity and do not take pictures of Muslims during prayer, do not drink alcohol in front of them and do not offer it to Muslims, do not talk rudely about women in front of them.”

He believed that "a true Christian will always find a common language with a true Muslim" and complained that in dealing with Muslims, "alas, a lot of mistakes were made, which gave rise in the latter to distrust of the German people as a whole."

Just in the spring, and especially in the summer and autumn of 1944, the leadership of the SS actively joined the cause of religious propaganda, which, as mentioned above, was to a certain extent the result of disagreements and conflicts between various authorities and the leaders of Germany at that time. True, it cannot be unequivocally said that until that time the SS stood aside from these problems.

SS chief Himmler clearly sought to demonstrate to everyone that at this critical moment it was he and the SS who in all respects were better able than, for example, Rosenberg and his Eastern Ministry, to organize work with the Eastern peoples, including better use in German interests and Muslim factor. All the more so because alarming information for Germany began to arrive from abroad that the Soviet Union had taken up very actively religious propaganda among the Muslims of the Middle East.

“The Soviet embassy in Cairo attracts many Muslims because its walls are decorated with sayings from the Koran. It uses general Islamic ideas, linking them with Bolshevik and nationalist ideas.

As opposed to the Higher Islamic School in Cairo (meaning Al-Azhar University. - I. G.) the Bolsheviks reopened an Islamic educational institution in Tashkent. To some extent, they are trying to revive the ideas of Lenin, who already once tried to use Enver Pasha to start a pan-Islamic assault under the leadership of the Bolsheviks,” Ambassador Langmann reported on June 15, 1944 at the Foreign Ministry. The SS got down to business seemingly thoroughly: already on April 18, 1944, the leadership of the SS ordered 50 copies of the Koran translated into German from one of the libraries in Leipzig (apparently for study).

Within the framework of the SS, it was planned to create an Eastern Turkic military unit led by the German Muslim SS Standartenführer Harun el-Rashid. And one of the main means for raising the religious self-consciousness of Muslims was the activity of the so-called schools of military field mullahs, organized at that time.

The first training courses for mullahs (they were not yet called a school) opened in June 1944 at the University of Göttingen, they were supported by the Islamic Institute.

The course was led by the well-known Orientalist, Professor Bertold Shpuhler, who was assisted in matters of ritual by the above-mentioned Lithuanian mufti Yakub Shinkevich and the Ober-Mullah of the Turkestan National Committee Inoyatov. According to I. Hoffmann, by the end of 1944, six graduations of students took place, each of them studied at the courses for about three weeks. As early as 1944, Professor Spuler compiled his memoirs about each course - these data are used below for a brief description of the courses in Göttingen.

Among the students were both persons who had already been appointed mullahs in various military formations, and those who were just starting their religious career. The courses studied the Koran and commentaries to it, the life of the Prophet Muhammad, some of the most important issues of Muslim teaching, the history of the Turkic peoples.

Graduates-mullahs had to demonstrate during their studies their readiness to conduct worship, supervise the conduct of the necessary ceremonies (funerals, religious festivities, etc.), as well as the ability to resist "hostile ideological intrigues."

The main language of the courses was "Turkic in its various dialects" (as defined by Spuler), but most often Uzbek, partly Tajik and Russian. At the same time, sometimes difficult situations arose with some representatives of the Caucasian nationalities (Avars, Chechens, etc.), who did not understand Russian or any Turkic language.

Difficulties were, according to Spuler, and with the provision of religious literature - for the listeners there was, for example, the text of the Koran translated into Russian or Turkic languages.

Only at the end of 1944, through the efforts of the general of volunteer units, was the distribution of a miniature Koran as a talisman to all Muslim legionnaires, which could be worn on the chest in a tin box and which could only be read with a magnifying glass, was organized. Mullahs who passed the final exams received the corresponding insignia - turbans decorated with a crescent and a star.

Joachim Hoffmann believes that "the multilateral efforts of the Germans to strengthen the Muslim faith in the eastern legions should have generally borne fruit", which the documents show: "the mullahs sent to the formations, as a rule, showed themselves to be especially staunch opponents of Bolshevism."

APPENDIX 2

Lists of former servicemen of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Ural Legion

In a memorandum to the Belarusian headquarters of the partisan movement dated March 3, 1943, brigade commander Y. Zakharov wrote:

“The growth of the partisan brigade mainly occurs:

1) at the expense of the population of Surazh, Vitebsk and Gorodok regions;

3) at the expense of [military] prisoners who left the German camps”3.

Further, Ya. Zakharov notes that by 1943 the human reserve from the local population was practically exhausted. The replenishment that arrived in his brigade from among the former military personnel of the 825th battalion played a very important role and served as a resource for the formation of several new detachments of the brigade.

At the end of October 1943, a new, third in a row, punitive operation of the Nazis against the partisans began. In the center of it was Zakharov's brigade. Within two weeks, the detachments of the brigade were completely cut off from their partisan bases and squeezed out to the east, closer to the front.

The brigade commander Y. Zakharov urgently flew to Moscow, where a large-scale operation was planned at the Central Headquarters of the Partisan Movement (TSSHPD) to break through the partisan formations of the Vitebsk zone to their own, to reunite with the Red Army. Y. Zakharov was appointed commander of a partisan group. On October 23, 1943, after 19 days of fighting, as a result of a swift and unexpected maneuver for the Germans, detachments of the 1st Belorussian and 2nd Vitebsk, named after Lenin Komsomol and named after Kutuzov partisan brigades connected with units of the Red Army in the area of ​​operation of the 334th rifle division, formed in 1941 in Kazan and later received the name "Vitebsk" for the liberation of the named city.

In Zakharov's brigade, out of 711 people on the payroll, 461 people came out of the breakthrough. 318 fighters were sent to the Surazh district military commissariat for further service in the ranks of the Red Army (including 54 former servicemen of the 825th battalion who fought in partisans)4, 120 people were left to restore Soviet and party work in the liberated areas of the Vitebsk region.

In November 1943, the 1st Belarusian partisan brigade was disbanded, the detachment of A. Gurko III, replenished from other brigades, in the amount of 248 people (including about a dozen Tatars) was left behind enemy lines in the Kholopnichensky district of Borisovshchina and operated until the summer of 1944.

In the brigade of Alexei Damukalov ("Alexey") IV, the names of the detachments were numbered and nominal. Tatars - mostly specialists (scouts, machine gunners) - served in detachments No. 4 "Death to Enemies", No. 6 "Sailor", No. 9 "Victory", No. 15 "Falcon", No. 16 "Komsomolets", No. 17 "Avenger" , No. 36 "Marat". After connecting with units of the Red Army, part of the fighters of the Alexei brigade were sent behind enemy lines to Borisovshchina as part of A. Gurko's detachment.

The Lenin Komsomol Brigade operated in the Surazh and Gorodok regions. It was one of the first partisan formations in the Vitebsk region. Its commander Daniil Raitsev V was appointed to this position already in July 1941. There were few Tatars in the brigade.

After joining the units of the Red Army in November 1943, five former legionnaires were sent for further military service at the disposal of the Surazh RVC, one fighter was sent to serve in the Vitebsk regiment of the NKVD. D. Raytsev himself went on a short vacation to Tatarstan, where in the village. Yutaza, Bavlinsky district, was his wife Maria, evacuated from Belarus in 1941.

D. F. Raitsev lived a long life and retained almost the entire archive of the partisan brigade. Recently, the partisan's widow handed over documents to the Vitebsk Regional Museum of the Hero of the Soviet Union M. Shmyrev, which are now being sorted out by experts, and, as the museum management promises, interesting materials regarding our compatriots will be made public.

Now our search and research group is processing the lists of former servicemen of the 825th battalion, identified in the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus in December 2009 and transferred to us thanks to the goodwill of the Department for Archives and Records Management of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Belarus and the invaluable assistance of employees of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Belarus.

Today we publish only the first, largest of the newly identified lists of our compatriots enlisted in the detachment of G. Kurmelev of the brigade of Ya. Zakharov. It is based on the list of the detachment, compiled in July 1943. Some information was clarified according to a later list, compiled on the basis of the first one in November of the same year. In case of discrepancies in the data, information from both lists is given.

The following information is published about each person: last name, first name, patronymic (the latter is not indicated for everyone); year of birth; nationality; education; partisanship; Place of Birth; where and what he did before the war (for some - with an indication of the pre-war salary for the position held); military rank; date of entry into the partisan detachment; position held in the squad; home address; from where he got into the squad.

In square brackets are given either missing parts of the text, or, if possible, the specified names of regions, districts, settlements. Surnames, first names and patronymics are readable in two ways (the lists were compiled not according to personal documents, but mainly from the words of the respondents, therefore mistakes by partisan clerks in writing hard-to-pronounce Tatar names and surnames were inevitable) and discrepancies in the lists are given in parentheses.

Titles requiring clarification and names are given with a question mark.

We hope that the published list will serve as a documentary basis for the further work of the military commissariats and municipalities to search for relatives and bring them information about the unknown heroes of the past war, who undoubtedly accomplished a feat in the Belarusian Polesie back in February 1943.

Published in abridged.

NOTES:

1. Gainetdinov R. Transfer of the 825th battalion of the legion "Idel-Ural" to the side of the Belarusian partisans // Gasyrlar avaza - Echo of centuries. - 2005. - No. 1. - P. 23-30; He is. New documents on the transition of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Ural Legion to the side of the partisans // Gasyrlar Avaza - Echo of the Ages. - 2009. - No. 1. - S. 58-72.
2. National Archives of the Republic of Belarus, f. 1336, op. 1, d. 109, l. 110 rpm
3. Ibid., f. 1450, op. 5, d. 3, l. 165.
4. Ibid., d. 5, l. 104-112.

List of personnel of the partisan detachment of G. S. KurmelevVI
1st Belarusian partisan brigade Ya. Z. Zakharov VII (1943 and 1944) VIII

Detachment No. 1 Comrade. Kurmeleva

1. Shoistanov Graf (Garif?) Togatynovich- 1911 [year of birth], tat [arin], [education] - 4 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; [place of birth] - B[ashkir] ASSR, Kandr[insky] r[ayo] IX, village Kakhovskaya [Kaznakovka?]; [where and by whom he worked before the war] - on a collective farm, a collective farmer; [rank] - row [new], [time of entry into the detachment] - 26.02.43, [military specialty] - row [new]; [home address] - Bash[kir] ASSR, Kandrin[sky] district[aio]n, Star. village council, d. Kakhovskaya; [from where he came to the detachment] - [from] captivity [a], disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.]X.

2. Dovlekaev Efim Stepanovich- 1910, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amot] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[art]; Stalingrad [hell] region [ast] XI, Leninsky [diy] district [aio] n, Bakhtiyarovsky rural [rural] council, on a collective farm, collective farmer; private, 26.02.43, private; St[ingradskaya] oblast[a], Leninsk[y] district[aio]n, Bakhtiyarovsky village council; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

3. Nigmadzyanov Gaziad- 1911, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; Kazan region [TASSR], Kokmor [Kukmorsky] district [ayo] nXII, village Shemordan, Shemordan, assistant to the machine [ist] with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Kokmorsk district, village Shemordan; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

4. Ubeikin Fedor Petrovich- 1920, Chuvash, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region [TASSR], Aksubai [Aksubayevsky] district [ayo] n; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 26.02.43, private; Kazan region, Aksubai district; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

5. Izmailov Gazis Ibragimovich- 1910, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny], b[es] p[art]; Kazan region [TASSR], Dubyazsky district [aio]nXIII, village Bolshoy Bitaman; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Dubyazsk district, village B[olshoy] Bitaman; from captivity.

6. Bikeev Zakhar Zakharovich- 1922, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1st class[ass]), VLKSM; BASSR, Yumaguzinsky district, Mutaevo village, Central Asia, worker with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Yumaguzin[sky] rayon, village Mutaevo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

7. Galimulin Yarulkha (Yarulla?) Galimulinovich- 1912, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; Kazan region [TASSR], Baltach. [Baltasinsky] district [ayo]n, v. Burbash; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region [TASSR], Baltachin. r[ayo]n, v. Burbash; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

8. Guzairov Khoylan (Kheigal) Pelgurovich- 1912, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (2nd class [ass]), b[es] p[art]; Kazan region [TASSR], Dubyazsky district [aio]n, Karakul village; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Dubyazsky district, Karakul village; from captivity.

9. Zakirov Garif Zakirovich- 1908, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan oblast [TASSR], Novosh[eshminsky] ra[aio]n, Verkh. Nikitino, Arkhangelsk, salesman with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Novosheshminsk [area] district, Verkhnekamensk [rural] village soviet, Verkh. Nikitino; from captivity.

10. Guleev Akhmat (Akhmet) Tuktonyazovich- 1913 (1915), Turkm[en], 5th class[ass], b[es] p[art]; Turk. Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Adjipulaksky district [ayo] n, village Artizan; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Ordzh[onikidzevsky] regionXIV, Turmensky district[aio]n, Chursky village council, village Chur [Chur aul]; from captivity.

11. Gorshkov Semyon Fedorovich- 1917, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (3rd class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; Kazan region [TASSR], Krasnoarm[eisky] [Kyzyl-Armeisky] district [ayo]nXV, village Chuvyaltan [Chuvashsky Eltan] (Krasnodar), Tuapse, worker with a salary of 550 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Krasnoarm[eisky] district, Chuvyaltan village (Krasnodar); from captivity.

12. Chebotarev Shavket Abdulovich- 1918 (1919), tat [arin], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] oblast[a]XVI, Baryshevsky [Barysh] r[ayo]n, village St. Timoshkino [Starotimoshkino] (St. Ilyushino); Art. Timoshkino, a loader with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kuyb[yshev] region, Barysh district[ayo]n, village St. Timoshkino; from captivity.

13. Sibagatullin Gatav- 1917, tat [arin], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Atninsky district [ayo] n, village M[alaya] Atnya; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Atninsk[iy] r[ayo]n, village M[alaya] Atnya; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

14. Nasardinov Vasbiy Nasardinovich- 1913, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Ilishevsky district, v. Itaevsk (?) [Iteevo?], Ilishevo, forester with a salary of 110 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Ilishevsk [kiy] district [ayo] n, village Itaevsk; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

15. Belyakov Ilya Alekseevich- 1915, Mari, 6 class [asses]; Mar[iyskaya] ASSR, Yoshkar-Ola district[aio]n, village Tarkhanovo; on a collective farm, caretaker; junior [junior] sergeant [ant], 26.02.43, private; Mar[iyskaya] ASSR, Yoshkar-Olinsk[iy] r[ayo]n, v. Tarkhanovo; from captivity.

16.Gareev Ramai Sakhipovich- 1913, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; NSO [Novosibirsk region]XVII, Yurga; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private, NSO [Novosibirsk region], art. Yurga; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

17. Shafikov Abdulkhan Shafikovich- 1914, Bashkirs, secondary [education], VLKSM; BASSR, Belokataysky district [aio]n; v. Uchashovo [Upper Utyashevo?], v. Uchashovo, paramedic; private, 23.02.43, private; Belokat[ayskiy] district[aio]n, village Uchashovo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

18. Magdeev Nabi Khadyatovich- 1914, Bashkirs, secondary [education], VLKSM; Chelyab[insk] region, Kr[asno]arm[eisky] district[aio]n, v. Taukaevo, Kunashak, teacher with a salary of 420 rubles; private, 26.02.43, private; Chelyab[insk] region, Kr[asno]arm[eisky] district[aio]n, village of Taukaevo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

19. Valeev Abdulkhay- 1920, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Alkievsky [Alkeevsky] district [aio] n, v. St [arye] Urgagary; Central Asia, tin [man] with a salary of 350 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Alkievskiy district, v. St[arye] Urgagary; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

20. Akhmadulin Eniet Nigamatovich- 1918, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Sterlib [ashevsky] district [ayo] n; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; junior [junior] sergeant, 02/23/43, private; Sterlib[ashevsky] ra[aio]n, Buzatov[sky] s[elsk] s[ovet], v. Asanay; from captivity.
21. Latypov Mubarak - 1914 (1909), tat[arin], 4th class[ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Lenin. (?) r[ayo]n, village Urmada (?), ROM, machinist[ist] with a salary of 285 rubles; private, 26.02.43, private; BASSR, Lenin. r[ayo]n, Suleymbekov[sky] s[elsk] s[oviet], v. Urmada; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

22. Nurzalov (Nurzipov) Fatkhulla- 1909, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; St[ingrad] region, Astrakhan, Astrakhan, a worker with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Stalin[grad] region, Astrakhan, Urymansk[y] (Narimanovsky?) district, village Balyanka; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

23. Sibagatullin Ibrahim S.- 1922, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Bolshoy Sulabash; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; lieutenant, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Bolshoy Sulabash; from captivity.

24. Ryazyapin Kashaf Zaripovich- 1921, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; BASSR, Kugarchinsky district, village Kugarchin [Kugarchy]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kugarchinsky district, village Kugarchin; from captivity.

25. Makhmutov Foyaz (Fayaz) Kutuzovich (Kutdusovich)- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Yanaulsky district [district], village Istyakovo [Istyak]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Yanaul district, Istyakovsky village council, Tash-Elga village; from captivity.

26. Akhmadeev Manur Orslanovich (Arslanovich)- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Kandr[inskiy] district[aio]nXVIII, village Kandrakul; shop manager with a salary of 350 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kandr. r[ayo]n, village of Kandrakul[sky] s[elsky] council, village of Kandarkul; from captivity.

27. Khaibulin Maftah (Miftah) F.- 1912, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Ushalinsky [Uchalinsky] district [aio]n, Ushalinsky [y] s[elsky] soviet, Moldashevo [Muldashevo] village, mine, coal cutter with a salary of 800 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Ushalinsk[iy] r[aio]n, Ushalinsk[iy] s[elsk] s[oviet], Moldashevo village; from captivity.

28. Kalimulin Yarolla (Yarulla) Garifovich- 1916, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Buinsky district, village Serki-Grishino [Cherki-Grishino]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43 private; Kazan region, Buinsky district, Serki-Grishino village; from captivity.

29. Kabirov Kasim Shakirovich- 1917, Tatar [in], 5th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Voroshilovsky [Menzelinsky? Sarmanovsky?] district [ayo]n, village NarodkinoXIX; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan, Voroshilovsky district, Narodkino village; from captivity.

30. Kalimulin Khazis Khaybulovich- 1921, Udmurt, 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Ufa region XX, Yanaul district, Orlyansky [Orlovsky?] village council, village Narkan [Karman-Aktau?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 22.02.43, private; BASSR, Yanaul[sky] district[aio]n, Orlyansky village village council, Narkan village; from captivity.

31. Bogapov (Vogapov) Khasyan Ismailovich- 1921, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; Penz [en] region, Kadushkinsky [Kadoshkinsky] district [aio] n, village Latyshevka [Latyshovka]; Donbass, hammer fighter with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Penz[en] region, Kadushkinsk[iy] r[aio]n, v. Latyshevka; from captivity.

32. Mustafin Nurgali M.- 1909, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Tsipinsky (Tsipinsky) r[ayo]nXXI, village Tiongir [Tolonger]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Tsipinsky district, Tolonger village; from captivity.

33. Khairulin Gabdrakhim Agap- 1910, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] region[a]XXII, N. Buyansky district[aio]n XXIII, v. Mullovka; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kuyb[ysheskaya] oblast, Buyanskii ra[aio]n, v. Mullovka; from captivity.

34. Garipov Hatip Garipovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan [area] region, Kalinin district XXIV, Azaevsky [Adaevsky?] village council, village Umeney [Ulimanovo]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan[sk] region[ast], Kalinin[y] r[aio]n, s. smarter; from captivity.

35. Fazullin Galim Zinatovich- 1917, Bashkirs, 10th class [asses], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Miyakinsky district, village Meneuz-Tamak; regional financial department, chief accountant with a salary of 715 rubles; lieutenant, 02/23/43, assistant to the [commander] in [platoon]; BASSR, Miyakinsky district, village Meneuz-Tamak; from captivity.

36. Galiev Akhmet Galievich- 1913, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Bondyugovsky [Bondyugsky] XXV chemical plant, st. Yarukhana, 47/18, chemical plant, worker with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Bondyugovsky [kiy] himz [av] d, st. Yarukhana, 47/18; from captivity.

37. Tanmurzin Iziyat Tanmurzinovich- 1919, Mari, 4th grade [ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Kaltachievsky [Kaltasinsky] district [aio] n, village Koyanka [Koyanovo]; Red Army, private, 02/23/43, private; BASSR, Kaltachievsky district, Koyanka village; from captivity.

38. Zinnatulin Sag. Zinat[ovich]- 1921, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Sarman[ov] district[aio]n, village Demet. Orlov [Dimitarlau]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Sarman[ovsky] district[aio]n, village Demet. Orlova; from captivity.

39. Garipov Khatib Zaripovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Kalinin[sky] district[aio]n, village Uman [Ulimanovo?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kalinin[sky] district[aio]n, village Uman; from captivity.

40.Akhmadeev Shamal Gar[ipovich]- 1922, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Tubinsky district [district], village Tubi [Tubinsky]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Tubinsky district, Tubi village; from captivity.

