The opening of the Yeltsin Center in Yekaterinburg was a special event of the outgoing year. It has not only urban significance, but also nationwide.
See for yourself: over the past few years, dozens of shopping centers have opened in the city, and not a single cultural and leisure center. Therefore, with the arrival of a new, modern, free, intellectual platform in the life of Yekaterinburg, the townspeople should only win.
So what do we find here?
The total area of the complex is about 88 thousand square meters, and the interior space is divided between educational, cultural, social and scientific projects. There is also a museum of the first president of Russia.
Several floors of the building are occupied by the most interesting activities of the city.
The third floor is dedicated to educational and play projects for children. Many of you are already familiar with Newton Park, an interactive museum of science and technology. Now the room has become even larger, and the program is richer. Adults and children will be able to learn the basics of the universe through direct communication with unusual devices.
And the classes of robotics and multimedia technologies will help the children master the exact sciences at the Children's University.
Adults will not be left out. A lecture program is planned, scientific and creative, temporary and permanent studios and clubs will be opened.
On the ground floor there is a bookstore-club "Piotrovsky", which has long established itself in Perm. Now he has come to our city. In fact, this is a cultural and educational center where various creative meetings, lectures, and seminars can be held.
The Yeltsin Center Cinema and Conference Space will host festivals, small concerts, discussions, and film screenings. Now we have a platform in the city where anyone can see non-fiction festival films, current documentaries and broadcasts of performances. By the way, I would like to add that we have already managed to appreciate the comfortable chairs of the hall. As my colleague said, it smells like a good investment here. And this means that we will feel comfortable and cozy here.
Also, various galleries will exhibit their collections in the space of the Yeltsin Center. At the moment you can see the first exhibition of the local gallery - "90s", which is dedicated to the artistic interpretation of time. We will see how contemporary art was born in a new country, how performance appeared and how the art market began. The 90s exhibition will run until spring 2016.
In particular, a start has already been made to support creative youth - a working workshop for beginner artists has been opened.
Museum of the first President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin
Well, the core of the Yeltsin Center was the museum of the first president of Russia, about which, of course, I would like to tell separately.
No matter how you feel about the figure of the first President B.N. Yeltsin, the museum is definitely worth a visit. If only because this museum is, first of all, dedicated to our history, the history of which we are a part.
Much is being rethought, answers to questions that have so far remained open appear. Perhaps someone will change their attitude to the past, and someone will once again establish themselves in the thought that they were right.
In fact, this is an ultra-modern museum exhibition that answers the question of what the museum site of the future should become. This innovative, original project, which immerses museum visitors in the atmosphere of the 90s, was created by the famous museum design company Ralph Appelbaum Associates.
Documents, photographs, artifacts, media programs, interactive tablets create a single canvas of that time.
The exposition opens with the "Labyrinth of History", which leads along the main milestones in the development of the socio-political system of the 20th century.
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The second floor of the museum is dedicated to the first President of Russia B. Yeltsin. The route is built in such a way that we alternately find ourselves in seven thematic halls, each of which is associated with a particular turning point in the history of the last decade of the twentieth century.
The idea of such a construction of the museum space belongs to the famous Russian film director Pavel Lungin.
Last week I was in the Urals. In and . There were many meetings, a lot of impressions and new acquaintances.
In Yekaterinburg, before meeting with readers, I went to the Yeltsin Center.
What is my attitude towards Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin?
It is, to put it mildly, complex.
On the one hand, this is the one who, for the sake of his ambitions, his hostility to Gorbachev and for his career, destroyed a great country, which was the start of an indescribable number of disasters in a vast geopolitical space. And these troubles are far from over, and there is no end in sight for them. The beginning of this grief was laid in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, where on December 8, 1991, three leaders of the three union republics "dissolved the USSR." Without any legal right to do so.
24 years ago, December 8, 1991 three traitors destroyed the USSR, in violation of all the laws of our state. We remember
And another traitor - Gorbachev - easily agreed with this.