41. Galeev Akhmet Ziyatdinovich- 1916, Tatar [in], 10th class [asses], VLKSM; Chelyab[insk] region, Troitsk, st. Zhukova, Troitsk, director of a school with a salary of 600 rubles; sergeant, 01/28/42, private; Chelyabinsk region, Mekhansk [Miass] district [ayo]n, village Ishkino; from the environment.

42. Sibagatulin G.- 1921, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [aio] n, village B [big] Elga; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR Rybnoslobodsk [ay] district, village B[olshaya] Elga; from captivity.

43. Ilmurzin Ilinbai- 1914, Mari, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Kaltasinsky district, Kokush village; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kaltasinsky district, Kokush village; from captivity.

44. Orskudinov Fatkhush- 1911, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Aktanyshsky district, village Bugazino [Buaz-Kul]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR Aktanyshsk[iy] district[aio]n, village Bugazino; from captivity.

45. Akhmadeev Khusan (Khasan)- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Agryz district [area] n, station [station] Agryz, st. K. Marx, Agryz, manager of a warehouse with a salary of 285 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Agryz district [ayo] n, st. K. Marx, 132; from captivity.

46. Mukhamedzhanov Gazis M.- 1921, Tatar [in], m [alo] gr [amotny], b [es] p [art]; TASSR, Baltachinsky [Baltasinsky] rayon, Baltasinsky village village council, village Sardygach; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Baltachinsk[y] district[aio]n, Baltachinsk rural [rural] council, village of Sardygan; from captivity.

47. Gazizov Mirula (Nurulla?) Gazizovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [aio]n, village B[olshoy] Oshnyak, on a collective farm, weigher with a salary of 450 rubles, private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [ayo] n, village Bolshoy Oshnyak; from captivity.

48. Ayupov Mabaraksha (Mubaraksha) A.- 1911, Tatar [in], 5th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshevskaya] oblast[a]XXVI, Starokultinsky [Starokulatskinsky] district[aio]n, s. N. Zelenitsa [New Zimnitsy], Baku, a baker with a salary of 300 rubles, private, 23.02.43, private; AzSSR, Baku city, Stalin district [ayo] n, st. Frunze, 181; from captivity.

49. Amirov Rustam Abaz[ovich]- 1916, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Meleuzovsky district [ayo] n, with. Zerga [Zirgan]; Samarkand, savings bank, employee with a salary of 400 rubles, sergeant, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Meluzovsky district [district] n, st. Smolnenskaya, 86; from captivity.

50. Baziit Sadykh (Sadyk) Kh.- 1916, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Penz[enskaya] oblast, Gorodishchenskii ra[aio]n, st. Chaadaevka, with. V. Razyap; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; Penza region [area], Gorodishchensky district [area] n, st. Chaadaevka, with. V. Razyap; from captivity.

51. Nikolaev Mikhail Mironovich- 1918, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Chugarsky (?) r[ayo]nXXVII, village Fedotovo; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Chugarsky (?) district, Fedotovo village; from captivity.

52. Abdullin Gabdur Abdul[ovich]- 1919, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan, Tatarsky district [ayo]n (?), village Kurkhaybak (?), Kazan, turner with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Tatar district, village Kurkhaybak; from captivity.

53. Gazizov Khazip- 1914, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Aznakayevskiy district, village Kormala [Karamaly], Saratov, driver with a salary of 450 rubles, driver, February 23, 1943, private; TASSR, Aznakayevskiy district [aio]n, Kormala village; from captivity.

54. Nasyrov Rubani Nasyrovich- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Sarman[ov] district, village N. Shavtali [Lower Chershily?]; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Sarman[ov] district[aio]n, d. N. Shavtala; from captivity.

55. Sulikov Eremey Alexandrovich- 1909, Mari, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p[artist]; NSO [Novosibirsk region], Tashtanovskiy [Tashtagolskiy] ra[aio]n, Ust-Selezen, Ust-Selezen, store manager with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; b[es]n[arty], NSO, Tashtanovskiy district[aio]n, village of Ust-Selezen; from captivity.

56. Mukhamadzyanov Abdull Akhmetovich- 1909, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSRXXVIII, Buzovyazovskiy district[ayo]nXXIX, village Kurmanai [Kurmanaevo?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Buzovyazovsky district, village Kurmanai; from captivity.

57. B iktashev Shanuvali (Manuvali) M.- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], VLKSM; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [area] n, village of Stary Arysh, Red Army, private, 23.02.43, commander of the department; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [ayo] n, village of St [ary] Arysh; from captivity.

58. Zeyadinov Sadry (Sadri) Zeyadinovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Naberezhno] Chelny district [ayo] nXXX, d. Gardale [Old Gardali], Makiivka, Sofia mine, breeder with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Makeevka, st. Carbit Colony; from captivity.

59. Avdeev Alexander Mabinov[ich]- 1911 (1915?), tat[arin], n[e] gr[amotny], b[es] p[arty]; Astrakhan district [ayo] n, fish factory No. 1, st. Batumi, fish factory, helmsman with a salary of 200 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Astrakhan district [ayo] n, No. 4, st. Batumi; from captivity.

60. Seradeev (Serazeev) Yarkhan Abzalovich- 1913, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Kulanginsky XXXI district [aio] n, village Karaton [Karatun], Grozny, driver with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kulanginsk [ayo] district, Karaton village; from captivity.

61. Ifatullin Igenat- 1913, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Biknarat; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Biknarat; from captivity.

62. Kachalov Mikhail Ivanovich- 1907, Mordovian [in], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Mord[ovskaya] Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Atyashevsky district, village of Selishchi, Chelyabinsk, water utility, locksmith with a salary of 700 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Mord[ovskaya] ASSR, Atyashevsky district, village of Selishchi; from captivity.

63. Davletbaev Fakhardin- 1916, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Krasnosolsky [Krasnousolsky] district [ayo] nXXXII, v. Yuluk [Yulukovo], on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 23.02.43, private; Ufa, Krasnosolsky district, Kusaadinsky village council, Yuluk village; from captivity.

64. Nabiulin Safa- 1914, Tatar [in], 7th class [assov], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Kaibitsky district, village Burunduk [Chipmunki], Moscow, military unit, driver with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan, Kaibitsky district [ayo] n, village Burunduk; from captivity.

65. Sagitov Yalal Badardinovich- 1920, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Chelyab[insk] oblast, village Kunachak [district center Kunashak], Chelyabinsk, artel, worker with a salary of 1,700 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Chelyabinsk, st. Stalin, 57 B; from captivity.

66. Galeev Mekhamed (Mukhamed) Sadykovich- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Naber[ezhnye] Chelny, Tsentral[alnaya], 37, Naberezhnye Chelny, bookseller [sheep] with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Naberezhnye Chelny, Central[al], 37; from captivity.

67. Akhmetgaleev Gazis- 1914, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan, Uzbekistan, sausage [ik] with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Uzbekistan, Bukhara, st. Lenina, 38; from captivity.

68. Batorbaev Kasim Mus.- 1916, Kazakh, 3rd class [assess], b[es] p[arty], Goryevskaya [Guryevskaya] region [ast] XXXIII, Dengi [Dengiz] district [ayo] n XXXIV, p. Butahon; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Goryevskaya oblast, Dengi district, s. Butahon; from captivity.

69. Karimov Abdul Karimovich- 1922, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Omsk region XXXV, Yarkovsky district, village Matmas; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Omsk region, Yarkovsky district, k[olkho]z of Stalin; from captivity.

70. Mirsayakov Salikhyan- 1911; TASSR, Muslimovsky [Muslyumovsky] ra[aio]n, k[olkho]z Rokhmatullina, on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Muslimovsky district, k[olkho]z Rokhmatula; from captivity.

71. Shafeev Adbull Kamald[inovich]- 1918, Tatar [in], 1 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] region[a] XXXVI, S. Kul[atk]insky district[aio]n, village Kiryushkino, KIM distillery, apparatchik with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Tula region, Kim[ov]sky district, Bronsky village council; from captivity.

72. Anderzhenov Abdulbagap- 1922, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Gork[ovskaya], region, Kr[asno] oct[yabrsky] district[aio]n, village Pitsa [Pilna], Moscow, electrician with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Moscow, Kalanchevskaya st.; from captivity.

73. Mukhamedgaleev Khurmatul- 1920, Tatar [in], 7th class [assov], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Baltachsky [Baltasinsky] district [ayo]n, station] ShemordanXXXVII, Tashkent, concrete [shchik] with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Tashkent; from captivity.

74. Enikeev Gummer Mukhariam[ovich]- 1918, Tatar [in], secondary [education], VLKSM; BASSR, Blagovar[sky] district, village of Kargali [Verkhniye Kargaly], Davlekan[ovo], teacher with a salary of 550 rubles; sergeant, February 15, 1942, company commander; BASSR, Blagovar[sky] district[aio]n, Kargali village; from encirclement, in the Soviet rear - August 1943

75. Kamaltinov Zaki Nurgal[ievich]- 1923, Tatar [in], 6th class [asses], VLKSM; Molot[ovskoy] region[a]XXXVIII, Barda [Bardym] district[ayo]n, village of Kazy (?), on a collective farm, collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kaibitsky district [ayo] n, with. Chipmunk; from captivity, disappeared without a trace.

76. Khafizov Fathul Khafizovich, - 1915, Tatar [in], secondary [education], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Muslimovsky [Muslyumovsky] rayon, village Muslyumovo, Kazan, teacher; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Muslyumovsky district, Muslyumovo village; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

77. Yusupov Iskhak Kalniz[ovich]- 1911, Tatar [in], secondary [education], b [es] p [artist]; Astrakhan, st. Batumskaya, 8/26, Astrakhan, a worker with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Astrakhan, st. Batumskaya, 8/2; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

78. Aflyatonov (Aflyatunov) Talip- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Yarnyakinsky [Ermekeyevsky?] district [ayo]n, village Yanganayak (?); on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; BASSR, Yarnyakinsky [Ermekeyevsky?] district [ayo]n, village Yanganayak (?); from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

79. Salimzyanov Kadyr Khal.- 1923, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; NSO [Novosibirsk region], Chanovsky district [ayo] n, village Ch. Kushkul [Koshkul]; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 23.02.43, private; NSO, Chanovsky district, village Ch. Kushkul; from captivity, killed 03/06/43 [g.].

NA RB, f. 1450, op. 5, d. 2, l. 47-107.

The publication was prepared by Rustem Gainetdinov

The foreign word "collaborationism" (French сollfboration - cooperation, joint actions) is still classified as difficult to pronounce, although it was borrowed to refer to actual events that took place more than five decades ago during the Second World War. Yes, writing about "traitors, traitors to the motherland" is not easy. It is possible that this publication will be followed by a reaction similar to the thunder of heaven: “It is impossible! Write better about the heroes ... ".

I would like the reader to take into account here: the newspaper text is not a decree on rewarding and not a court verdict. Our goal is not to exalt, but to understand a person who, in the grip of circumstances, had to take a double oath and thrice, together with others who signed up for the Idel-Ural legion, shout “Heil!”.

It is known that the vast majority of prisoners of war, including the “Vlasovites” and the so-called legionnaires, who joined the Germans under the flag of the fight against Stalinism in order to create independent national states, were “calculated” and, with the active assistance of the allies, returned to the USSR and convicted. Even those who had been languishing in German concentration camps for many years fell under the millstones of repression. Few of them, after serving a long term, were released. And which of these unfortunates, in conditions of colossal moral pressure, dared to write memoirs? Such cases are rare. That is why we believe that the memoirs of the former prisoner of war Ivan Skobelev are of historical value. Despite the quite understandable subjective interpretation of events, one cannot ignore new information about the actions of an underground group, which included the former political worker of the Second Shock Army, the poet Musa Jalil, who was guillotined by the Nazis (later Hero of the Soviet Union, laureate of the Lenin Prize).

A few words about the fate of the memoirs. A native of the Chuvash village of Nizhny Kurmei, Orenburg Region, Ivan Skobelev (1915), wrote them at the request of the writer and journalist, editor-in-chief of the Orenburg television studio, Leonid Bolshakov, who was interested in Chuvash history (the author of the brochure "Leo Tolstoy's Chuvash Correspondents"). Apparently, after the triumphant return of Musa Jalil’s “Moabit Notebooks” to the USSR during a short “thaw”, the author had hope that the attitude towards other prisoners of the camps, as well as towards all the victims of the war, would change. Once again mentally walking along the bumpy roads of the war, he, of course, was looking for a way to gain mental stability (to keep colossal information and impressions inside is an incredible test). To tell, confess, justify to posterity, perhaps, the author thought about this too.

Valery ALEXIN.

Brief historical background

The Volga-Tatar Legion (Idel-Ural Legion) is a division of the Wehrmacht, consisting of representatives of the Volga peoples of the USSR (Tatars, Bashkirs, Mari, Mordovians, Chuvashs, Udmurts). Volga-Tatar legionnaires (about 40 thousand people in total) were part of 7 reinforced field battalions; 15 economic, sapper, railway and road construction companies; and 1 battle group of the Eastern Turkic SS formation. Organizationally subordinate to the Headquarters of the Command of the Eastern Legions (German: Kommando der Ostlegionen).

The legion was created in Jedlino (Poland) on August 15, 1942. The ideological basis of the legion was the creation of an independent Volga-Ural Republic (Idel-Ural). The leading role in the ideological training of the legionnaires was played by emigrants - members of the national committees formed under the auspices of the Ministry of the Occupied Eastern Territories.

The Volga-Tatar Legion used a variant of the patch, which looked like a blue-gray oval with a yellow border. In the center of the emblem was a vault with a vertical arrow. Idel-Ural was written at the top in yellow letters, and Tatar Legion at the bottom. Round cockades on headdresses had the same combination of colors as the stripes.

At the very first clashes with the enemy, many legionnaires, most of whom were recruited against their will from among prisoners of war, went over to the side of the Red Army and the Allied armies. An underground organization led by Musa Jalil made a great contribution to maintaining the spirit of the legionnaires and the rejection of Nazi views.

Volga-Tatar legionary "Idel-Ural", 1944

War

The first day of the war passed like all the previous days, except for the announcement of the beginning of the German invasion. On June 23, part of the soldiers took the oath. For the first time they held live ammunition in their hands, for the first time they saw simple and explosive bullets. And the rifles got the same - the old model with a trihedral Russian bayonet. The war has begun, but we have not yet seen machine guns.

The people knew that a conflict with Germany was inevitable. The rank and file met the war calmly. We considered the concluded pact of friendship and non-aggression as an absurdity in the policy of our government. It was only strange to listen to the Red Army soldiers forbid by the commanders to speak of Germany as a state hostile to us.

In the evening we took off from the newly settled tents and dugouts and made a transition of about sixty kilometers to the West. We thought we were going to load to be sent to the front. The mood was cheerful, fighting. The first big hike did not exhaust me at all, although I wanted to sleep and rest.

We began to take a position, dig trenches. When everything was done, an order was received: to get together to replace the dislocation. This time we went back 25 km. Why was such maneuvering necessary, and for the entire division? Why were we treading water? The command was confused, continued to liberalize in an academic way. The fact that the commanders forgot the practice of civil war also speaks of confusion.

The trampling on the spot ended on June 29 or 30, in the evening we were loaded into a train and transferred overnight to the town of Gorodok, Vitebsk region. Upon the arrival of the division, replenishment of the newly mobilized arrived. They could not be equipped and armed. They were forced to send to Vitebsk.

The first battles began on July 3 or 4, and ended successfully. Several armored vehicles and tanks were hit. They brought several captured Nazis. They behaved arrogantly. Shouted: "Rus kaput."

At dawn the next day, the attack of the main enemy forces began ...

When crossing the highway, they ran into a German ambush. We did not know the size of the enemy. To disperse the fire, we decided to split into several groups. I stayed in the center. At the appointed time, we crawled forward and opened fire on the enemy. I don't remember how long the fight went on. The cartridges in the clip ran out, the last grenade remained. On command, he went on the attack. I don't remember anything further.

Soon the Germans approached, who were collecting trophies.

Captivity

By evening we ended up in a camp built right in the field. About two hundred people were gathered here, all from the battlefield.

The first days I was very tormented by wounds. There was a fragment sticking out in the side, the neck under the jaw was stitched with a bullet. I couldn't drink or talk.

We were soon lined up for dispatch. A special team came on bicycles and motorcycles. As soon as we went out of the gate, the sick and wounded in the leg were shot before our very eyes. The same fate befell those who fell along the way.

In Vitebsk, a camp was built on a huge square, where the warehouses of the People's Commissariat of Defense used to be. There were a lot of prisoners here. We were let in without any registration on the account. There were many soldiers without tunics and caps, like me. There was also a command staff with insignia, well-groomed officers, clean, as if they had not seen the war. These people were special. They smoked, many of them already occupied the posts of senior barracks.

Doctors and paramedics came and began to treat the wounds. The Germans did not use our dressings, they handed them over to the camps. They pulled a fragment out of me, cleaned my side from crushed bones. The surgeon Petrov, having examined me, said: "You will live if you do not die in this hell."

Among the neat dandies, some wore white armbands with a black letter "P" (policeman) on their sleeves. Most of them spoke Ukrainian among themselves. They were armed with belts with a heavy buckle, which were used when necessary. They beat them mercilessly, with pleasure. They caught "witches", that is, they searched for commissars and Jews. They lived in a separate block, ate separately.

Jews and commissars were put in a ring specially fenced off with barbed wire and kept hanging on their chests with the inscription: “Judas”, “commissar”, “weather vane” (fugitive), then hung in front of the prisoners.

This is how I came to know the fascist order in captivity.

Branded "A" (Asian)

There was a rumor: the Germans let Ukrainians and Belarusians go home, but only civilians. After starving for three days, he exchanged torn civilian clothes for three rations of bread. I wanted to get out of this hell. So I got to the stage. We were brought to the city of Borisov. The next day they started commissioning. When they began to undress, many found Red Army linen, wounds. Without letting us come to our senses, we were sent to a prisoner of war camp. They took me to work here. They fed twice, gave two liters of good gruel from barley groats for five people, and two more loaves of bread.

Red Army uniforms were soon handed out. After they were divided into groups according to nationality, large letters were drawn on the backs of overcoats and tunics with oil paint: “r” (Russian), “y” (Ukrainian), “b” (Belarusian), “a” (Asiatic). In the blocks, they identified Russians as policemen - Ukrainians, Belarusians - Asians, etc.

According to the Internet.

Already in the first weeks and months of the war, the Wehrmacht began to use Soviet prisoners of war as auxiliary personnel (cooks, drivers, grooms, handymen, cartridge carriers, sappers, kitchen assistants, messengers, signalmen) directly in their combat units. Later they were mobilized into security and counterguerrilla units. By the end of 1942, these people were brought into the so-called "Eastern battalions".

By the last period of the war, when Germany had run out of human reserves, they remembered those who tried from the very first days of the war to become an ally of Germany and in the future to obtain at least a minimum of independence for their people. At the first stage of the war, they were brushed aside like annoying flies. No wonder, because Germany was strong, and its army was at Moscow itself. At a critical moment, the Germans remembered the prisoners of war. A paradoxical situation developed at the front towards the end of the war, when it was discovered that the few German military units were 40-50 percent or more made up of natives of the Soviet Union and various exotic countries. So, after the assault on the Reich Chancellery, Soviet soldiers looked with surprise at the corpses of its dead defenders with Asian eyes.

After the end of the war, part of the legionnaires, with the support of influential friends from a number of governments of Muslim countries, took refuge in the Middle East and Turkey. Those who remained in the USSR were repressed.

Soldiers of the newly created legion "Idel-Ural", 1942

In the circles of hell

They drove us to Minsk on foot. There were many shootings along the way. The first victims remained on the outskirts of the city of Borisov, near a warehouse with fertilizers. For more than a week they fed us without salt. As they passed by this warehouse, the exhausted people mistook the fertilizer for salt, and the front column rushed forward, made a dump. The convoy opened fire on the crowd with submachine guns and machine guns.

... A new camp was built on the territory of Lithuania on the site of a military camp. The whole area is covered with greenery. Gigantic lindens all around. Gorgeous barracks. But nothing pleased us, except for the grass, which grew abundantly in the camp. The hungry pounced on pasture. They ate raw grass, ate it with water and salt. Didn't eat! And there was nothing tastier than plantain. Ate and stocked up. As a result, 1500-2000 people ate all the grass in a huge area in three days. And the prisoners kept coming and coming. Inside the camp, even the trees were gnawed. The windows were smashed in order to scrape the fibers of the trees with a piece of glass for food. Luxurious lindens now stood completely naked.

The weather was damp and cold. The inhabitants of the camp were concentrated in barracks and stables. They fed badly. All stories about a past life, about work and relatives ended with memories of some memorable dinner. In this mass, consisting of adults and intelligently reasoning people, all thoughts revolved only around food. If they had said that we would feed them and then shoot them, perhaps no one would have refused such a “mercy”. They didn't think about life. With a dream of food, they fell asleep and woke up.

Prisons are the same everywhere. I came to this conclusion later. I mean not only the external and internal arrangements, but also the regime, and so on - dampness, darkness, punishment cells, rooms for investigation with torture equipment. Such were the prisons in Stetin, Gdansk, Brest, Minsk, and after the war - in Cheboksary. How much sophistication in them for greater human suffering! How carefully the staff is selected for this!

People who have not gone through the circles of hell sometimes argue: it’s good there, but it’s bad here, and they give the sentenced before execution to eat to their fill and even drink. These are people - dreamers, braggarts, stuffing their own worth, as if they have seen a lot in life.

In prisons everywhere hard and hungry. But in prisons, where they look at you like an enemy and treat you like a dangerous animal, it's even harder.

Processing of our camera began at the end of January 1942. Seven Lithuanians passed before me, three of them returned to the cell from the first interrogation - beaten beyond recognition.

My turn came too. The interrogation began peacefully and quietly: who, where, how was he captured? For the first time, I gave my last name, where I came from and who was by nationality. To the accusations that I was left for espionage work, that I was a communist, I answered with a categorical refusal. Then he fell off his chair from the impact. They beat with anything.

According to the stories of my comrades, I lay motionless for three days.

Soon we were loaded into the train. On the road they gave 100 g of liver sausage and a loaf of bread. Everyone ate all this immediately, and for three days they went hungry.

They unloaded us in the afternoon at one of the small railway stations in Saxony. In Stadtlager No. 314, they let me go through sanitation, gave us old German tunics and shod them in wooden blocks. A tin plate with a number was hung around his neck. My number is 154155 (probably according to the number of prisoners).

Here in separate zones lived the British, Americans, French and Greeks. All of them, in comparison with us, looked like well-fed stallions. They were not driven to work, they were fed well. Their clothes and shoes were new army, in the form of their countries. They were allowed to receive letters and parcels through the Red Cross. They played sports games and read newspapers. The Germans treated them as equals. At the same time, Soviet prisoners were dying of hunger, beatings and hellish conditions created especially for them.

General of the Eastern Forces (General der Osttruppen) Lieutenant General X. Helmich inspects the battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Summer 1943

The prisoner does not know the reasons for the change

In State Camp No. 314 we were imprisoned in a bloc of national minorities. Georgians and Armenians occupied separate zones here, the Volga and Central Asian nationalities were located at the other end. After sanitation, we were given overcoats, boots with socks and trousers. The food here was different.

We did not know the true reason for this change. They explained in their own way that the war had dragged on, the Germans, fearing for their own skins, were trying to smooth over their crimes, etc. For persuasiveness, they reminded that there was an ultimatum from Molotov to Germany about responsibility for violating international rules for keeping prisoners of war. In a word, everyone invented something, argued, reasoned in anticipation of the good.

The strong and well-fed kept themselves apart, ruled over the weak, chose the best places and tried to stand out in front of the camp authorities.

During the 10-year stay in the camp after the war, I had to meet with such "world-eaters" more than once. They settled here too, became the same as they were in the fascist camps - thieves, robbers and murderers of honest workers. They never realized their guilt for the lost souls, in many cases through their fault, in fascist captivity. They grumbled at the Soviet power, at Stalin, at the party. They hated the people and lived only for the sake of their belly.

Brought to Poland, in the town of Sedlice. I ended up in the "weak team" of the Tatar camp. We were divided into companies, platoons and squads. Two battalions were formed before us, and drill exercises were already underway. There were no weapons. They fed according to the norm of a German soldier.

Soon the purpose of the importation and formation became somewhat clear. I was especially struck by the introduction of the hour of namaz (prayer) and its submissive performance by the prisoners. Mullahs were found from somewhere, and they were by no means old men.

In the "weak company", except for me and two Mordvins, everyone was Tatars. Nobody knew that I was a Chuvash, because I spoke Tatar perfectly.

Mulla calls for worship

When they lined up for prayer, I joined the tail. The command came (of course, in Tatar): "Sit down for prayer." An internal protest held me like an idol. Mullah's voice brought me to my senses, and I got out of line and stood on the flank. He stood for 20-30 minutes while the mullah read a prayer, and then ranted about the onset of a “happy time”.

After the prayer, they dragged me to the officer: “Why didn’t you pray?” Through an interpreter, I replied that I was a Christian and a Chuvash by nationality.

This incident changed my position somewhat. If earlier they looked like a “goal” (he was terribly thin, instead of 72 kg he weighed only 42). Released from outfits, drills. Thanks to this incident, I became closely acquainted with the Tatar Yangurazi, with whom we fought in the same division.

This act played an important role in my later life in Germany and contributed to the meeting with Musa Jalil.

Soon the battalion commanders began to be led into the city in groups with one escort. They visited "Soldatenheims", "Vufs" (brothels), from where they brought schnapps and bimbras (moonshine). Belated but true news began to arrive: Leningrad was standing, the Germans' attempts to reach the Volga had failed. But prostitutes also spread false information.

On one of the difficult days, three “gentlemen” in civilian clothes arrived at the Sedlice camp. They began to call the prisoners to the headquarters of the camp. An elderly Tatar was talking to me. By the way, he did not speak his native language well.

A few days later we were put into a passenger car and sent to a special camp of the Eastern Ministry. Most likely, it was a filtration (checking) point: the intelligentsia of all nationalities of the USSR was concentrated here.

After 2-3 months, I found out: General Vlasov was gathering a million-strong army for a campaign against Stalin. A little later I had to meet with Vlasov himself.

barracks

Tie presses the neck like a collar

The camp had a club and a library with publications in Russian. There were many books by immigrant writers. Movies were shown in the club, lectures were given on the National Socialist program. Mein Kampf was brought straight to the barracks.

These days there was a rumor that Musa Jalil, the chairman of the Union of Tatar Writers, was nearby, in a quarantine camp. Among us were people who knew him. This is Alish (children's writer, before the war - head of the department of pioneers of the Tatar regional committee of the Komsomol), Satarov, an employee of the editorial office of the Krasnaya Tatariya newspaper.

Two weeks later, everyone was summoned to the headquarters of the camp, forced to fill out and sign a form with the following content: “A prisoner of war such and such is released, and at the same time he undertakes to work with the German authorities where they are sent.” Under pain of death, they undertook an obligation not to communicate with German women.

After that they took us to Berlin. Here they brought to the warehouse of one of the shops, dressed in civilian clothes. Leaving the store, I told my friend that a paper collar with a German tie pulled around the neck was crushing the neck like a collar.

From the memoirs of a prisoner of war Rushad Khisamutdinov

... The Tatars were reluctant to join the German legion. Then the Nazis decided to find a man who could carry all the prisoners with him. The recruiters were persistent. It is known that high-ranking officials were busy around Musa Jalil at that time - both Rosenberg and Unglyaube, and the notorious "president" of the imaginary state "Idel-Ural" Shafi Almaz. But Musa at first did not want to hear about serving with the Germans. Only later, realizing that the idea of ​​​​the Nazis opens up the opportunity for him to engage in anti-fascist propaganda in the legions, he agreed. The path that Musa took was difficult and dangerous.

... After the arrival of a new replenishment, a musical chapel (cult platoon) was organized. Thirteen people were selected as "artists". None of them were professional artists. Gainan is a teacher, Abdulla is a senior political instructor, etc. However, our Edlnin "musicians" - Garif Malikov, Ivan Skobelev, Sadykov and others also did not have a special education.

From the book "Memories of Musa Jalil", Kazan, 1966.

Lieutenant General X. Helmich at the next inspection of the battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Presumably - 1943

What Tatars do the Chuvashs stand in solidarity with?

For three weeks we lived in a hotel of the third category "Anhalter Baikhov". We ate in the canteen with ration cards. They didn't know the language, so they had to stay in the room. Sometimes they went for a walk in the city.

During this time, he became closely acquainted with Alishev, Shabaev, Bulatov, Sabirov. Especially good relations developed with Alishev. I appreciated his frankness and simplicity. I learned from him that the poet Musa Jalil, a favorite of the Tatar people, would soon arrive here.

The group was often taken on excursions to theaters. A guy from the Donbass was attached to us, a student of the Institute of Foreign Languages ​​with a surname (doubtful) Sultan. He also issued food cards, stamps and pfennigs. Sometimes some of the "goal", including me, were not taken on excursions, because due to our thinness, the Germans could have an unsatisfactory idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe Tatars. On such days we killed time by studying German from a soldier's handbook.

One evening we wandered into the "birnetube", which was located in the basement, where the Belgians and the French gathered. For the first time I saw the situation described by Gorky and other writers: a beer hall, immersed in smoke and mud, with painted and disheveled girls on the laps of men. Behind the counter stood a pot-bellied red-faced owner, who carefully took stamps and pfennigs, as well as smuggled goods, gold rings and other souvenirs and poured schnapps or ersatzbeer.

Our appearance did not go unnoticed. Three Frenchmen surrounded us. We did not understand them, they did not understand us either, the phrase "Russian gefagen" (Russian prisoners) explained everything. The French put us at the table, offered beer, but we refused due to lack of money. They slapped us on the shoulder, called us comrades, treated us to cigarettes. But soon a policeman came up and took us to the hotel, ordered the hostess not to let us go anywhere alone.

Days passed full of languor and anxiety. One day the group was ordered to be on the spot. At 18 o'clock the interpreter Sultan took us to the "Exeldtser" restaurant.

I had never seen such splendidly decorated halls before: hundreds of tables, booths, chandeliers, serving buffets, fluttering waiters... The smell of high-grade cigarettes was intoxicating. There is no war here, here they do not know about hunger, pain and deprivation.

We were led through a huge hall, probably in order to show how richly live and confidently behave fascist degenerates.

Several men and women met us in a small hall. They turned out to be Tatars who had remained in Germany since the First World War (the women were their wives and daughters). Our arrival revived the company. Among the prisoners, they were looking for their fellow countrymen and relatives. Soon an old Tatar man appeared, who in Sedlice picked up the people he needed. With him came a man of average height, baggy and haggard-looking. He modestly greeted Alishev (embraced) and followed the old man forward. It was Musa Jalil (Gumerov, as he introduced himself).

They offered to take a seat. The German and the old man announced the opening of an evening of acquaintances of Tatars in Berlin with "newly arrived gentlemen" (efendi). An old Tatar man, who was named Shafi Almaz, said that we were gathered to fight Bolshevism, to form independent national states with the help of the Nazis. And we, the "color of the nation", were supposed to lead this business. It was announced that a leading center called "Tatar mediation" was being created in Berlin under the Eastern Ministry. A newspaper in the Tatar language "Idel-Ural" will be published.

Then there was dinner at the expense of unused cards. The ladies wanted to hear Tatar songs. Nazipov and a young boy, whose last name I don't remember, spoke. Then they began to ask Musa Jalil to read something. He readily agreed, read humorous poems. One of them, I remember, was called "Parachute".

My acquaintance with Jalil took place on the same evening. He approached me himself. At first they spoke Russian, and then they switched to Tatar. He asked if I had been in captivity for a long time, where I had fought, how I had been captured. I don’t know what impression I made on Jalil, but after that the attitude of the “well-fed” towards me changed somewhat.

The following days they settled in the premises allocated for the "Tatar Mediation". Then responsibilities were assigned. All this happened without the participation of Jalil.

"Tatar Mediation" was located on Noenburger Street on the third floor of a brick house. The second floor was occupied by "Turkestan mediation" (Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kirghiz, etc.).

A day later, a meeting of mediation workers was held. Many Germans were present, there was even an SS general (later they found out that they were a representative of the Eastern Ministry, Professor von Medsarich and two secretaries: Frau von Budberg and maid of honor Döbling). There were three Tatars in military uniform who arrived from the legion. At this meeting, it was announced: "Tatar mediation" will be the center of the struggle for the liberation of the Tatar people from Bolshevism and the establishment of such independence as it was before they were conquered by the Russians.

Gunafin, Sultan, Gilyadiev and someone else spoke, called to fight for a "just cause", the emphasis was on the Fuhrer, and at the end they shouted: "Heil Hitler!"

When these tirades were over, they asked: "What will our Chuvash friend say?" I answered: “If there were as many of my relatives here as there are Tatars, a lot could be said, but so far I can only say one thing: I stand in solidarity with the Tatars.” Frau von Budberg translated my words to the Germans. Shafi Almaz asked: why did I speak in Russian when I speak Tatar perfectly? "I did not speak, but answered your question. To speak, you need to prepare," I replied.

During the break, M. Jalil approached me. He asked: what kind of Tatars do the Chuvashs stand in solidarity with? There was no one nearby, and I boldly answered: we were and will be in solidarity with all neighbors, regardless of nationality. He shook hands with me and turned to Yangurazi who came up: "You seem to be great friends, this is the second time I see you together." The friend replied: "Yes, we are from the same division."

After that, they talked in Tatar: where he was captured, who else is with the Germans, etc. But then Jalil was summoned to the "chief".

It was soon announced that Unglyaube would lead the organization from the Germans, and Shafi Almaz from the Tatars (translators Sultan and Jalil). Organizational and propaganda departments were created, as well as the editorial staff (Ishmaev, Gilyadiev, Alishev, Satarov, Sabirov, and others). Yangurazi and I were out of work.

Everyone was given ration cards and a monthly salary. We had to start living in a private apartment, we had to come to work every day.

Soon we were given foreign passports. Passed a commission to determine racial affiliation (they measured the head, the shape of the eyes, and God knows what else). And what do you think? I, a Chuvash, and 15 other Tatars received an assessment similar to the Aryan race. Everything came together in size. Then we laughed that we were canonized as saints.

Musa Jalil

Tell the prisoners a living word

The first weeks passed unnoticed. The German and Shafi Almaz, the translators Sultan and Jalil were constantly away somewhere. It became known about the existence of the Tatar legion in the town of Seltsy near the city of Radom. In addition, workers' battalions were formed. The base for the collection of prisoners of war of all the Volga nationalities was the fortress of Deblin (Poland).

During this time, the first issues of the newspaper "Idel-Ural" were published. Their content can be assessed as illiterate-wretched.

Relations with the nationalist Tatars deteriorated. They came up with the nickname "kefer" (non-believer) for the fact that at the meeting I said loudly "hello" and answered their appeal only in Russian. All this infuriated my enemies.

On this basis, an explanation took place with Almaz and Ungliaube. The first expressed sharp indignation at my behavior. If not for the support of Frau Budberg, who had a negative attitude towards ignoring the Russian language, I would have been sent to a concentration camp.

After this "bath" we walked along the street with Yangurazi. We were met by Jalil, who asked if it was possible to spend a little time together with inseparable friends? The conversation turned to how we settled down, what we need. When I told about the "banya", he replied: "You, Skobelev, will not be sent anywhere, you are more needed here." He offered to change the attitude to the "sofa", to rebuild the character, to pull himself together, to become the "master" himself. Let them think and report to the boss that the conversation was beneficial.

You say: tired of idleness, - continued Jalil. - You, Yangurazi, are a communist, and Ivan is a member of the Komsomol. Consider yourself temporarily excommunicated from your organizations. You have a weapon - the teachings of Lenin - Stalin, which you have no right to forget. Look around: how many camps with Soviet people! After all, there is an absolute majority - our peers. Look for communists and Komsomol members among them. Find and speak the living word, the word of hope. Instill in them faith in victory, that Stalin and the party have not forgotten them.

Further, Jalil gave specific tasks: first, to study Berlin well; the second is to find out how many camps and where they are located; the third is to make acquaintances, make friends with smart and serious people. He promised that we would receive additional instructions soon.

After that, he said that he had been in the Legion. 4 battalions have already been created there, there is one Chuvash company. Legionnaires are armed and trained in the use of German weapons. Among the commanders are Tatars and Germans. There is a colonel who graduated from the Academy. Frunze.

We talked about colleagues in misfortune. M. Jalil gave everyone an assessment. We parted when it got dark. He left by electric train, and we went by tram past the prison, where the poet later languished and was executed.

That night we could not sleep, we talked until dawn: the meeting turned our life upside down.

From a letter from I. Skobelev to L. Bolshakov

I promise you to write in detail about everything - about comrades and enemies with whom I had to work in Berlin from September 1942 until the end of the war. It was a shame to me for Musa Jalil until he was appreciated. Personally, I, being under investigation in the Soviet counterintelligence in Germany, and then in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary, told Minister Mitrashov, his deputy Lebedev and investigator Ivanov, but not in order to justify myself (for I was no longer afraid, more than what I had - they couldn’t give me, the execution was later replaced by ten years), but in order to rehabilitate the comrades who laid down their lives, in order to preserve their good name. But, alas, they did not listen to us, but on the contrary, they mocked us, punished us.

And the information, which was confirmed by the "Moabit Notebooks" transmitted by the Belgian comrade, was presented by many of the arrested during interrogations. The memory was fresh at the time. Much, much could be said about the communist organization created by Musa Jalil in Berlin.

Let's tell the prisoners about Vlasov's adventurism

Musa Jalil informed us from time to time about the situation on the fronts, about the partisan war in the rear. The circle of our acquaintances expanded, from where there were no Soviet people in Berlin: from Kharkov, Voroshilovgrad, Kyiv, Smolensk, etc. We were expected, asked to come more often. Especially I had to travel a lot during the days of mourning of the Nazis after February 11, 1943. A hastily handwritten leaflet with the note “Read it and pass it on to a comrade” reported on the defeat and capture of the Germans near Stalingrad. People cried and laughed with joy, including the French, Belgians, Bulgarians, and others. They kissed anyone they met with a prisoner of war badge on their chests.

Jalil laughed heartily when I told him about it. He teased: “Well, Ivan, is there now what to do with time?” And then he seriously generalized: “This is how international solidarity is forged. You and I are doing serious and dangerous work. Although we are not fighting, we are fighters and are in a difficult area ... ".

In the "mediation" we appeared in the morning. After 10 o'clock we went to the university to study German.

Each group was necessarily introduced to M. Jalil. He clarified the information based on our observations. The poet had a phenomenal memory, remembering faces especially well.

And what an admirer of Stalin he was! I wholeheartedly believed in his infallibility.

The myth of the superiority of the Aryan race over others began to fade. Posters on this topic were removed from the trams. The attitude towards Soviet prisoners of war has changed. It was no longer always the policemen and watchmen who were punished for the absence of a badge. They began to look through their fingers at the loopholes from under the barbed wire, through which they were released without a permit. If someone was stopped at the same time, then they were no longer punished, as before, with a punishment cell and beatings. The short answer - where he went ("to the tsum ferluben" - to his beloved) - caused only a smile from the Vakhtmans.

It was difficult to understand the reason for such changes. Musa warned that all this could be connected with the intrigues of General Vlasov. Hitler accepted him and gave his consent to the mobilization of a million-strong army to fight Stalin on fascist grubs. The Vlasov traitors renamed the organ of Russian emigrants "Russian Word" into "New Word". In one of the newspaper issues, a picture of Hitler with Vlasov appeared.

It was necessary to explain Vlasov's adventurism to the prisoners. To accomplish this task, Jalil organized a meeting "in the same place, at the same hour." According to the text compiled by him, it was necessary to multiply the leaflets and “scatter” them around the places of appearances. And Yangurazov and I sat all night copying a leaflet that said: “Vlasov was hired as a servant to Hitler. He is going to sell the Soviet people in the same way that Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel and Krasnov were sold to the imperialists in their time. The time will come, Vlasov and his inspirers will be punished. Our cause is just, Victory will be ours. The Communist Party of Bolsheviks in Berlin.

One day, accompanied by a sergeant major, the commander of the Tatar legionnaires, Colonel Alkaev, appeared. Then we learned that he had come to Berlin demoted for his connection with the Poles and had to be under surveillance.

The colonel became attached to Yangurazov and me. From confidential conversations, we learned that Shakir Alkaev came from Russified Kasimov Tatars (born near Moscow). By the end of the civil war, he commanded a squadron, and was awarded an order for the assault on Perekop. In the late 40s he graduated from the Academy of the General Staff, met the war with the rank of colonel.

He considered the Vlasov adventure as a cunning move, conceived to defeat fascism. He gave an example from the history of past wars: military leaders, being in captivity, armed and raised uprisings of prisoners and struck from the rear. He did not want to believe that Vlasov was a traitor, since at one time he served under him.

I told Jalil about these arguments. “This is a private matter,” came the reply. “He can think and fantasize everything, but we cannot agree with Vlasov’s actions.”

Volga-Tatar legionary "Idel-Ural"

With a certificate of a researcher

Chuvash Fyodor Blinov sent a letter to Musa Dzhalil through a courier, saying that he was glad that the Tatars began to publish their newspaper, asked if it was possible to arrange inserts in Chuvash. The poet advised us: carefully, under a plausible pretext, prevent this.

Along with the publication of the newspaper "Idel-Ural" at the end of March, the "Mediation" began to publish the so-called "Correspondence" in German for German officers and soldiers who were among the Tatar units. The process of processing materials for this edition was as follows: articles were written in Tatar, then all this was translated into Russian, and then the secretary translated into German and reprinted on a matrix, after which they were reproduced on a rotary machine.

Once a translation into Russian was offered to my friend Yangurazov. He pored for a long time, but he did not succeed. Then he turned to me. The secretary praised our work, after which they began to entrust us with translations of more serious things.

I personally had to translate an article by M. Jalil about the founder of modern Tatar literature G. Tukay, composer N. Zhiganov, a review article on the development of Tatar literature. Before being sent for translation into German, the author looked through the manuscripts and was satisfied. The articles were full of real facts taken from Soviet reality.

While Jalil was away, for three days we were at the dacha near Berlin with the emigrant Gilmanov (we worked for a suit taken from him for the colonel). From him we learned about the life of Shafi Almaz, the head of the mediation. The former merchant from Petrograd managed to keep his capital in a foreign bank and began working at a trade mission in Berlin. In 1928, he renounced Soviet citizenship and became an emigrant. In Berlin, he became a landlord, living on the income received from rent.

Gilmanov himself, a former prisoner, worked for the owner and married his daughter. He missed his homeland greatly. Before the First World War, until he was taken to the front, he even worked as a laborer.

Gilmanov kept a grocery store, and through him we began to get tobacco or cigarettes for the colonel.

M. Jalil advised us to use this contact, if possible, to obtain information about the state of affairs at the fronts. We knew that Gilmanov had a receiver.

During this conversation, M. Jalil said that it was necessary to send two propagandists with lectures to the Tatar units located in Poland. “To you, Ivan, we entrust the following topic: tell your relatives about the origin of the Chuvash. Good topic, the lecture can be prepared in such a way that it does not touch on modern politics, etc. ”

I began to object: they say, I don’t know the history of the origin of the Chuvash at all, I have never been interested in this. Jalil replied: “Study literature and you will know everything. You will have access to the Berlin Library. First of all, get acquainted with the works of Professor Ashmarin. Then he explained how to use the catalog.

And he said to Yangurazov: “You are a geographer, so prepare a lecture on the geographical position of the regions where the Tatars and Bashkirs live.”

At the end, he added that in the evenings we would look into Russian restaurants in Berlin. From the Russian there is one sign, but our compatriots gather there. Your task is to sit, listen and remember who is going there.

Having received the certificate, we became "scientific workers". I re-read Ashmarin's small book in the Berlin Library several times and made a summary. Rummaged through the works of Academician Marr. I found and read the poem "Narspi" translated by Pettoka.

We worked in the library until lunch, then went about our business. Most often visited their friends in the camps. Of the new friends, I could name a Chuvash named Tolstov, who works at the Siemens plant. When it was not possible to meet a friend or a “ferloben” (bride), they had to be called through the watch. Then certificates of "scientific workers" were used.

Regularly visited Russian restaurants. Emigrants, Vlasovites, Cossacks often looked into these establishments. A Russian choir performed there, Russian jazz played.

Once, in the Troika restaurant, a tipsy old woman sat down with us. She began to explain that she was a landowner from the Samara province. She kept asking if the estate would be returned to her if the Germans won. We sarcastically replied that they would return, even the interest would be rolled off. She began to sob.

Once we saw Ataman Shkuro - a small, frail old man with a red mustache. He walked with all the regalia with a sword on his side, accompanied by his retinue. Reminds me of a cocky rooster.

At the end of May, news came from the legion: Satarov, a special correspondent for Idel-Ural, fled with a group of 5-6 people. An investigation has begun. Almaz, Sultan and others left for the scene. This incident gave rise to a reorganization in the command of the legion. All the key positions were taken by the Germans, we became assistant executives. The Legion was reinforced with a special company, the Gestapo department was strengthened. From this, Jalil concluded: Satarov was in a hurry.

One of the variants of the "Idel-Ural" patch

Latinized alphabet was not accepted

In June 1943, the first Allied air raid on Berlin took place. According to German newspapers, up to five hundred bombers took part in the bombing. They threw mostly incendiary bombs. The streets adjacent to the center were on fire. There was a terrible panic. There was nothing left of fascist self-confidence. People prayed and cursed everyone, right down to Hitler. Then I realized how unstable the rear of the enemy is.

Our lectures were ready, read and approved by M. Jalil. After checking, the German informed us that we would soon perform in the rest house in front of the legionnaires. But the departure did not take place. A young Chuvash Kadyev (Kadeev - Ed.) arrived to mediate. He was summoned from somewhere by an employee of the Eastern Ministry, Benzing, who at one time defended his dissertation on the material of the Chuvash language. It turns out they've known each other for a long time. Being in the camp since 1942, Kadyev helped Benzing learn the Chuvash spoken language. The purpose of his visit is to start editing the Chuvash section of the Idel-Ural newspaper.

A few days later, another boy arrived - Vasily Izosimov, who graduated from the Faculty of Foreign Languages. He was a foreman or company clerk, he was taken prisoner in 1941. He was very helpful to us, carefully carried out our tasks.

Yangurazov and I were summoned to Berlin. Before the trip, M. Jalil warned: after Satarov's escape, special supervision was established for everyone. The next day, the legionnaires were gathered to the square, where we read our lectures. Then the ceremony of taking the oath of the third and fourth battalions took place in the presence of the mullah, who was sitting with the Koran. After each paragraph, he shouted: “Ant item” (I swear). The front rows repeated, and in the back they shouted obscene things in rhyme.

After the ceremony, a dinner was held in honor of those who took the oath. Then a meeting took place in a Christian company - with the Chuvash, Mordovians, Udmurts and Mari. There were 150 people in the company. There I met Fyodor Dmitrievich Blinov, who later bore the surname of his theatrical nickname - Paimuk. He came from a wealthy merchant family. By profession - an economist, graduated from the Moscow Institute. Plekhanov. Terrible nationalist! Everyone rushed about with the idea of ​​creating an independent Chuvash state. Tatars could not stand. Despite the fact that he was among them for more than six months, he did not know a single Tatar word. He expressed his contempt for them frankly. He insisted on the transfer of Christian companies under the authority of Vlasov.

By this time, a Chuvash page appeared in Idel-Ural, which was difficult to read (Kadiev and I, with the participation of Dr. Benzing, developed an alphabet based on Latin letters). On this occasion, Jalil laughed for a long time: “You can’t think of a better one, Ivan. Let them waste paper, keep compositors, and the result is a donut hole. And Paimuk attacked me, accusing me of mockery of the people. He insisted that a separate newspaper be published in Russian. “What kind of nationalists are we if we read in Russian,” I answered him. “As for the alphabet, this issue is not subject to discussion, because it was approved by the minister himself.”

Then I received many letters from him complaining about the newspaper, about the Tatars, about the emblem, until he came to Berlin to edit the Russian newspaper Free Word.

I had a chance to see how the legionnaires were armed. We visited tactical exercises, at the training ground. I met my fellow villager Andrei - still quite young. I learned from him that all my brothers had gone to the front from the very first days of the war. We talked heart to heart. When asked what to do next, he advised: upon arrival at the front, turn your weapons against the Nazis and go to your own. And he warned me: be careful "with a long elderly Chuvash" (we were talking about Paimuk).

In the evening there was an amateur concert. Some recognized me by the first prayer, they approached me and had a casual conversation. Here the servants of the Gestapo were spinning.

We arrived in Berlin, occupying a separate carriage. My fellow villager Andrei was also with the legionnaires. Jalil was waiting for us at the mediation office. He sat in a straw hat, in a white shirt and wrote down something in a notebook.

When they told how they took the oath, that they were shouting in the back rows, he burst out laughing: “That’s cool, that’s great ...”

Then he said that the legionnaires would rest in a newly organized camp in Pomerania. They will be served by their own people, for this purpose 10 people are sent there, among them is an undesirable type Gunafin S., who was appointed head of this camp. He also advised me to get acquainted with the old man Yagofarov. We learned with joy that the German offensive in the Kursk direction had bogged down, that many commanders of the fronts and armies had been removed. He ordered me to inform my camp friends about this.

In the rest home, fate brought me together with Nafikov, Anzhigitov, Khalitov. Subsequently, in June 1945, it was next to them that I had to sit on the bench of the military tribunal and, as the leader, answer for myself, and for them, and for all the activities of the nationalist organization in Berlin. Then, while in the death chamber in Brest-Litovsk, forgetting that he was sentenced to death, he argued with them to the point of hoarseness, defending Soviet power and the collective farm system.

One day (I don't remember the date) I came home late. The hostess said that there was a guest, she was waiting for me for 20-30 minutes, saying that we were friends. By the way I described him (dense, short, black-haired), I understood: Jalil was waiting for me. He urgently needed me, but at 10 pm I could not leave.

In the morning, Jalil came up to me when I was standing at the Temple Bridge and reading the morning edition of the Berliner Zeitung. As always, he was in a black suit, in a white shirt with a Russian-style turn-down collar, without a hat. I remember his lively eyes. He was cheerful. He demanded a detailed account of my trip to Dresden. Then we talked about who to send there for permanent work. He ordered me to tell Yangurazov that Berlin, in any case, remains with us along with the colonel. Why is the Colonel here? I didn't ask about this. I think they were in close contact even earlier when they were in the camp.

This time we talked to him on different topics. He asked if I knew Chuvash writers and poets. I said that in my youth I personally knew Y. Ukhsay, but I had not seen Khuzangai, but I know one of his poems. He admitted that I know Chuvash literature poorly.

From the dossier of the legion

What did capture look like? There are a lot of cases that are similar to each other and not very much. A typical scenario: tens and hundreds of thousands of warriors ended up in huge encirclement cauldrons and, having lost all possibility of resistance, hungry, exhausted, without ammunition, became a crowd. There are many photographs of those years, seized from the Germans: our soldiers look like a faceless mass with their hands up or wander under the protection of a few escorts.

Many were captured in battle, being wounded, shell-shocked, unable to resist, to use their weapons. Many cases are described when soldiers, trying to break through to their own groups, were captured. Often circumstances forced commanders to disband their units and subunits so that people could break through from the encirclement.

There were many cases when the troops were deprived of the most necessary, starved and, under the psychological influence of the enemy, went over to his side.

According to the German historian I. Hoffman, at least 80 Soviet pilots flew to the side of Germany on their planes. Of these, a group was formed under the command of the former Soviet colonel V. Maltsev, which participated in the hostilities along with three Estonian and two Latvian air squadrons.

During the war, the soldiers ran across to the side of the enemy. It is believed that the number of defectors captured in the first year of the war was no more than 1.4-1.5%. Subsequently, this figure decreased. Of the 38 transit camps operating in the zone of the German Army Group Center, two were designed specifically for defectors.

According to the Internet.

According to the data available in the archives, the formation of the so-called national legions from prisoners of war was typical for all camps. At first, the recording of volunteers was announced, but since there were not enough of them, they were recorded forcibly, under the threat of death.

This is how the battalions of the Idel-Ural Legion were formed by "volunteers". The Germans divided the camp into two parts. In one, hundreds of prisoners were still dying of starvation and typhus. In another - the so-called semi-legion - three meals a day were introduced. To join the semi-legion, no subscription was required, not even verbal consent. It was enough just to move from one half of the camp to the other. Many could not stand such "visual" agitation.

Convinced that the formation of the legion was going too slowly, the Germans simply drove the Tatar, Bashkir and Chuvash prisoners from the place of formation and announced that from now on they were all “eastern volunteers”. Observing the uniform, the German officer asked through an interpreter who did not want to serve in the legion. There were also those. They were immediately taken out of action and shot in front of the rest.

Lieutenant General X. Helmich rewards legionnaires

Failure

After a four-day stay at the rest home, I was urgently called to Berlin. I was supposed to be met, but I decided to get off where passenger trains usually do not stop, but this time, for some reason, the driver made an exception. The owner of the apartment upset me by saying that I had been searched, that she had been interrogated.

In the office where I came, they were perplexed: they say they were looking for me, they didn’t find me, but then I myself appeared.

Soon I was summoned for interrogation: when and where did I meet with Jalil, what kind of relationship did I have with Bulatov, Shabaev. The interrogation lasted four hours. After signing that I would not tell anyone about the conversation, they told me to wait. Then the secretary came out and, quietly congratulating, said that I was beyond suspicion. What happened to Jalil, where is he now? These questions swirled in my head.

Later, the circumstances of the failure became known. Jalil arrived at the legion with leaflets, in the evening he convened an underground meeting, where the provocateur penetrated. The Gestapo learned about the meeting. The underground workers were covered in full force: they found leaflets printed on our rotary machine. 27 people were arrested, including the provocateur.

I confess that Yangurazov and I were confused, did not know what to do next in order to develop the business we had begun. And from the bottom there were questions: what to do, how to explain to people the defeat of the center? It was necessary to direct the work along the established channel, we had no right to stop the struggle begun by Jalil.

On the fourth day after the failure, we held a meeting of the remaining center. We decided to wait ten days to see how events around the arrested would develop. All grassroots organizations were instructed to stop all communication for a while. Yangurazov was instructed to talk with Colonel Alkayev, whether he would agree to head the military department of mediation, and this position should have been used to continue the work of Jalil and his friends.

Significant events took place after Jalil's arrest. Group shoots of legionnaires became more frequent. On the Eastern Front, the 4th battalion completely went over to the Red Army, and the 3rd was surrounded and disarmed. Two more battalions had to be transferred to the category of a working unit, the Germans were afraid to trust the soldiers with weapons. All this was the result of the painstaking work of Jalil.

Eh, Musa, you taught me not to be afraid of death, you said: “Having passed several deaths, there is nothing to shake before the last one.”

kurultay

It is planned to convene a kurultai (congress) on October 23 or 25, where they must approve the decision on the creation of the Volga-Tatar Committee. On the recommendation of Professor F. Mende, I should be elected a member of the committee there and instructed to head the national department.

They learned the news from the colonel: a connection was established with the German anti-fascists. True, they are not communists, but social democrats. They have a printed organ, they have a lot of Russians with them! Anti-fascists are aware of the misfortune that befell M. Jalil's group.

Dozens of prisoners of war from France and Poland arrived at the kurultai in the old university Greifswald. All hotels are occupied by the commanding staff of the delegates. For privates reserved places in the barracks. The colonel and I were given a separate room in a hotel.

Unit commanders come to us one after another, I already know many of them. They are glad to see me and get acquainted with Alkaev. The colonel is a very interesting, highly erudite person, at the same time simple and accessible. Knows Vatutin, Konev, Rokossovsky well. After graduating from the academy Frunze served as chief of staff of a division in the Kyiv Special Military District when Vlasov commanded there, then he was replaced by Konev. He was taken prisoner wounded and shell-shocked.

Kurultai took place on October 25, 1943. Shafi Almaz made a report on the goals and objectives of the Volga-Tatar Committee. There were no other people who wanted to go to the podium. Therefore, we immediately proceeded to the election of committee members. At the suggestion of Sh. Almaz, a governing body was created from 12 people, I was elected head of the financial department.

Memorial to the victims of Nazism at the site of the Plötzensee military prison in Berlin, where Musa Jalil and other 10 legionnaires were executed on August 25, 1944 for underground anti-Nazi activities

Visiting an old professor

At the end of March 1944 we went on a business trip to Czechoslovakia - Prague. Paimuk obtained an audience with Professor F. Mende and received permission to go to the Chuvash Professor Semyon Nikolaev, an emigrant, a professor at the University of Prague. He had already written a letter to him from the camp.

In Prague, the professor's house was quickly found. Semyon Nikolaevich burst into tears when he heard his native speech. The evening was spent culturally. There were a lot of dishes on the table, but there was nothing to eat. The schnapps I brought with me loosened my tongues. It was only then that I realized why this extravagant Paimuk, who had worked in high positions before the war, had brought me here. He wanted to coordinate with the professor the options for the coat of arms of Chuvashia.

The glass has done its job. But the professor guessed that there were disagreements between us, he did not let the dispute flare up. He asked how the Chuvash live. I figuratively painted that tractors and combines work in the fields, that schools with 10-year education are open in all large villages, that there is no difference between Russians and Chuvashs. Paimuk tried to object, but I cut him off saying that he did not work among the Chuvash at all.

The professor emigrated long before the revolution. I personally knew Lenin, met him in France and Switzerland. At the Prague Conference, he supported the platform of the Mensheviks, stayed here and got a job as an assistant professor at the university, and got married.

As for the coat of arms, he answered Paimuk: it is gratifying that you support the Chuvash, and the coat of arms is needed when there is a state. But you must fight so that this people retains its freedom and language, and culture takes root, all the more, as Mr. Skobelev claims, there are successes in this respect, etc.

The next day I got sick. The use of schnapps has affected. And Paimuk went to see the city.

The professor and his wife Tessie started asking about the Soviet Union, Stalin. Frankly, life in captivity, communication with different people made me a politically erudite person. I didn’t lose face when talking about the Soviet people: they say, how the country flourished, how well and freely it lived, how all nations, including the Chuvash, were equal. He added that before you is a typical representative of our people. Then I again saw the old man, the professor, crying.

The next day I got out of bed. Together with the professor and his wife, we went sightseeing in Prague.

They returned to Berlin with nothing. Paimuk was angry with me because I had discredited him in the eyes of the professor. I reported to the chiefs that the professor did not recommend abandoning the common coat of arms of Idel-Ural, since the Chuvashs will become part of the Volga-Tatar state, there is no need to have their own coat of arms. They agreed with my opinion and showed Paimuk a “fig”.

According to the Internet.

It must be admitted, however paradoxical it may seem, the well-known orders No. 270 (August 1941) and 227 (July 1942) brought "clarity" to the minds of many prisoners of war. Having learned that they were already "traitors" and that their bridges had been burned, as well as having learned the "charms" of the fascist camps, they naturally began to think what to do. To die behind barbed wire or?.. And here the propagandists, German and from their former ones, are agitating to join the Ostlegions, promising normal food, uniforms and liberation from the daily debilitating camp terror.

It is known that the mentioned orders were caused by extremely crisis situations. But they, especially No. 270, pushed a certain part of the bewildered hungry people (not without the help of agitators) to join the German armed formations. It must be borne in mind that the Germans subjected recruited candidates to some kind of test, giving preference to those who managed to prove their disloyalty to the Soviet regime. There were also those who slandered themselves in order to survive.

And, finally, we should mention the executions of prisoners of war. At the same time, any political considerations were completely ignored. So, in many camps, for example, all "Asians" were shot.

When joining the "Eastern troops", the prisoners of war proceeded from each of their goals. Many wanted to survive, others wanted to turn their weapons against the Stalinist regime, still others wanted to break free from German rule, go over to their own people and turn their weapons against the Germans.

Badges for the personnel of the eastern formations were made according to the model of badges for German soldiers. The numbers 4440 indicate the serial number, the letters Frw - the rank, in this case - Freiwillige - volunteer (i.e. private). 2/828 WOLGATAT. LEG. - 2nd company of the 828th battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion.

Among the ruins of Berlin

Work became easier. The total mobilization took all the guards of the camps to the front, their places were taken by the elderly and the crippled. The Ostarbeiters hide their badges, which might come in handy when the time comes to expose the Nazis. The campsites are free to enter. The unity of the people has increased. People began to slowly arm themselves.

German morale began to decline. This was especially noticeable after the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Hitler.

A Polish uprising broke out in Warsaw. The Anglo-American troops landed. After the air raids, ruins remain in the residential areas of Berlin.

It became difficult with food, rations were reduced to a minimum. The black market is thriving. More and more leaflets of German anti-fascists began to appear on the walls.

But the Nazi machine continued to work.

Tatar nationalists began to spawn. Three of them joined the SS troops, having received the rank of Orbersturmführer (St. Lieutenant of the SS). Others marry German women. To some extent, I had to share the fate of the latter.

Sonia Fazliakhmetova, my main contact, had to be left in Berlin at all costs. The Gestapo said: now, if they were husband and wife ... Sonia agrees. They got married soon. After losing their shelter, they found a basement with an iron stove and a chimney, settled down there. So they lived until the end of March. Sonia, although she became a wife, remained a girl.

At the beginning of April, an order was received to evacuate all institutions from Berlin, including our committee. I told Yangurazov that I would not go anywhere. He grabbed the suitcases and quickly took Sonia away. We went to Charlottenburg, where Sh. Almaz's apartment used to be and where M. Jalil used to live. Everything was destroyed there, except for the garage, where there was a bed and an iron stove. By the light of a burning stove they ate, made a bed, and after a six-month marriage, for the first time, they lay down side by side. From that night, Sonia actually became my wife.

Troops poured into Berlin. They began to build barricades and fortifications in the streets.

With the onset of night, the prisoners leave for the east. I consult with Yagofarov: the most dangerous legionnaires must be locked up.

On April 28, at 10 o'clock, Soviet intelligence came, asked the route, and moved on. Then the main forces began to approach, the staff officers appeared.

The general yells with a good obscenity: what kind of institution, who is in charge? Having received an exhaustive answer, he lined up people, looked and gave the command: take me to counterintelligence, and the rest will be escorted by the commandant's platoon. That's how I met mine.

Monument to Musa Jalil in Kazan

Death sentence commuted to 10 years in prison

Beatings began in the counterintelligence departments of the division and the army. They accepted testimony only about hostile activity, everything else is a fairy tale. M. Jalil and underground work are inventions.

Then a speedy court-martial of the 65th Army took place. The case of "traitors to the Motherland Skobelev and his group" was heard. Applications were not accepted. The only question of the court: do you plead guilty? The answer was no. Me, Nafikov and Izmailov (or Ismailov) were sentenced to death.

But not only in the tribunal, but also in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary, they did not want to hear about anything other than treasonous activity. The verdict was final and not subject to appeal. He did not ask for pardon, although he was called three times in 24 hours. Tired, broken down. I wanted to die. There would be forces to fight the enemy, but there were our own.

The sentence was not carried out, they were sent to the prison of Brest-Litovsk. There he gave evidence to a representative of the Supreme Military Collegium, who wrote down everything without any objections. A couple of months later, a decision came to commute the death sentence to 10 years in prison.

I was taken from Brest to the inner prison of the MGB, where I spent more than a year in solitary confinement. Conditions here were no better than in the counterintelligence of the army. After all that I have experienced, we can conclude that a person is very tenacious.

Yangurazov and Colonel Alkaev were tried together. They gave me 10 years without loss of rights. I met the first one in the transit prison in the city of Orsha. He didn't recognize me. After a few replicas, everything was restored in his memory and he began to cry.

Sonia has been waiting for me for a long time. She returned to Krasnodon. In the repatriation camps, officers molested her and hindered her departure. I asked her not to wait for me, because there was no certainty that I would survive this nightmare. At that time, there was arbitrariness in the camps, and not only on the part of the administration, but also on the part of thieves and crooks.

One by one, acquaintances from the legion and the working battalion began to gather in the camp: Maksimov, Alexandrov, Izosimov and others, who were sentenced to 25 years. I pulled myself together, gathered 30 people, became a foreman and did not allow anyone to be offended.

Sonia married in 1957 and had two children. I don't write to her and I don't let her know. I looked for Yangurazov in Ufa, but did not find him. I don't know anything about Izosimov either.

Leonid Naumovich, you are asking if I was rehabilitated? No. I didn't write anywhere. I was afraid that I would again run into callous people who work according to a stencil. Fate was nevertheless kind to me: I am alive and can tell people about Jalil, Alishev, Samaev and other heroes. People passed from mouth to mouth my stories about M. Jalil and his comrades who fought against fascism in their lair. Among the Chuvash and Tatars, I am held in high esteem and respect. The latter call me "Ivan Efendi".

I would like such people as Vasily Izosimov, Tikhon Egorov, Ivan Sekeyev, Alexei Tolstov, not to mention my beloved friend Saidulmuluk Gimrailovich Yangurazov, with whom I became related, to be rehabilitated. I can say that in the difficult struggle in captivity there were people who risked more than I did. Where are they, my faithful assistants - Sonia, Paradise from Donbass and Maria from Krasnodar, Sailor (I don’t remember the name) with her fearless team.

I would like to return to the party, but, alas, the road there is now thorny.

In recent years, under the guise of our underground, many write and refer to me as the main organizer of work after Jalil. But I don't ask myself for anything.

I was indignant about an article in Pravda Vostoka (December 1968), which was written by an associate professor from Tashkent (I don’t remember his last name). There were people who cling to the name of Jalil.

Now I believe that Michurin was a traitor. He was arrested along with Jalil's group. Those who ended up in a German prison did not leave without betrayal. He eventually joined the ranks of the French resistance. Just think, this rat escape from a sinking ship is presented in the Pravda Vostoka newspaper as a heroic deed.

I would like the Tatar comrades involved in the legacy of M. Jalil not to believe such versions. The structure of the organization of the underground was the five system. Not a single person knew the members of the other five. The lower classes did not know M. Jalil as an organizer and leader of the underground.

I find it hard to believe that, having arrived at the legion accompanied by Sultan Fakhretdinov, he would have risked holding an underground meeting. And it is hard to believe that the leaflets, so skillfully hidden among the materials prepared for the Germans, would have fallen into the hands of the Gestapo on the same night. I am still inclined to think that Jalil was betrayed by one of the authoritative persons whom he trusted, hoping for his education and army rank.

How Michurin sucked up to Colonel Alkaev, who we needed after the execution of Musa. But he was not very happy to be with him in a close relationship. He warned that this person has very dubious traits in character.

The other day I watched the feature film "Moabite Notebooks". The plot line is true. But there are embellishments, a lot of inaccurate data about Jalil's stay in Berlin. His friends who helped him work in the den of the Nazis, who formed the core of the underground, are not shown at all. Much attention is paid to everyday life during the stay with Sh. Almaz, as well as to a beautiful lady who was not there. Jalil and Alishov refused to edit the newspaper, but cooperated with the editorial office, otherwise they would not have been left free. The work of the poet among the Ostarbeiters is absolutely not shown. Therefore, the picture turned out to be scanty, many do not even understand why he was executed.

Prepared

Valery ALEKSIN

Gayaz Iskhaki.

Idel-Ural. - Naberezhnye Chelny: Newspaper and book publishing house "Kamaz", 1993.

Gayaz Iskhaki's book "Idel-Ural" is the first and so far the only work that gives a general idea, logic and the main milestones of the political history of the Tatars. It was published in 1933 in Tatar in Berlin, then in Paris in Russian and French (1933), in Tokyo in Japanese (1934), in Warsaw in Polish (1938), in London in Russian (1988). This work of a classic of Tatar literature, a prominent public figure and publicist, of course, could not be published in the old days and was under the strict ban of the most formidable department guarding the state security of the state.

Released under the sponsorship of the brothers Rafis and Nafis Kashapovs and Ilfat Gyilmazov.

Links

• Iskhaki, Gayaz // Wikipedia
• Gayaz Iskhaki and the motives of the independent movement of the Turko-Tatars // Gasyrlar Avazy - Echo of the Ages.

The Turkic people, as organized in a state form, is historically known for 200 years BC. At that time, the inhabited center of this people was the vicinity of Lake Baikal, but its nomadic elements reached the Great Wall of China and the Volga. Historical data about this period have been preserved only in Chinese chronicles. From the little developed material of the chronicles, we know that the Turks already in those ancient times had their own state, their culture and writing, but, unfortunately, the documents of the ancient Turkic writing have not yet been found.

The most ancient written document is the so-called "Orhun monuments", compiled in the 7th century A.D. They are written in the national Turkic alphabet and their language, despite the fact that several centuries have already passed, is very close to the modern dialect of the Kazan Turko-Tatars. The number of written documents after the 7th century is very large. From the recently found Turkish-Arabic dictionary (“Divani lugat-el-Turk” composed by Mahmud El-Kashgari, written in 1147 A.D.) it is clear that even then the Turkic language already had two dialects (dialects) that differed from each other, mainly by conjugation of verbs. Since then, these differences have deepened and two separate dialects have emerged. In literature, they are called the southern and northern dialects, but the common grammar, syntax and common roots prevented both dialects from becoming independent languages, such as Polish and Russian or Estonian and Finnish.

The Turks lived in separate tribes and were ruled by their ancestors, who, in turn, were subordinate to the supreme leader of all clans and tribes - the kahan (ruler). Separate tribes often created separate khanates and fought with each other. Sometimes some commander gathered them into one state. History knows several such Turkic empires. In the Middle Ages, at the beginning of the XII century, Genghis Khan (1154-1227) united all the Turkic tribes into one administration and created a powerful Turkic empire, but it did not exist for a long time and was divided into three groups: 1) the Bulgarian-Kipchak (Itil and Urals), 2) Chagatai (Turkestan) and 3) Seljuk (Asia Minor and the Balkans).

The purpose of this essay is to give brief historical and political information about the descendants of the first group, i.e., about the Turks who occupy the territory between the Idel (Volga) and Turkestan, starting from the Sura River to the Caspian Sea, which they enter along the old (pre-revolutionary) administrative dividing part of the Nizhny Novgorod provinces, the entire Kazan and Samara provinces, part of the Simbirsk and Saratov provinces, the entire Astrakhan, Orenburg and Ufa provinces. and, finally, part of Perm and Vyatka.

History tells us that this land belonged to the Turkic peoples from ancient times.

1. HISTORY OF IDEL-URAL

1.1. Bulgarians

It is known from Byzantine written documents that in the 5th century, within the Black Sea steppes, the Bulgarians (or Bulgars) lived - a people of Turkic origin, and that this people was considered related to the Huns of Attila. The Bulgarians continuously attacked Byzantium, which even paid tribute to the Bulgarians in the 6th century. But the flood of a new wave of Turkic peoples from Altai forced the Bulgarians to break up into separate groups. Some of these groups submitted to the aliens and mingled with them. Others were forced to relocate. So, for example, one branch went beyond the Danube, another settled in the Caucasus and is now known as the Balkars, the third, perhaps the most important, migrated to the north and settled on the Kama and the Volga.

The Bulgarians who settled here, having received a region rich in gifts of nature, created their own independent state, and, thanks to the great waterway, easily contacted the cultural peoples of the East, accepting from them a number of achievements of the then culture and civilization. The leaders of the Bulgarians, who led them to the Kama and the Volga, gradually turn into khans, of which one becomes a great khan, and the rest are subordinate. At the end of the 9th century, the Bulgarian Khanate was already quite strong, both culturally and politically and economically. At the beginning of the X century. the boundaries of the khanate were sufficiently defined, although there were still no completely firm, in the modern sense, boundaries. “Its western border was the rivers Sura and Oka, the eastern one relied on the Yaik (Ural) River and was lost in the Ural rivers. The northern border reached the middle reaches of the Kama River with its right tributaries, and the southern border bordered on the border of the Khazars, that is, it reached the Samarskaya Luka and the southern borders of the former Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk) province. (Korsakov, "Proceedings of the IV Archaeologist. Congress", vol. 1).

Geographical and economic conditions contributed to the rapid development of the khanate. Prof. Smolin in his “Archaeological Sketch of the Republic of Tatarstan” (“Materials for the Study of Tatarstan”, issue II, Kazan, 1925) states that “Bulgaria occupied a territory that was sufficiently favorable in terms of economic conditions. The fat land contributed to the development of agriculture. Beautiful water meadows provided good food for livestock. Rich forest tracts not only supplied abundant and varied material for the woodworking industry, but at the same time they hid an inexhaustible amount of animals, gave a large amount of furs, and Bulgaria was famous for these riches. In addition, the forest favored beekeeping. Large and deep rivers delivered not only an abundance of fish, but also served as good means of communication, both within the country and far beyond its borders. The presence of copper ore, as well as the wealth of building stone, completed the circle of those conditions that, no doubt, were favorable for the economic development of Bulgaria.

The presence in archaeological excavations of parts of an iron plow, both manual and harness, indicates that agriculture in the Bulgarian Khanate was very high for its time. The same excavations confirm the testimony of Arab travelers about the highly developed industry of this khanate,

The leather and fur industry occupied a leading position. The preparation of leather and furs is closely connected with the export of this commodity to foreign markets. Pottery and brick production were also known to the Bulgarians.

“The wealth of Bulgaria became so famous and so convenient for use (thanks to the way along the Volga) that this country became almost a world (on the scale of that time) market. Not only the East, but also the South and the West extended their commercial tentacles to Bulgaria. Trade routes from Bulgar and Suvar to Central Asia - that is, to the east; through the Russian lands to the Baltic Sea - that is, to the west; and from the Caspian Sea, as well as through the drag to the Don and along this artery through the Black Sea to Byzantium and Africa - that is, to the south, are indicated by the hoards of coins of Bolgar and Suvar of the 10th century, found among the eastern coins of that era, ”(Prof. Smolin, above cited tr.).

The capital of the Bulgarian Khanate was the city of Bolgar or the Great Bulgars; the ruins of this city are located in the Spassky district of Kazansk. lips. These ruins have not yet been studied in detail. But nevertheless, on the basis of the material obtained so far, it can be argued that the city of Bolgar was a rich trading center and there were many foreign merchants, both permanently living and temporarily staying (Arabs, Persians, Slavs, Greeks, Jews, etc. ), which is evidenced by both writers and archaeological excavations (graves, tombstones, ruins of temples, etc.).

There is no doubt that the Bulgarians were very cultured for their time and stood out among the peoples around them for their culture. Researchers of the ruins of Bolgar among the remains of buildings find traces of brick ovens with pottery pipes going from them in different directions. The purpose of these stoves has not yet been established, but many archaeologists see underground central heating in them. Bulgarian craftsmen, according to Russian chronicles, were invited to Russian cities to build churches and palaces. One of the Russian princes of the Bulgarians calls people in boots, and Russians bast shoes.

Until the 10th century, the Bulgarians were pagans, but in 992, under Khan Almas, they converted to Islam. However, in ancient Bulgaria all religions enjoyed equal rights.

At the beginning of the XIII century, the Bulgarian Khanate ceased to exist as an independent state. In 1236, it fell under the dominion of the Golden Horde and became part of the Dzhudzhiysky ulus.

Although this event suspended the normal life of the country for some time, it soon became clear that the accession of the Bulgarian Khanate to the Golden Horde had mainly political significance. In economic terms, the Bulgarian Khanate did not suffer at all, and if it did, it was very insignificant. This is explained by the conquerors belonged to the same nation as the conquered, that is, they were Turks - this is, firstly, and secondly, the new rulers quickly fell under the cultural influence of the vanquished. The author of the work “Material culture of the Kazan Tatars”, N. I. Vorobyov, states on this occasion: “Among the urban population of Bulgaria, there is a gradual merger of the former Bulgarian population with new conquerors, also mostly Turks, with only a slight touch of the Mongols in the person of the ruling aristocracy . Due to this, the urban culture of Bulgaria during the Tatar yoke is a direct continuation of the same era of independence, only the eastern influence, perhaps even more freely flowed into the region, thanks to the political unification of a vast territory in the empire of Genghis” (p. 20). At the same time, themselves the Bulgarians, in turn, take a lot from the newcomers, and as a result of this process, a people arises, who later entered the arena under the name of "Kazan Tatars". Why and where this name came from is a question to which we will return later.

Thus, on the basis of the foregoing, we see that the northern part of the Idel-Ural, i.e., the space from the Sura River to the Samarskaya Luka, has long been inhabited by peoples of Turkic origin. Considering the southern part of the Idel-Ural, i.e. from the Samara Luka to the Caspian Sea, having the Volga in the west, and Turkestan in the east, we also see from history that this part of the Idel-Ural belonged to the Turks from ancient times.

1.2. Khazars and Kipchaks

It has been historically proven that on the territory left by the Bulgarians at the end of the 6th century, a new state was formed - the Khazar Khanate. It is also undeniable that the Khazars are a people of Turkic origin. The limits of this khanate stretched in the south to the Caucasus Mountains, and in the west to the Dnieper, in the north to the Bulgarian borders. Only the eastern border remains to this day not completely clarified. Most of the Crimea was also part of the possession of the Khazars. The capital of this khanate was the city of Itil. In addition to Itil, the Khazars also knew the cities of Semender and Saksin. Although culturally this khanate was inferior to Bulgaria, nevertheless it was quite cultural. Its capital, Itil, was a trading center. Many foreign merchants came here. The most powerful time of this khanate was in the 8th and 9th centuries. Until the 8th century, the Khazars were shamanists. At the end of the 8th century, Khan Bulan adopted Karaiteism, and together with him some of the highest dignitaries adopted Karaiteism. At the same time, both Islam and Christianity were very widespread. And in the Khazar Khanate there was complete freedom of religion. A typical example in this regard is the organization of the Khazar court, which consisted of seven people: 2 Karaites, 2 Muslims, 2 Christians and one pagan. (G. Gaziz, "Tatar History", p. 22).

In the 10th century, the Khazar Khanate was invaded by the Pecheneg Turks, who, having destroyed this Khanate, retired west to the Dnieper. The Khazars did not have time to recover, when a new wave appeared in the person of the Kipchak Turks, who in the 11th century finally destroyed the Khazar Khanate and settled on its ruins. The Russians called the Kipchaks the Polovtsians, and the Europeans called them the Cumans. Both the Pechenegs and the Kipchaks led a nomadic lifestyle, and therefore could not create their own state. Their religion was shamanism. Among them, there were probably followers of other religions, because the well-known literary example of the Kipchak language, the Codex Cumanicus, compiled by Christian missionaries, speaks in favor of this assumption. As is known from history, in 1224 the Kipchak lands were conquered by the commanders of Genghis Khan - Chebe and Subatai.

Thus, in the first half of the 13th century, the entire territory of Idel-Ural fell under the rule of the Turkic-Mongolian or Turkic-Tatar Khanate "Golden Horde".

1.3. Golden Horde.

The first khan of the Golden Horde was the grandson of Genghis, Batu, who reigned for 31 years. At that time, the Golden Horde was not yet an independent khanate. It became independent only under Khan Berke (1255-1266), because by that time civil strife had begun in the Mongol Empire and this empire broke up into separate khanates, among which the Golden Horde also separated. From the moment of secession, the Golden Horde fell under the influence of the Bulgarians. She mints her own coins, which are minted in Bolgar for the first time. Although the khanate was created by the Mongols, only the khans and part of the aristocracy were Mongols in it. The main mass consisted of Bulgarians, Khazars, Kipchaks and other Turks. Even the 600,000-strong army of Batu, with whom he came to Eastern Europe, consisted mainly of Turks. In this army of the Mongols themselves there were only 60 thousand. (G. Gaziz. "History of the Tatars").

Due to the fact that the Turks were much more cultured than the Mongols, the Mongols themselves were soon Turkishized and began to speak the Turkic language. Soon the Turkic language became the official language of the state. Subsequently, all laws were written in this language - labels of the Golden Horde. Arab travelers who visited the Golden Horde call it not the Mongol, but the Kipchak Khanate.

The Golden Horde was sometimes called a Turkic-Mongolian, sometimes a Turkic-Tatar state. It was Turkic because, as we have already mentioned, the bulk of the population of the khanate were Turks. In view of the fact that Genghis Khan, the founder of the Great Eastern Empire and the ancestor of the dynasty, came from the Mongol clan of the Kara-Tatars, the Khanate of the Golden Horde was sometimes called Turkic-Mongolian, and sometimes Turkic-Tatar. Thus, the name of the dynasty (and the aristocracy surrounding the dynasty) also passed to the people of the Golden Horde.

Berke-Khan was the first of the Golden Horde khans to convert to Islam in 1261, but Islam became widespread among the population only in the first half of the 14th century. It should be noted that all religions in the Golden Horde enjoyed the same freedom. According to the laws of Genghis Khan, insulting religion was punishable by death. The clergy of each religion were exempted from paying taxes.

Saray was the capital of the Golden Horde. According to Arab travelers, the city of Sarai was a large, well-organized and commercial city. In Sarai, there were palaces of khans, mosques, temples of other religions, schools, public gardens, baths and plumbing. Saray was a trading center and there were many foreign merchants, but foreigners lived in special quarters. The barn was also the cultural center of that time. In the Golden Horde, porcelain and earthenware were cultivated and gold and silver coins were minted. By the first half of the 14th century, the Golden Horde had reached world significance. However, since 1359, it begins to decline, because from that time civil strife, a struggle for power, and the killing of one khan after another begin. Suffice it to point out that during the 250-year existence of the Golden Horde had 50 khans.

The reason for the decline and decay of the Golden Horde was not only civil strife; perhaps, the discovery in the 15th century of the sea route to India and the five cities of Constantinople and the straits by the Seljuk Turks, which hampered the trade relations of the Golden Horde with Venice and Genoa, played no less a role in this.

The Moscow state, first of all, took advantage of the difficult situation and weakness of the Golden Horde. In several battles, Moscow defeated the Golden Horde and several times looted and burned the city of Saray. Lacking the strength to resist its enemies, at the end of the 15th century the Golden Horde finally collapsed, and only ruins remained of the once powerful Khanate.

After the collapse of the Golden Horde, three khanates were formed on the territory of Idel-Ural: Astrakhan, Nogai Horde and Kazan.

1.4. Astrakhan Khanate and Nogai Horde

The Astrakhan Khanate was created by one of the emirs-governors of the Golden Horde at the mouth of the Volga with its capital in the mountains. Astrakhan. Although mountains. Astrakhan was a large trading center where Asian and European merchants exchanged their goods, but this khanate did not play a big role in the history of the Turks.

To the north of the Astrakhan Khanate was the Nogai Horde, which got its name from the founder of this Horde, one of the commanders of the Golden Horde - Nogai.

The Nogai Horde, both politically and culturally, did not stand out in any way and played almost no role, if it did, then its role was negative.

1.5. Kazan Khanate

How insignificant were these two khanates, just as great and important was the significance in the history of the Turkic people of the Kazan Khanate, which was formed in 1437 on the territory of the former Bulgarian Khanate. “Various pretenders to the Saransk throne, with their detachments, often appeared in the middle Volga region. In the second quarter of the 15th century, one of these princes named Ulug Mukhamed, from the clan of Tuktamysh Khan, managed to establish himself here. Exiled first from the center of the Golden Horde, and then from the Crimea, in search of his inheritance, Ulug Mukhamed scoured everywhere until he managed to organize the Kazan Khanate on the territory of the former Bulgarian Khanate, in which he reigned from 1438 to 1446"(G. Gubaidullin. "Materials on the study of Tatarstan", p. 75).

The capital of the new khanate was the city of Kazan, from which the khanate was named Kazan.

From the very first days of its formation, the Kazan Khanate becomes, both politically and culturally and economically, a strong state. This can only be explained by the fact that “the founder of the khanate, Ulug Mukhamed, undoubtedly gave the land only a new political and military organization, taking advantage of ready-made social forms, for we see that the newly organized khanate is becoming powerful and occupies a strong position in Eastern Europe, replacing for Moscow, for example, for some time even the Golden Horde. This, of course, could not have happened if Ulug Mukhamed had relied only on his 3,000 squad, with which he came from the Crimea, and did not have a population completely organized in social and economic relations, which had to be given only a political organization, which he introduced Ulug Mukhamed" (N. I. Vorobyov. "Material culture of the Kazan Tatars", p. 23).

Kazan, which took the place of the Bolgar politically, took this place economically, and therefore, as a trading center, it attracts foreign merchants. The fair on Gostiny Island was an international market where merchants from the south, north, east and west came together.

Such strengthening of Kazan was not in favor of Moscow. Moscow perfectly understood this and therefore tried with all its might to weaken the power of the Kazan Khanate. Wandering between the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates, the Nogais were good material in this respect for Moscow. Suffice it to point out that over the entire period of its existence (more than 100 years), the Kazan Khanate fought with Moscow 25 times, not counting minor clashes.

The struggle between Kazan and Moscow, which went from the first side in the name of restoring its influence on Russia, and from the other side in the name of mastering the Volga trade route and the destruction of Kazan, ended, as you know, with the victory of Moscow. Kazan fell on October 15 (New Style) 1552, and Astrakhan - in 1554. Thus, in these years, the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates officially lose their independence: the actual loss of this independence occurs much later.

Above we mentioned that the Bulgarians, who lost their independence and fell under the rule of the Golden Horde, later act under the new name of "Kazan Tatars". And so, before proceeding to the presentation of further events, we consider it appropriate to highlight this issue. The fact is that from the very first days of the emergence of the Kazan Khanate, the Russians began to call the Kazan Khanate - “Tatar Khanate” or “Khanate of Kazan Tatars”, “The name of the Tatars (the official name of the population of the Golden Horde by the Russians) in relation to the population of the Volga-Kama Territory begins used by the Russians only from the moment when, after the organization of the Kazan Khanate and the brilliant victories of this Khanate over the Russians, the Kazan Tatars overshadowed the real Tatars of the Golden Horde, and all the previous relations that had been developed by the Russians in relation to the Golden Horde were transferred to the Kazan Khanate and its population. The Finnish tribes living there do not call them Tatars, but still "Bulgarians". Meadow Cheremis (Mari) still call the Tatars "su-as", and the Votyaks "bager", i.e. Bulgarians» ( Vorobyov. "Material culture of the Kazan Tatars", p. 21). “The Tatars never called themselves by this name, but on the contrary, the Kazan Tatars considered this name an offensive nickname” (ibid.).

2. IDEL-URAL UNDER THE RUSSIAN YOG

2.1. The struggle for independence

After such a small digression, we proceed to a presentation of the events that followed the capture of Kazan by the Russians. So, in 1552, on October 15 (according to the new style), after a bloody battle, although Kazan passes into the hands of the Russians, but the Turkic-Tatars (why the Turkic-Tatars - more on that later), organizing numerous partisan detachments, not only did not allow the army. Ivan the Terrible to move deep into the country, but they do not even give her rest in Kazan itself, attacking Kazan and destroying individual Russian detachments trying to get out of Kazan. In 1553, 60 versts from Kazan, at the confluence of the Mesha River into the Volga, the Turko-Tatars erected the Misha Tamak fortress, which was taken by the Russians 4 years later. The Turko-Tatars continue to fight the Russians even after the fall of this fortress. At the same time, they turn to the Turkish sultan, the Crimean Khan and the Nogai Horde for help, but they do not receive any real help from the first two, and the Nogais who came to the rescue, instead of help, were engaged in robbing the population, thereby helping the Russians to the detriment of the Kazanians, forcing the Turks -Tatars fight on two fronts. The entire second half of the 16th century is full of bloody events.

From the very first days of the fall of Kazan, the first thing Moscow did was to introduce Moscow orders and strengthen Kazan itself. Part of the Turkic-Tatar population that had escaped extermination, pogrom and captivity was expelled from Kazan in the year a new diocese was established, headed by Bishop Gury with broad secular powers; Christianization began, the destruction of mosques and the construction of churches and monasteries in their place. At the same time, colonization began, and primarily from Kazan itself. All houses, palaces, lands abandoned by the former owners were distributed to the Russians. The exception was a small group of Murzas of Moscow orientation, which for some time was left out of repression. How cruel and merciless the victors were in relation to the vanquished is evident from the fact that there is still not a single Turko-Tatar village at a distance of 30 versts from Kazan.

The colonization of the region proceeded at a rapid pace. Part of the Russian peasantry came under the compulsion of Moscow, i.e., was forcibly resettled, and the other part consisted of fugitive serfs, who in this new "Kazan land" received a 10-year freedom. Together with the Russian peasantry, a huge number of Orthodox clergy (both white and black) came to the land of the “filthy infidels”, which was far from “non-resistance to evil”, establishing Orthodoxy with weapons in their hands. On the denunciation of Archbishop Hermogenes, in 1593, Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich issued a decree that all mosques and schools attached to them in the conquered areas should be destroyed (“Tatar mosques should not be single-handedly set up for all mosques and Tatars, and of course Tatar news”). Of course, such a policy could not calm the population of the conquered region, and therefore the period of troubled times was a welcome moment for Kazanians. The Turko-Tatars at this time come into contact with the Poles and seek to regain their independence. The Kazan Khanate actually separated from Moscow, and Kazan, as the capital of the Khanate, in 1612 regained its independence.

Unfortunately, the affairs of False Dmitry, with whom the Turko-Tatars held a united front, are collapsing and the time of troubles in Moscow is ending; as a result, the Turko-Tatars are again defeated. The desperate resistance of the Turko-Tatars and their desire for independence convinced Moscow of the impossibility of conquering the region by force of arms alone. That is why representatives of Kazan were also invited to the Zemsky Sobor in 1613, who nominated several princes from the family of Kazan khans for the Moscow throne. The charter approved by the council contains seven signatures of Kazan princes and murzas, signed on behalf of the Kazan Khanate, which is part of the Muscovite state, Moscow is trying with all its might to attract murzas and princes to its side.

All Eastern affairs are conducted through the Turko-Tatars. Turko-Tatar generals command the Russian troops and, as service people, receive awards with estates and serfs. The Turko-Tatars consciously strive to take advantage of this opportunity and try to seize commanding heights into their own hands. Thanks to this, in a very short time, a large and strong class of wealthy Turko-Tatar murzas and landlords is being created in Russia itself.

Moscow, fearing them, is trying to weaken this class, and for this purpose, in 1628, a special decree was issued prohibiting Muslim landowners from owning Christian serfs. And in 1648 this decree was repeated in even more energetic terms, with the addition that Muslim landowners who converted to Christianity were left their estates with Christian serfs. Numerous boyars with Turkic-Tatar surnames began to appear precisely after this decree.

Such a policy of Moscow could not calm the region and pacify it - on the contrary, it further intensified the hostility, and now, when the Razin uprising broke out, the entire Turkic-Tatar population was on the side of the rebels. At the headquarters of Razin there were Turko-Tatars (for example, Asan Bikbulatov), ​​who, on behalf of Stenka Razin, wrote letters in the Turkic-Tatar language, inviting Kazanians to join Razin and "be at one" against Moscow. That is why, when Prince Baryatinsky went with a punitive detachment to the rescue of the besieged Simbirsk, he had to endure four serious battles at the mouth of the Kazan River with the Turko-Tatars. Moreover, from the report of this prince it is clear that "the Tatars, who are thin and unreliable in the reiters and hundreds, flowed away from the first battle, and the initial people in the regiment did not visit me and live in the villages." The colonialist and clerical policy of the Muscovite state restored against itself not only the Turko-Tatars, but also the Finnish tribes that were still loyal (Cheremis, Mordovians, Vari, Votyaks, etc.), who, having united with the Turko-Tatars, “were at one with” Razin.

The forcible taking of lands and lands from the Murzas and Muslim landlords caused the emergence of a new social element - noble merchants, who received a new name: "service merchant Tatars."

In a country where violence and terror gave way to uprisings and the struggle for independence, there can be no question of normal economic, and even more so cultural development. To this must be added the fact that the fires of 1672 and 1694. in. Kazan destroyed the whole city and it, created by the hands of the Turko-Tatars, lost its national character. In the fire, not only the houses, libraries, educational institutions, etc., that survived after the destruction and destruction, but also many documents, perished. Due to this, it is not possible to restore the complete picture of the old, cultural Turkic-Tatar Kazan.

These are the difficult circumstances under which the 17th century passed for the Turko-Tatars; Nothing good foreshadowed the coming century of the 18th century.

The 18th century was opened by the repressions of the "progressive" Peter I, aimed at depersonalizing the Turko-Tatars, both on the national and religious, and on the economic front. These aspirations of Russian politics reached their highest development in the reign of Elizabeth, when the so-called Newly Baptized office operated, which even had armed detachments at its disposal. “The newly baptized office committed great violence against the local population” (Vorobiev, cited tr., p. 32).

Indeed, hundreds of mosques were destroyed, the Muslim clergy were subjected to severe punishment, and under all sorts of pretexts, the lands of Turkic-Tatar villages were taken away for transfer to Russian colonists and monasteries. Moreover, in order to finally destroy the idea of ​​independence among the Turko-Tatars, even the appearance of the Kazan Khanate was destroyed, which until now, under this name, was ruled by a special governor and was subject to a special “Kazan order” in Moscow. During the organization of the provinces, under Peter!, Moscow "seized the opportunity" and formed the Kazan province, placing its governor at the head. Thus, the region, previously officially called the "Kazan Khanate", began to be called the "Kazan Governorate". As a result of this “reform”, at the beginning of the 18th century, the former Kazan Khanate lost even the remaining shadow of independence. The Turko-Tatars responded to such an action by the government with an uprising. In 1708, the rebels, having defeated the government troops, approached Kazan and captured it. From the report of the Kazan administration of that time, it is known that all the "foreign" peasantry joined the rebels. Thus, the Turko-Tatars manage to restore the independence of the Kazan Khanate, although not for long. Peter I, quickly organizing a large army, took Kazan back. Feeling the insecurity of the vanquished, he inhumanly began to apply draconian laws to the non-Russian population, and especially to the Turko-Tatars, both in Russia itself and in the regions occupied by his army.

By a decree of 1713, Peter I annulled the privileges of “Tatar service people”, and this decree says the following: “The Great Sovereign indicated in the Kazan and Azov provinces the Busurmans of the Mohammedan faith, behind which there are estates and estates, and courtyards, and business people of the Christian faith , to say his led, the sovereign decree that they, Busurmans, be baptized in six months, and as soon as they accept baptism, those estates and estates should still own them, and if they are not baptized in six months, then those estates and estates, with people and peasants , take and unsubscribe the great sovereign to him and do not give it to anyone without a decree. However, this decree did not achieve its purpose; the local administration reported that there were very few people willing to be baptized. The negative result of the decree was very great. But the government, despite this, continues its policy. So, by decree of January 30, 1718, all murzas and service "foreigners" from 15 to 60 years old were assigned to a special class - "assigned to ship work." They were registered with the Admiralty Office for forced labor in logging and hauling timber for the construction of ships. The newly formed class was a new kind of serfs. This hard labor was so hard that the assigned or, as they were called by the people, lashmans fought for their release for a century. Further, by decree of January 19, 1722, Turko-Tatar boys from 10-12 years old were involved in military service training (they were called cantonists). In 1731, a new decree was issued, which stated that “for the newly baptized, all kinds of taxes and dues should be ruled from the unbaptized, not only from those in which the districts will accept the Orthodox faith, but throughout the Kazan province, laying out on these remaining in disbelief collect." In addition, the baptized were exempted from recruitment, and in return they took a recruit from those who remained in the former religion. The Turko-Tatars responded to these government repressions with uprisings, which are known in history under the names of Ilmyak-Abz (1735) and Kara Sakala (1739). These uprisings were mercilessly liquidated. The persecution and oppression of the Turko-Tatars continued with a vengeance. Difficult days for the Turko-Tatars came with the opening of the Newly Baptized Office in the era of the “pious daughter of the Great Peter”, who, with particular zeal, set about “educating foreigners”. “The newly baptized office, which had armed detachments at its disposal, committed great violence against Muslims in the form of eviction from villages where there are at least a few people who were baptized (under the pretext of protecting the newly baptized from the influence of Mohammedans or pagans), shifting the dues of those baptized to those who were not baptized, taking away children from Muslims to educate them in the spirit of Orthodoxy, etc. etc." (Quoted by Vorobyov. "The material culture of the Kazan Tatars", p. 32). Suffice it to point out that, according to the decision of this Newly Baptized Office, in 1742, only in Kazan district, out of 546 mosques, 418 were destroyed. The Muslim clergy became a disenfranchised element of the country.

The position of the commercial and industrial class of the Turko-Tatars was also very difficult. There were restrictive laws, according to which only those assigned to the merchant class could conduct trade; but it was very difficult to be attributed to this estate. “For example, it is known that in Kazan alone in 1762, under the pretext that the owners did not belong to the merchant class, 24 Turko-Tatar shops were closed in Gostiny Dvor alone; besides this, the Turko-Tatars were strictly forbidden to trade in food supplies, old clothes and in general “Tatar goods” ”(Gubaidullin. Materials from Tatarstan, p. 95). In the field of industry in general and the metal industry in particular, the situation was even sadder. The Turko-Tatar population was forbidden all kinds of blacksmithing and metalwork (such as the manufacture of knives, sabers, daggers, and even horseshoes and nails).

Thanks to such a repressive policy, the Turko-Tatars experienced unprecedented humiliation and oppression of Moscow in all areas of life and acutely felt the severity of the hated yoke. All this created the psychological ground for a new uprising. It should be noted at the same time that the Newly Baptized Office was opened specifically for the Christianization of the Turko-Tatars, because "Tatars are very frozen in customs and do not go to holy baptism", but nevertheless it made the Finno-Ugric and Chuvash population of the former Khanate feel, who in the era of independence of the region were full citizens and enjoyed complete freedom in the field of religion and culture. According to the occupation of the region by the Russians, especially in the 18th century, the Finno-Ugric and Chuvash population, as "foreigners", shared the fate of the Turko-Tatars. This circumstance served to further rapprochement of the foreign population of the former khanate. If in the days of the independence of the Kazan Khanate, the Finns and the Turko-Tatars gradually and mechanically accepted a number of cultural properties from each other, then in the days of Russian oppression and forced Christianization, the Finno-Ugric population consciously began to accept the mores and customs of the Turko-Tatars in the name of opposition to the Russians. So, for example, the Mari in the Ufa province, remaining pagans, adopted the language and appearance of the Turko-Tatars. There are a lot of such examples (Mordva-Karatai, Votyaks, etc.); the Chuvash, on the other hand, perceived not only the mores and customs of the Turko-Tatars, but in many cases even passed into Mohammedanism. Thus, instead of forcibly taken away like-minded people and relatives, the Turko-Tatars acquired new friends. This supported them in the fight against the Russians. And therefore, when the Pugachev uprising broke out, the Turko-Tatars entered into negotiations with Pugachev in order to use him to restore their lost independence. In view of the fact that Pugachev agreed in principle to recognize the independence of the Kazan Khanate, then all the foreigners of the region, led by the Turko-Tatars, joined Pugachev in April 1774 and took Kazan with common forces. Observing from a high place the movement of the Pugachevites (near Kazan), the merchant son Sukhorukoye, according to the historian Fuchs, could well see that “Pugachev’s army mostly consisted of Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashs and Cossacks” (Gubaidullin. “From the past of the Tatars”, page .96). That is why in all the battles with government troops, the Turko-Tatars suffered heavy losses, both killed and wounded. During the recapture of Kazan by the government troops, more than two thousand bodies of murdered Turko-Tatars were found. The names of Salavat and Yulay still live in the memory of the people.

Although the Turko-Tatars suffered many victims, the uprising did not remain without consequences. Catherine!!, while remaining faithful to the policy of Peter I in principle, was nevertheless forced to soften it. She herself came to Kazan, personally gave permission for the construction of the first mosque, since all the mosques had been destroyed before by order of the government. This mosque, built for the first time after the conquest of the Kazan Khanate, by an evil irony of fate, was turned into a club by the Soviet authorities before all others. Catherine II also canceled the law forbidding the Turko-Tatars to live closer than 30 versts from Kazan (although by this time the entire vicinity of Kazan was already populated by Russians). By decree of 1784, she restored the rights of the murzas, although she did not return the confiscated lands and seized serfs to them, and gave broad rights to the Turko-Tatar merchants trading with Turkestan, China and Persia. It should be noted that, in view of the previous prohibitions and obstacles in the field of trade and industry within the Russian Empire, the Turko-Tatars were forced to engage in trade, for the most part, in Turkestan, China and other eastern countries. In the same way, she allowed the Turko-Tatars to engage in industry as well. A decree of 1788 officially recognized the right of existence for the Muslim religion and the Muslim clergy of the Turko-Tatars was allowed to organize a special institution, which was called the "Muslim Spiritual Assembly". Thus, the disenfranchised Muslim clergy received rights.

The Turko-Tatars did not miss the opportunity to use these reforms. The Turko-Tatar merchants devoted themselves to trade with great energy, expanding their trading business from day to day; industrialists worked no less vigorously, building numerous plants and factories. In view of the repressive measures of the Russian government, the urban and suburban population of the Turko-Tatars was forced to move inland, where new centers like Atni, Alat, Tyuntar, Machkara, etc. began to be created, and these centers were created in the very thickness of the settlement of the Turko-Tatars, and therefore When conditions improved (the laws of Catherine II), these centers were covered with a whole series of weaving, leather, soap factories. And Kazan itself, as a commercial and industrial center, grew with incredible speed. In the production of chintz (kumach), according to the historian Fuchs, Kazan reached the highest standard, producing 609,800 arshins per year, which accounted for 75.2% of all-Russian production. It goes without saying that such a rapid progress of the Turko-Tatars in the commercial and industrial field could not go unnoticed by their Russian competitors, and indeed “many pages of the protocols of the Catherine Legislative Commission are full of materials of the struggle of Russian merchants with yasak or service Tatars who switched to trading activities” (Gubaidullin, "From the past of the Tatars", p. 94). For example, one of the merchants writes in his complaint: “In different places, many Tatars and other non-Christians have started tanneries, soap factories and lard factories in the villages, and some of them have paper and linen factories, the products of which they dye in Chinese” (Coll. Russian Source Common, vol. VIII, p. 290).

Thus, until the last quarter of the 18th century, the region could not calm down. The reason for this is that “two independent cultures, which are in antagonism, met here. Therefore, the Russian government, in addition to economic oppression in relation to the vanquished, immediately launches a cultural offensive, trying to Russify the population by converting them to Christianity. In this regard, the struggle continued for a very long time, and the history of the Tatar people under Russian rule is the history of the struggle not only for economic well-being, but also for cultural independence, in which the people saw the guarantee of preserving their nationality. This struggle was not only passive resistance on the part of the Tatars. The Tatar bourgeoisie all the time strengthened the foundations of the national "Eastern" culture, trying with all its might to introduce it into the consciousness of the broad masses of the population and, where possible, even advancing and winning back from the Russian missionaries that part of the Tatar population that had already been converted into Kryashens (Christianity). Let us recall the mass falling away of the Kryashens from Christianity in the 19th and 20th centuries, about which there are significant materials in missionary literature” (Vorobiev, “Material Culture of the Kazan Tatars,” p. 31).

The history of the Turko-Tatars in the 19th century opens up with a new type of industry associated with ideological aspirations. This is book printing.

In 1799, the Turko-Tatars asked the government to allow them to print religious and liturgical books. Based on this request, the government issued a decree on the transfer of the Eastern Printing House located in St. Petersburg to Kazan. This printing house was under the jurisdiction of the Kazan Gymnasium, which was also responsible for censorship. Books were printed in very limited quantities, and therefore were very expensive. For example, the Koran was sold for 25 rubles per copy.

Initially, exclusively religious books were printed, but later the works of ancient Turkic authors-sources began to be printed. At the same time, fantastic tales - chivalric novels - began to be printed. All this was of great importance in the development of spiritual culture. In 1811, even a smallpox inoculation manual was published, and in 1857 the first calendar was published, which later took on the significance of a periodical press. In the forties of the 19th century, several typolithographs were already in the hands of the Turko-Tatars, and therefore it is not surprising that 1,084,320 copies of various books were published over the course of 10 years (1855-1864). Such a rapid growth of the publishing house naturally provoked attacks from the Russian press. For example, “in 1867, an article appeared in Moskovskie Vedomosti, where the author, after describing the course of development of the Tatar press, says that it was impossible to think that three centuries ago the fallen “barbarian” Tatar state would be reborn again. The "Orthodox Interlocutor" also did not lag behind this (see edition for 1868, p. 318) "(Gubaidullin. "From the past of the Tatars", p. 105). It should be noted that in the hands of the Turko-Tatars in 1812 in the Vyatka province. there were two stationery factories, and in the Kazan province (in 1814) there was another such factory.

With the receipt of religious freedom, in the days of the reign of Catherine II, in all Turko-Tatar villages, mosques were built at their own expense, and madrasahs (schools) were built with them. In big cities like Kazan, Ufa, Orenburg, etc., as well as in industrial centers like Tyuntar, Machkara, Atnya, etc., higher educational institutions were built to train mullahs, muezzins and teachers. True, these theological schools were dominated by scholasticism with the logic of Aristotle in Arabic translation, but they still did their job, graduating mullahs and teachers. In 1844, there were already 4 madrasahs in Kazan alone. The number of schools also grew in the villages, so that in 1860 there were 408 mektebs (schools) for 442349 souls of the Turko-Tatars, and the number of mektebs in all of Russia in places subordinate to the Muslim Spiritual Assembly was 1859. Since only boys, then to these numbers should be added those girls who learned to read and write from the wives of the mullahs. All this speaks for the fact that the literacy of the Turko-Tatars was high. And therefore, a German traveler in 1843, Baron Haxthausen, could say about the Turko-Tatars that “Tatars have great mental abilities, but Islam allows their development only to a certain extent, they have many schools, they almost all know how to read and write, they have some literature, which they study zealously, and I am convinced that if this richly gifted people accepted Christianity, they would not only become one of the first civilized peoples, but would spread Christianity and civilization throughout Asia ”(“ Volga cities in Kaz. Guberniya", ed. Kaz. stat. committee., 1892).

The spiritual culture of the Turkic-Tatars, even in such a difficult political situation, reached a great height in a very short time, and the Turkic-Tatar learned theologians-reformers like Abdul-Nasyr Kursavi, Shigabetdin Marjani and others became famous throughout the Muslim world. Turko-Tatar youth also received education in the Turkestan madrassas.

The Turko-Tatar merchants used Catherine's privilege in the field of foreign trade with great benefit for themselves. “In the archives of the town hall (city of Kazan) there are quite a few documents proving that Tatar merchants transported goatskin, worked out in the Tatar tanneries of Kazan, to Asia and exchanged for Chinese goods. For example, a Tatar merchant of the 1st Guild of Kitaev in 1811 brought to Kyakhta for exchange for Chinese goods goat skin worth more than 80,000 rubles, which is not a small amount at a time when in Kazan in 1800 two cows cost 6 rubles ”(Gubaidullin.“ From the past of the Tatars ”). “Some Tatar merchants in Chuguchak themselves personally took up to 1000 boxes of tea and sold them to Kazan merchants” (Laptev, Kaz. Guberniya in 1858). Thus, we see that the national capital also grew quite intensively. We also note that due to the weakening of repression by the government, in the first half of the 19th century there were no uprisings of the Turko-Tatars. Thus, the first half of the 19th century passed quietly in peaceful labor.

Under pressure from the Russian commercial and industrial class and the Orthodox clergy, the Russian government, in the second half of the 19th century, changed its policy towards the Turkic-Tatar population, both in the economic and cultural and political fields.

The fact is that many of the Turko-Tatars, who were forcibly (by physical force or economic repression) converted to Christianity, returned to their faith with the slightest freedom, while enticing many pagans from Finno-Ugric. The Orthodox clergy, which, with the material and moral support of the Russian government, spent a lot of effort on the Christianization of the Gentiles, and especially Muslims, saw the sad result of their work in the liberal policy of the government. In addition to the clergy, Russian commercial and industrial circles also advocated an aggravation of government policy.

As we have already noted, from the very first days of the announcement of freedom of trade for the Turko-Tatars, the industrial and commercial class of the latter, both in Idel-Ural itself and outside it - in Turkestan, Siberia and China, won a solid market for their products and capital. Russian merchant capital, which competed at first with the Turko-Tatar capital, due to freedom of trade, becomes convinced of its impotence and, as we noted above, begins to complain about the ever-increasing Turko-Tatar competition. The government took the side of the domestic commercial and industrial class and set about preparing, by force of arms, a new market - Turkestan, where, as we saw above, Turko-Tatar capital was so firmly established that Russian capital could not compete with it as long as free Turkestan was exist. The Russian commercial and industrial class knew this very well, and therefore insisted to the government not only on the conquest of Turkestan for themselves, but also on the final destruction of their enemy - the Turkic-Tatar commercial and industrial class.

The allies, i.e. the commercial-industrial class and the clergy, manage to achieve their goal. The government, through its administrative and financial bodies, begins to repress the Turko-Tatars. It no longer allows them to build new plants and factories, and intensifies cavils against existing ones, refuses credit from financial institutions and prohibits the opening of credit partnerships by the Turko-Tatars themselves, etc. Simultaneously with such a policy, the government artificially supported the Russian commercial and industrial class, providing him all kinds of help. As a result, Kazan, as a commercial and industrial center, begins to weaken from day to day, while Moscow strengthens.

In the field of spiritual culture of the Turko-Tatars, the government is also changing its policy. Some madrasahs are closed, new ones are not allowed to open, permits for the construction of mosques are obtained with great difficulty, and cases of refusal to do so are not uncommon.

Such a policy of the Russian government again caused a series of uprisings, although they no longer had a nationwide character. There was also an emigration wave of Turko-Tatars to Turkey, but it caused a reaction among the conscious part of the population, and therefore this emigration wave did not take on those sad results of the dimensions, as it was with the Crimean Turko-Tatars and the Caucasian highlanders. A direct consequence of such a policy of the government was the strengthening of religious fanaticism, expressed in the establishment of religious orders headed by ishans (ishan is the same as sheikh).

Ishanism or sheikhism, which is very common throughout the Muslim world, preaches asceticism, speaks of the frailty of earthly existence, the need to save the soul, etc.

The most widespread order in the entire Muslim world should be considered the Naqshbendi order, which still exists in Arabia and existed in Turkey until the very reform of Kemal Pasha in the field of religion. This order also existed here in Idel-Ural. It should be noted that it was the most common. The founder of this order among the Turko-Tatars was Ishan Ali from Tyuntar, nicknamed Ali Ishan Tyuntyari. It is necessary to mention two more ishans of this order, who had tens of thousands of murids (a murid is an adherent of an ishan), namely: Zeynulla Ishmukhamed (Troitsk, Orenburg province) and Zakir Kemal (Chistopol, Kazan province). If in Arabia and Turkey the main task of Ishanism was to preach the salvation of the soul, then in Idel-Ural, in addition to this religious element, the teaching also contained a political element. Ishans and murids, while preaching asceticism among the Muslim peasantry, at the same time educated them in an anti-Russian spirit and in the conviction of the temporality of Russian rule. Finally, they said that all Muslims are brothers, no matter what nationality they belong to, as a result of which the renunciation of nationality began. That is why during the general census of the population of Russia in 1897, when asked about the nationality of the census, the Turko-Tatars declared that they were of “Muslim nationality”.

An equally important role was played by another, also very widespread, Veisi order, in which the political element was very clearly represented. This order put as the first point of its God-loving program "the liberation of the land of the ancient Muslim Bulgarians from the yoke of Russian giaours", and he preached a passive struggle - not to pay taxes, not to obey the Russian authorities, not to recognize Russian laws, not to become soldiers, etc. Thus, this order preached complete civil disobedience, and in some cases, although they are very rare, they went on the offensive, for example, by issuing their own passports to their supporters. This order was a great success and its murids conducted strong propaganda among the population "about the liberation of the land of the Bulgarians."

When, thanks to such propaganda, the matter was approaching an uprising, the government banned the activities of this order, declaring the head of the organization, Ishan Bahaetdin, mad and having him killed in prison (he was arrested in 1884 and put to death in 1393). However, this order existed illegally even in the first years of Soviet power. After the liquidation of the Veisi order, many other, more loyal, ishans were taken under the strict supervision of the 3rd department, and many of them were exiled to Siberia.

The Turko-Tatars did not have political literature in their native language. The government kept the printing of books under strict censorship and under no circumstances allowed the publication of newspapers and magazines, which, of course, contributed to the strengthening of Ishanism in its anti-national preaching.

The conquest of Turkestan by the Russians and the application by the conquerors of the methods that were applied to the Turko-Tatars in Idel-Ural, and in relation to the Turkestans, brought into being a new ideology among the conscious part of the Turko-Tatars. It is necessary to focus on Europe - that is what this new ideology consisted of.

With such a hostile attitude of the Turko-Tatar population towards everything "non-Muslim", under the influence of Ishanism, which was then, there could be no question of the possibility of assimilation of European culture. It is this circumstance that forces the innovators to enter into a fierce struggle against Ishanism. The first instigator was Shikhabetdin Merjani, who later became famous throughout the Muslim world, who is fighting against rituals, strengthening the seclusion of women, drawing attention to the need to study their native language, which was then in the pen, since the Ishans were intensively introducing Arabic and Persian languages.

An equally important role in this struggle was played by Kayum Nasyri, who, having received a refusal from the government for all his petitions for the publication of newspapers, publishes a calendar in the Turkic-Tatar language, which later acquired the significance of a periodical press.

Turkey's entry into the path of Europeanization in the era of the reign of Sultan Abdul-Aziz has a certain influence on the innovators of the Turko-Tatars, whose cultural rapprochement with the liberal-minded Turkish society at that time was quite strong. In the struggle against the old traditional way of life, the innovators of the Turko-Tatars drew moral strength from the ongoing reforms in Turkey.

The Turko-Tatar innovators pay special attention to the struggle against the scholastic schools, which, having played their cultural and political significance, have become a brake on further progress. Ismail Bey Gasprinsky played an exceptionally prominent role in this matter, and all the Turks living within the borders of the former Russia owe it to him for the reform of their schools.

Ismail-Bey Gasprinsky was born in Bakhchisarai in 1853. At first, his parents sent him to a Muslim scholastic school, but seeing that such a school could not provide special knowledge, they sent Ismail Bey to Moscow to one of the local military schools (military gymnasium). Here Gasprinsky's schoolmates were the children of the most ardent Pan-Slavists. Ismail-Bey spends one summer with the family of the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti, Katkov. Thus, Ismail Bey, due to random circumstances, falls into the very center of pan-Slavism. A detailed acquaintance with the idea of ​​pan-Slavism, constant talk about this movement and Katkov's genuinely sincere articles on this issue naturally raised many questions for Ismail Bey, including the question of the future of the nation to which he himself belongs. In the pan-Slavic environment, he could not find the answer to these questions, and therefore he had to deal with them himself. Thus, the crystallization of the political views of Ismail Bey is closely connected with his stay in the Moscow military gymnasium and acquaintance with the pan-Slavic environment. During the Cretan uprising, when his schoolmates volunteer for the Greek rebel detachments, Ismail Bey flees to Turkey and also wants to volunteer for the Turkish army, but Turkey, for some reason, does not accept him into its army. Then Ismail Bey went from Istanbul to Paris, where he stays for about a year. From Paris, he again returns to Istanbul, where he gets acquainted with the socio-political life of Turkey, which has already embarked on the path of Europeanization. In 1877, Ismail-Bey was already working in the Crimea as an elementary school teacher, and as such he compiled the first alphabet textbook based on the sound method and a program for elementary schools. To promote the ideas of school reform and Europeanization, as well as to spread his socio-political views, Ismail Bey petitions the government to allow him to publish a periodical, and after much trouble achieves his goal. Prior to receiving the said permission, he publishes several pamphlets in which, in a general form, he sets out his political program. In 1883, on April 23 (New Style), Ismail-Bey Gasprinsky published the first issue of his newspaper, which was called "Terjeman" ("Translator"). This was the first Turkic newspaper, which played an enormous historical role in the social and political life of all the Turkic peoples of the former Russia. Although in 1875 Hasan Malik Zerdabi published the newspaper “Iginchi” (“Farmer”) in Baku, but due to the narrowness of its program, this newspaper could not exist for a long time. Ismail-Bey Gasprinsky understood very well that people can perceive European culture only through schools, and therefore "Terjeman" from the very first issue began to prove the advantages of the new teaching method and expose the shortcomings of the old system.

However, the main task of "Terjeman" was to educate all the Turks in the spirit of their unity, without distinction of tribe, clan and territory. "A single ideology, a single front of work and a single language" - this is the slogan of "Terjeman". Thanks to this, the entire intelligentsia of the Idel-Urals and the Crimea is imbued with the idea of ​​unity, and the same spirit penetrates the Caucasus and Turkestan. New Methodism, ousting its adversary, the scholastic school, is spreading with incredible speed. National literature, which is in the most difficult conditions of censorship, is trying to introduce into the people's consciousness the national idea in the European sense of the word, and therefore Mr. Vorobyov is quite right when he says that “the victory of new methodism, which opened the doors to European culture in the Tatar masses, at the same time appeared the beginning of the national revival of the Tatars. The study and development of the Tatar folk language begins, national literature is being created and the attempts of Russified missionaries, who this time approached from the cultural front, the Tatar intelligentsia opposed their national culture, to which European culture had its access, but without absorbing the national physiognomy of the Tatar culture and without an admixture of missionary tendencies” (“Material culture of the Kazan Tatars”, p. 36). It is also very characteristic that in the struggle between these two currents, i.e., the old and the new, the government took the side of the first, fearing the emergence of new ideas and the development of a national movement among the Turko-Tatar masses if the innovators won. “For this reason, the well-known missionary Ilminsky, in one of his letters to the prosecutor of the Holy Synod, Pobedonostsev, expressed himself in the sense that it is better not to touch the old Tatar madrasahs than to let the Tatar youth into Russian gymnasiums, for while one of the graduates of the madrasah Giray received holy baptism , then another, who graduated from the Russian gymnasium, Musa Ak'egit, wrote a novel in the Tatar language. (Gubaidullin. "From the past of the Tatars"). But the Russifiers, however, could no longer stop the national revival of the Turko-Tatars, they could do one thing (which they did) - to slow down the pace of the movement.

2.2. Revolution of 1905

After the revolution of 1905, when freedom of the press and speech came, though relatively, the Turkic-Tatar intelligentsia on all fronts, both political and cultural, is working in the spirit of the unity of the Turks. Proof of which are the first and second Muslim congresses in 1905 and 1906, which took place during the Nizhny Novgorod Fair, and the organization of political parties on a pan-Turkic scale, such as Ittifak, Tanchi and S.-D. In addition to these general political parties, in 1901 in Kazan, a secret society called "Shakirdlik" was organized by young students. In a very short time, not only the entire active part of the student youth of Idel-Ural and Siberia, but also the Crimea became members of this organization. This organization publishes its illegal organ "Tarakki" ("Progress") in Kazan. Although the program of this organization was rather vague, in general it was directed against the autocracy and to unite the nation in the struggle for its independence. This organization had a very great influence on the socio-political life of the Turko-Tatars, participating in the resolution of all national issues, up to the opening of some school in the most remote and provincial Turkic village. This organization, being persecuted by the government, is gradually liquidated.

The most characteristic feature of the beginning of the 20th century was the appearance of the so-called "Muslim Charitable Societies". These societies, which exist legally with a charitable purpose, in addition to charitable activities, carried out not only great cultural work, but also political work. They were created not only in cities, but also in large Muslim villages. Providing assistance to the poor and unfortunate, these societies opened libraries, craft schools, issued scholarships, organized short-term teacher courses, took an active part in the anniversaries of the Turko-Tatar social and political workers, etc. These societies brought especially great service in the days of the reaction that came after the revolution of 1905, when these societies, under one pretext or another, took an active part in the election of members to the State Duma.

The outbreak of the Russian-Japanese war inspired the entire Turkic world, especially the Turko-Tatars of Idel-Ural. In the brilliant victory of the Japanese and the moral and physical defeat of the Russian weapons, all the Turks of the former Russia saw a harbinger of the resolution of national and political issues. For this reason, during the days of the war, an illegal political party "Hurriyat" ("Freedom") was organized with a radical national program, which included many Turko-Tatar intelligentsia. This organization, taking a very active part in the life of the Turko-Tatars at that time, conducted strong agitation against the government, calling on the pages of its organ "Hurriyat" to evade military service. She also took an ardent part in the first All-Russian Muslim Congress, convened in 1905 during the Nizhny Novgorod fair, and sought to push the congress onto a revolutionary path. This congress, as is known, was divided into moderate-constitutional and radical-revolutionary groups. By the way, a small detail - in view of the non-permission of the congress by the mayor of the fair, the delegates of the congress, under the pretext of festivities, hired a small steamer on the Oka River and, sailing along the latter, discussed and resolved political issues.

After the manifesto of October 17, 1905, which gave the Turks the right to publish periodical literature, feverish activity began in Idel-Ural with the publication of newspapers and magazines. In just one year, more than 50 newspaper and magazine titles were published.

The same manifesto opens before the Turkic-Tatar public a wide field of activity in the political field. This is how the political parties were organized: "Ittifaq" ("Unity") with the program of the Cadets, but national in spirit, "Tanchi" with the program of the Social Revolutionaries and the Social Democratic. All these parties published newspapers and magazines, took an active part in the political life of the country, organizing peasants and workers and, in general, the Turko-Tatar masses. The contradictions in the political program of these parties did not prevent them from pursuing the same policy on the national question, namely: the preservation of the identity of the Turko-Tatars with autonomous control in all areas of life, as well as the creation of separate national military units from the Turko-Tatars. At the same time, a group of terrorists formed among the Turko-Tatar youth to fight spies and provocateurs.

As a result of all this work, a single faction was formed in the State Duma, named for purely tactical reasons Muslim, and not Turkic, defending the interests of all Russian Muslims. In addition, many deputies of this faction have united around the Polish professor Baudouin de Courtenay, who is fighting for the broad self-determination of all the individual nationalities inhabiting Russia.

When the reaction came and the law was issued on June 3, 1907, changing the structure of elections to the State Duma, the Turkic nation in general, and the Turko-Tatars in particular, suffered the most. The following can serve as evidence of this: if in the 1st and 2nd State. In the Duma, the number of delegates from the Turkic population was more than 40, then after the law on June 3, that is, in the 3rd State. Duma, the number of deputies from the Turkic population did not exceed 10, and already in the 4th State. The Duma had only 7 deputies. In addition, this law greatly changed the political image of the deputies themselves, for they could be elected only at the request of some Russian curia.

In the spiritual and cultural field, the reaction was no less strong than in the political. By a special order of the government, teachers of the Turkic-Tatars were forbidden to teach among the Cossacks-Kyrgyz and Turkestans, and in Idel-Ural itself, very restrictive measures were taken to open secular schools and teach secular sciences in Muslim religious schools - madrasahs. In addition, the Turko-Tatars who were educated abroad (Turkey, Egypt, India, Arabia, etc.) did not have the right to be mullahs, i.e., clergymen. Despite the fact that preliminary censorship for the periodical press was abolished altogether, for the Turko-Tatar press it was restored by administrative means and this situation continued until the 1917 revolution itself.

To the existing restriction on the number of vowels from the Turko-Tatars in the city dumas of the cities of Idel-Ural, the number of which could not be more than 1/5 of the number of vowels from the Russians, the reaction after the 1905 revolution brought a new restriction, this time in relation to sworn attorneys Turko-Tatars. The existing 10% norm for admitting “foreigners” to the estate of barristers, which, by the way, was applied only to Jews, was also extended by a special government circular to the Turko-Tatars of Idel-Ural. Thus, the revolution of 1905 not only did not resolve the urgent national questions, but, on the contrary, the reaction that followed it brought new restrictions.

To better illustrate the situation, let us cite one more fact, namely: the request of the Turkic-Tatar population to include the costs of national schools in the national budget was denied by the government and was motivated by the fact that the main revenue item of the state is the profit of the vodka monopoly, and Muslims, whose religion forbids the use of alcoholic beverages, drink little, and therefore the satisfaction of the request of Muslims would be unfair to Russians.

However, no measures of Russian reaction could stop the cultural work of the Turko-Tatar people, who had already embarked on the path of rebirth. That is why, despite all the obstacles and prohibitions of the government, the selfless work of Muslim charitable and other societies, as well as private individuals, led to the fact that in 1913/1914 all children of school age and both sexes were covered by the national school at 100%. Printing has made great strides. At the exhibition of books organized in St. Petersburg at the Press Department in 1914, the number of books published in Idel-Ural in the Turkic language exceeded 100 titles.

The Russian reaction benefited the Turkic-Tatars in one issue, namely: all the political parties that entered the political arena as a result of imitating the Russian parties (the Cadets, the Social-Democrats and the Socialist-Revolutionaries), as a non-national phenomenon, withered, and in their place an invisible national center was formed, managing all the national affairs of the Turko-Tatars. During the World War, the official organ of this center was the temporary bureau of the Muslim faction of the State. The Duma, which gathers at various meetings, under various pretexts, to resolve topical issues.

2.3. World War and its aftermath

During the World War, the Turko-Tatars, both of the Crimea and Idel-Ural, as the only people of all the Muslims of Russia serving military service, suffered more than the Caucasians and Turkestans. Although the Turko-Tatars were in a defeatist mood and the urban population tried by all means to evade mobilization, the war, like any war, had a strong impact on the well-being of the Turko-Tatar village. It should also be noted that the Turko-Tatar intelligentsia in their boycott of the war went too far, so that the number of Turko-Tatar officers was an insignificant percentage compared to the soldiers from the Turko-Tatars.

Although the war claimed a lot of lives and brought economic impoverishment, the Turko-Tatars endured in the hope of a better future, because all the wars of Russia, even in the event of the victory of its weapons, ended in reform, and the defeat had to end in a revolution, as after the Russian-Japanese war, from which the Turko-Tatars also expected the solution of the national question. The world war, which from the very first days assumed, contrary to the real aspirations of its participants, the nature of the liberation movement of enslaved peoples, convinced the Turko-Tatars of the correctness of their point of view.

The foreign group of Turko-Tatars, seeking recognition by Europe of the rights of the Turkic peoples to self-determination, worked in contact with the bureau of the Muslim faction of the State. Duma, and at the Lausanne Congress "opened in 1916, chaired by prof. Istanbul Univ. Yusuf Akchura-Beya (from Kazan), spoke on behalf of the national center of the Turko-Tatars. She also organized special detachments of captured Turko-Tatars in Germany for the future fight against the Russian authorities.

As a result of the World War, in 1917 the second Russian revolution begins. The Turko-Tatars took an active part in it, speaking everywhere in a compact mass. The times of the first Russian revolution in 1905, when the Turko-Tatars broke up into a number of separate groups and parties, and even joined Russian parties, have passed into eternity. In recent years, national consciousness has taken deep roots in the Turko-Tatar masses, they realized their unity and acted together, creating their own national revolutionary organizations locally and in the center. In Petrograd, members of the Muslim faction of the former State Duma and members of the bureau attached to this faction (the national center) created a central organization called the All-Russian Muslim Revolutionary Bureau. This central Bureau organized the All-Russian Muslim Congress, which was convened on May 1, 1917 in Moscow. This congress was attended by more than 900 delegates representing the 30 million Muslim population of Russia,

The most serious and burning question, to which the congress devoted much time and attention, was the question of the future form of the state structure of Russia. The congress participants clearly understood that the resolution of this issue is closely connected with the resolution of the most urgent national question in Russia. By an overwhelming majority, the congress decided that Russia should be a federal-democratic republic built on national principles. Having considered agrarian, labor and educational issues, the congress, for coordinating the socio-political activities of Muslims on the ground and for communicating with the provisional government, chose its executive body - the All-Russian Muslim Committee, which was supposed to be in Petrograd. Having appointed the day and place for convening another All-Russian Congress - in July in Kazan - the congress closed. Representatives of the Caucasus, Turkestan and Crimea, as well as Kazakhstan did not appear at the second congress, convened in Kazan (due to the anarchy developing in Russia), and therefore this congress had to recognize itself as a congress only of the Turko-Tatars of Idel-Ural. At the same time, two other All-Russian congresses were convened in Kazan: I - the congress of the Muslim clergy and 2 - the All-Russian Muslim military congress. Each of these three congresses was engaged in its own business: the spiritual congress was busy with issues of religion and religious administration, the military congress discussed the creation of national Turkic regiments, and the political congress adopted a resolution declaring cultural-national autonomy for the Turko-Tatars of Idel-Ural. Finally, all three congresses at a joint meeting declared cultural and national autonomy for Idel-Ural. A temporary bureau was chosen to convene a national assembly, which was convened in the mountains. Ufa on November 22 of the same 1917.

The National Assembly worked out the basic laws of cultural and national autonomy and, having approved them, chose a national administration consisting of three departments: spiritual, financial, and cultural and educational. Further, the same national assembly chose a special board, consisting of three persons, to be sent to Europe for the Versailles Peace Conference. Most importantly, the National Assembly also chose a special collegium to develop issues on the creation of a special Turkic-Tatar - Idel-Ural - autonomous state with very broad rights, as a stage towards independence in case cohabitation with Russia is impossible. The same national assembly gave the Turks inhabiting Idel-Ural a new name, calling the national administration "Turkic-Tatar". And therefore, from that time on, all the Turks of Idel-Ural began to be called Turko-Tatars; that is why in this essay the name "Turkic-Tatars" is used on the basis of this decision of the national assembly.

The Muslim military congress singled out its executive body - the All-Russian Muslim military shuro (council), which set about creating national regiments. The military shuro, due to the anarchy that began in Russia and the difficulty of relations with other Turkic regions, could not carry out activities on a nationwide scale, and therefore its activities were limited only to the territory of Idel-Ural. The military Shuro, with the support of the national center, tirelessly worked to create national regiments by separating Turko-Tatar soldiers from Russian regiments, organizing regiments and battalions in those places where there were many Turko-Tatar soldiers, and separate companies where there were few. Although an entire army was created on the Romanian front, and a division on the Riga one.

The coming of the Bolsheviks to power greatly hampered the fulfillment of all national tasks. The attitude of the Turkic population towards the Bolsheviks was clearly negative, and therefore, after the first speech of the Bolsheviks in Petrograd on July 4, the "All-Russian Muslim Revolutionary Committee" proposed to the State Duma Committee, to save the situation, to organize a coalition government from representatives of nationalities, but the latter did not accept such a proposal , as a result of which the provisional government was forced to give way to the Bolsheviks. However, the national administration and the military shuro fought the Bolsheviks for a long time, and until April 12, 1918, they were the actual masters of the situation in the entire Idel-Ural. All this time, the national Turkic-Tatar regiments guarded the cities of Idel-Ural from Bolshevik pogroms, obeying their national center. And the army "organized on the Romanian front, by order of the same center, moved to help the Crimean national government, but the German high command in Ukraine, for unknown reasons, prevented this movement.

In early April 1918, the Bolsheviks, at the conclusion of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, sent strong detachments to Kazan and Ufa (Kazan is a military center, the seat of the military shuro, and Ufa is the national center, the seat of the national administration). After a series of battles between the national units and the Bolsheviks, the latter won and Kazan and Ufa were taken by them. After taking these cities, the Bolsheviks, in a purely Bolshevik way, defeated the national organizations, disbanded the national regiments, confiscated the national treasury and arrested the national leaders who did not have time to escape in time. But the Bolsheviks did not celebrate their victory for long. During the action of the Czech detachments in July 1918, the Turkic-Tatar population revolted and restored their national center and their regiments.

In September 1918, during a state meeting in the mountains. Ufa, the national center concluded an agreement with the government of the constituent assembly on the joint struggle against the Bolsheviks on the basis of the recognition of the right of the Turkic-Tatar people to self-determination; after that, the national center took part in the organization of a common government. But the reactionary Siberian Russian government of Kolchak, which had seized power from the hands of the directory elected at the Ufa State Conference, fought not only against the Bolsheviks: it fought to no lesser extent against the Turkic national movement. It did not recognize national Turkic organizations and did not allow the creation of a national army. The national regiment, created during the days of the state meeting in Ufa, was included in one of Kolchak's divisions under the name of the 16th Tatar regiment. Not only that, the Kolchak government even tried to arrest the mufti as one of the members of the national government. Thus, the Turko-Tatars found themselves between two fires: on the one hand, the Bolsheviks with all their horrors, and on the other, the Russian Black Hundreds. Such a policy of Kolchak opened up wide scope for agitation before the Bolsheviks, and they began to act as defenders of the oppressed peoples, promising the latter not only self-determination, but even independence. Thanks to Kolchak's reactionary policy, not only the Turko-Tatars and the Turks in general turned away from him, striving for their national freedom through colossal sacrifices, but also the democratically minded Russian society, and Kolchak, left only with his Black Hundreds, is dying. The surviving ranks of the national regiment, along with many Turko-Tatars, were forced to emigrate to the Far East.

2.4. under the rule of the Bolsheviks

At first, the Bolsheviks, despite the announcement of "self-determination of nationalities, up to secession from Russia", believed to confine themselves in the national question to the organization of the so-called commissariat for national affairs (in relation to the Turko-Tatars, these commissariats were called "Muslim") and to manage the numerous nationalities of Russia from the center . But the strong national movement of the peoples of Russia and the radical nature of their demands forced the Bolsheviks to make concessions to these demands. The Bolsheviks were forced to start creating national republics, and to replace their central body, the commissariat of nationalities, with a council of nationalities. Such national republics by the Bolsheviks, starting from 1920, were also created for the Turks, by dividing and dismembering this people into as many "nationalities" as there are Turkic tribes. The Bolsheviks, proceeding from the well-known principle - “divide and conquer”, - each individual Turkic tribe, despite the common language, literature, school and living conditions, is interpreted as a special nationality.

At the Turkological Congress in 1926 in Baku, the official speaker "Orientalist" Yakovlev divided the Turks of Russia into 27 nationalities (journal "Revolutionary East", No. 2). At the same congress, a resolution was adopted to replace the Arabic alphabet with the Latin one. By the way, we note that the old Russian government, in order to Russify the Turks, planned to replace the Arabic alphabet, which was used by all Turks, with Russian and introduce it into Muslim schools and literature. With a view to the practical implementation of this project, the Ministry of Public Education in 1906 issued the so-called binding rules on March 31, 1906. But thanks to the unanimous protest of all Muslims in Russia, the government was forced to cancel these rules. Now the Bolsheviks themselves began to implement these undertakings of the "hated old regime", and they went much further, creating as many new alphabets for the Turks as there are tribes, or, as they call, Turkic "nationalities". True, the number of new alphabets does not reach 27, as the Bolshevik "Orientalist" would like, but still it reaches a dozen. Understanding well the significance and foreseeing the consequences of this Bolshevik event, some nationally minded communists at the Turkological Congress in Kazan in 1928 made a proposal to unify the new Latin alphabet. But this proposal was declared by the Bolsheviks to be counter-revolutionary and, of course, rejected. It couldn't be otherwise. After all, the main essence of this, undoubtedly, purely political event of the Bolsheviks, lies precisely in the fact that, by creating a series of alphabets, to decompose the Turks spiritually so that they subsequently “could not create a single school, literature, and in general develop a common culture for all Turks. The Russian governments and missionaries, fighting the Turks for centuries, achieved just that. But what the Russian missionaries could not do is now being done by the Bolsheviks. And that is why the Soviet government on the territory of Idel-Ural created a number of republics and autonomous regions: Tatar, Bashkir, Chuvash, German, republics, Mari, Votskaya and other autonomous regions. region Such a situation, both in its internal content and in appearance, cannot meet and satisfy the requirements of the Turkic-Tatar nation, striving for an independent state existence. This situation did not satisfy even the communists of the Turko-Tatars, who were against the creation of a separate Tatar and separate Bashkir republics, firstly, because the Tatar republic was so tailored that 64% of the Turko-Tatars remained outside the national republic, and secondly , because before the reforms of 1781, modern Bashkiria was entirely part of the Kazan province.

The Turko-Tatars of Idel-Ural, who fought for almost 4 centuries with the Russian government for their independence and repelled all the blows of the Russification policy of this government, of course, cannot be satisfied with such a division of Idel-Ural into separate regions. After all, the territory of Idel-Ural belonged to them for a long time, where even now they make up the majority. The Turkic-Tatar people, relying on the data of their administration, where careful metric records are kept in all Muslim parishes (7800 parishes), consider themselves at least six and a half million souls, and the Chuvash and baptized Tatars (also Turks), included in the census among Orthodox Russians - over 11/3 million. This figure was justified during the general mobilization during the World War. There were 960 thousand Turko-Tatar soldiers (including Bashkirs) in the Russian army, and the Turko-Tatars' evasion from military service in percentage terms exceeded the number of those among the Russians. Comparing the results of the 1926 census with digital data for the same period of the spiritual administration of the Muslims of the Volga and Ural regions, it is easy to establish that at the moment there are in Idel-Ural:

Turko-Tatars 7,848 mil.

Russians 4,290 mil.

Finnish-Mongolian peoples. tribe 2,712 mil.

Germans 0.501 mil.

Total 15,351 mil.

In percentage terms: Turko-Tatars 51%, Russians 28%, peoples of the Fin.-Mong. 17.7% and Germans 3.3%. In other words, the Turko-Tatars, together with other non-Russian nationalities, make up 72%. Thus, the Turko-Tatars in Idel-Ural are no less in percentage terms than the Great Russians in the entire USSR, and with the Finnish and Mongolian ones taken together, no less than the Czechs in the Czech Republic and Romanians in Romania. With regard to the Russian population, it must be stated that during the census the enumerators mixed a religious sign with a national one and every Orthodox one - be he a Mordvin, a baptized Turk, Ukrainian, etc. - if he himself did not self-identify during the census and did not declare himself a Mordvin, Turk, Ukrainian , they simply recorded it as a Russian-Great Russian. At the same time, it should be noted that the vast majority of real Russians are Old Believers.

Turning to the economic situation of Idel-Ural in its current state, we must say that it does not represent anything encouraging. Everything there was destroyed and plundered by the Soviet authorities. But the Bolsheviks could not destroy the land, and, taking into account the fertility of the soil (earlier, Idel-Ural was one of the granaries of Russia), when normal conditions are restored there, it will not be difficult to restore the economy. The rich rivers of the region: Idel (Volga), Kama, Ak-Idel (White) and Dzhaik (Ural), crossing almost the entire country, connect the most remote parts of the region with each other (for example, Astrakhan with Ufa, Ufa with Kazan, etc.) .). If in the old days these rivers were the only link connecting Persia, India and Turkestan with the Idel-Ural and Siberia, then even now, even with the existence of all kinds of transport, these rivers are of great importance in the economic prosperity of the country. In the catastrophic state of the railways in the USSR, these rivers, transporting annually millions of tons of raw materials, semi-finished products and finished products, save the Soviet government from destruction. With the rational government of the country, these rivers will be the cheapest mode of transport, both for internal and external trade of the Idel-Ural. The tributaries of these rivers: Zyuya (Zoya), Chermishan, Mainya, Surgut, Ilyat, Koksha, Vetluga, Yk, Dim, Kara-Idel (Ufimka), Sakmara and others, as the periphery of the main nerve, reach the most remote parts of the Idel-Ural. Thanks to this abundance of rivers, Idel-Ural in the remotest times of history, as we saw earlier, was the largest and most convenient trade route between Europe and Asia.

The Ural Mountains with their diverse mineral wealth (gold, platinum, silver, copper, iron and coal) promise the development of the richest industry, and oil sources (on the slopes of the Ural Mountains, in Ufimsk and Perm provinces) can give many times more oil than required for the edge. The industrially rich foothills and mountains of the Urals are connected by a railway. dor. with the agricultural part of the country (Ufa, Samara, etc.). Existing wish. dor. (which can be even more rationally developed) connect the commercial and spiritual center of the country - Kazan - with both the agricultural and industrial parts of it, and in many places come into contact with the Siberian Railway, as well as with roads leading to Ukraine and Russia.

Favorable climatic conditions and the black earth nature of the soil in the northern regions make it possible to cultivate wheat, rye, barley, buckwheat, peas, flax, hemp, etc. in abundance, and thereby turn the region into an ideal country in agricultural terms. The southeastern steppe and river valleys are the best pastures for cattle breeding and provide an abundant harvest of hay. In addition, the northern and northwestern parts of the country cover; centuries-old forests, where all kinds of the best building materials grow in abundance: oak, pine, birch, maple, etc.

The southern part of the country (approaching the Caspian Sea) has long been famous as a center of horticulture and horticulture, where different varieties of grapes, pears, apples, plums ripen, as well as watermelons and melons, remarkable in their taste and endurance in transport. The lower reaches of the Dzhaik (Ural) and Idel (Volga) turn this part of the country into a rich fishing region with its center in Astrakhan, with its famous fish: sturgeon and sterlet, not to mention granular caviar. Thus, as an independent economic unit, Idel-Ural has every chance for independent existence.

As for the spiritual development of the Turko-Tatar population, in the present conditions of its existence one cannot speak of a high technical culture, which we see among the European peoples, but when compared with other peoples of the East (Persians, Afghans and some others), the Turko-Tatars are very highly culturally, and most importantly, in their national and cultural development they follow the beaten path of the Western European peoples.

Despite a very short period (only 50 years) from the day of the national awakening of the Turko-Tatars (before Bolshevism), they, not only without the support of the Russian government, but even in addition to its desire, started universal primary education, as well as a very healthy, cheerful literature and the national theatre. The emancipation of women was accomplished long ago.

As for the technical preparation for governing the country, before the revolution of 1917 it was insufficient. The Russian government kept the Turkic-Tatar people of Idel-Ural away from state administration, so the people did not have enough ready-made bureaucracy. But this gap is already being eliminated under the Bolsheviks, contrary to their wishes. Both in the Tatar Republic and in the Bashkir Republic, the nationalization of the administrative apparatus, with the support of the people themselves and despite all the obstacles of the Soviet government, is proceeding quite successfully at the present time.

According to official data of the Soviet government in Soviet Tatarstan, there are 53% of Turko-Tatar officials in the village councils, 37.8% in the district offices, and only in the central institutions their number is abnormally small, since the hand of Moscow plays a decisive role there. In the entire state apparatus, the Turko-Tatars make up 30%. In addition, numerous Turkic-Tatar employees are scattered throughout their sister republics: in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Crimea and even Azerbaijan. But the situation in this respect is much worse in the Bashkir Republic. There, the percentage of native officials is very negligible.

The political and economic oppression that the Turko-Tatars experienced and are experiencing under the Russian yoke does not allow them to create a sufficient number of highly qualified intelligentsia: doctors, engineers, lawyers, etc., but this gap is also replenished by thousands of Turko-Tatar emigration scattered throughout light (in Europe, the Far East, Japan, Turkey, etc.). And in the USSR itself, despite all the abnormality of the situation, the Turko-Tatar population is doing its best to get an education in Soviet schools, although teaching in them is carried out from the point of view of "Marxism-Leninism" and "Stalinism". But the people are accustomed to these conditions; after all, conditions were not the best under the old Russian pr-ve - it is enough to recall at least the circulars of the Minister of Public Education, Count D. Tolstoy, prescribing the teaching of mathematics in a Christian spirit. As for the average intelligentsia, it is certainly no less than that of the Russians, and the literacy of the people as a whole, in percentage terms, far exceeds the literacy of the Russian people. The same can be said about the military training of the Turko-Tatars.

As for the people themselves, hardened in the struggle and continuing to fight for their independence, both within the country and outside it, in exile, in their psychology they are completely state-owned and very far from fantasy. This people is very industrious, thrifty and quite sober, and I think no one will argue about their commercial abilities. Turko-Tatars have great mobility, initiative and centuries-old practice, so that they can quite successfully compete with Europeans in all areas of business life. Despite the long years of being under the Russian yoke, this people never lost hope for the revival of their former greatness and there is no doubt that at the first opportunity they will take control of the fatherland into their own hands and very soon restore order and legality in it, so that - together with others peoples - to free themselves from the Moscow yoke and follow the path of progress and freedom.

CONCLUSION

The World War and the revolutions that arose as a result of it in a number of countries caused a colossal movement of the peoples of the whole world. This movement is characterized, first of all, as a national liberation movement of different peoples from under the heavy yoke of their enslavers. Thanks to this, the modern historical epoch experienced by mankind can be boldly called the epoch of the national liberation of peoples. The liberated and established independent states - Poland, Czechoslovakia, Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the West and the grandiose liberation movement of the peoples in Asia and in the East of Europe, in the former Russia, are sufficient proof of this. But the national question in the former Russia, in this vast territory inhabited by more than a hundred nationalities, has not yet been resolved to any extent. The Bolsheviks at the beginning, before they seized power, who came out in multinational Russia with the slogan "self-determination of peoples up to separation from Russia", after they seized power, as you know, they pursued a policy completely opposite to what they promised. The war of the Bolsheviks with the newly liberated Poland, the occupation of the Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia, the North Caucasus, the Crimea and Turkestan are sufficient evidence of this. This is also evidenced by the notorious clause 4 of the Bolshevik constitution of the USSR, according to which the independent republics were granted the right to secede from the Soviet Union, subject to the consent of all the republics. Can the Russian Republic of the R.S.F.S.R., which has more representatives in the council of nationalities, in the second chamber of the union, than all the other "union" and "autonomous" republics put together, ever agree to the withdrawal of some any republic from the union? Never.

However, the Bolsheviks themselves, represented by their lawyers, call this right a “potential right”, which has only a purely declarative meaning. Otherwise it can not be. For the Bolsheviks, the national question as such does not exist, no matter how much they shout about it. They look at the national question only as a relic of the bourgeois system and as a historically transitional stage in achieving their goals, and for these same goals they play with nationalities as they please. They say one thing and do something completely different. This is the essence of their demagogy. Thus, Russia still remains a "prison of peoples" under the rule of the Bolsheviks.

Knowing all this well, the nationalities and their representatives, forced at the present time to be under the rule of the Bolsheviks, did not stop fighting both in their homelands and outside them, in exile, for their national liberation and independence. If among the peoples of the former Russia, striving for their liberation, Ukrainians occupy the first place in terms of their number, then the second place belongs to the Turks. But the national question of the Turks, despite the commonality of their history, language and culture in general, due to their geographical disunity cannot be resolved in a single form, that is, a single state of the Turks cannot be created. Therefore, there are a number of Turkic issues: Azerbaijani, Crimean, Turkestan and Idel-Ural. At present, representatives of the Turks of each of these territories have their own special committees. Each national committee of the Turks has its own printed organ in the Turkic language. If the peoples of the Caucasus, Azerbaijanis, highlanders, Georgians have now declared the confederation of the Caucasus, then the issue of the confederation of Idel-Ural with Turkestan has been resolved positively in principle. The nationalities striving for their liberation still face a hard and long struggle for their independence.

Russians, accustomed for centuries to rule over all the nationalities of the former Russia, still, despite the hard lessons of history, cannot give up the idea of ​​being master over the “foreigner”. But they are gravely mistaken. The Russian revolution is not over yet. The Bolsheviks in this revolution are only one of its transitional stages. This revolution, which at the present time has precisely the national question as its main content, can be completed only by a radical solution of the national question in the former Russia and the final liberation of the peoples fighting for their independence. If the great French revolution brought national liberation to the peoples of the west of Europe, then the Russian revolution will bring liberation to the peoples of the east of Europe.