Yeltsin could have become the head of the USSR, he could have saved the country, but he chose to destroy it in order to get rid of Gorbachev and become an appanage prince in Little Russia. Become him instead of becoming a "king" in the USSR-Russia, a great, monarchical in spirit, a great power.
All this on the one hand. On the other hand, Yeltsin found Putin. I found and appointed someone who restored the power of the state in an incredibly difficult situation. And Yeltsin can be forgiven a lot for this appointment. Many, but not all.
I will not list all the disadvantages of Yeltsin, this material is not about that. The Yeltsin Center is an attempt to rehabilitate and mythologize not Boris Yeltsin, but the political course that is destructive for Russia, which he pursued and personified. Yeltsin Center is a collection of all possible liberal myths. This is the Looking Glass, where good is served by evil, and evil is dressed in the clothes of good.
And all this at an amazing technical level.
But let's start in order. As you know, the theater begins with a hanger. A modern museum starts with a parking lot.
So the parking lot at the Yeltsin Center is tiny (for 25 cars). She is practically non-existent.
And it is very symbolic that the Yeltsin Center has no parking. This is logical, because as a result of the reforms that Boris Yeltsin carried out, the Russians were not supposed to have not only cars, but nothing at all. It was during the Yeltsin period that predatory privatization took place, when the “Khodorkovskys” stole entire industries. So there is logic: “grateful” Russians are obliged to come to Yeltsin on foot. At the very least, use public transport.
The lack of proper parking indicates either that those who built it were well aware that there will be no folk trail and enough space for 25 cars. Or, according to the good old tradition, which no change can change, quickly reported about the construction of the center, and then they will build a parking lot which, I think, is also very symbolic. We are told that there is something new, and the desire to report is old. Why was it necessary to rush and report?
The very building of the museum of the first president of Russia is huge, made according to the latest western museum format, so you can see the entire exposition in one hour. Everything flickers, glitters, talks. Personally, I have the impression that the format of clip consciousness is being deliberately created. It is impossible to walk, see, read everything in a calm atmosphere in such a museum, because there is so much of everything that it is impossible to focus on one thing.
The first thing you see at the entrance is the Law on the Establishment of the Yeltsin Center. Now many are indignant that in a difficult economic situation an obscure building worth many billions of rubles has been opened. At the same time, the liberals, who measure everything with “kindergartens” and pensions, for some reason did not propose not to build the Yeltsin Center and did not recalculate its cost in “pensions” and “kindergartens”. We arrived, groaned and groaned at its opening. This is a military budget, from their point of view, Russia does not need it. The Yeltsin Center is very much needed.
So here's to clarifying the situation. The law on the creation of the Yeltsin Center was signed by President D.A. Medvedev on May 13, 2008, and it is called as follows: “On the centers of the historical heritage of the presidents of the Russian Federation who have ceased to exercise their powers.” As you can see, the legal procedure was followed and this law was first supported by deputies, then by senators, and only then signed by President Medvedev. This was done in May 2008, when the price of oil broke records and by mid-July it will reach $147 per barrel. And then it will be August 8, 2008, and in response to Russia's defense of its interests, the West will begin an economic and political crisis, which continues to this day.
The idea of preserving the memory of the HEADS of state is the right idea, the only question is the form of its implementation. And the fact that they began to SAVE the memory from Yeltsin, and not from Peter the Great or Stalin. The memory must be kept about all the heads of the country and the truth must be told about all.
And what do they say, what do they show at the Yeltsin Center? To say that they "distort" history would be an understatement. Brazenly lie - just right.
The first thing that is shown to the visitor is a film on the history of Russia, made in a "cartoon" version. I would say, in a "Ural-cartoon" format: it seems that all the characters are made of gems and stones, as if Danila the master carved them.
It is impossible to agree with the content of the film: the history of Russia is shown exclusively in a negative way. In this sense, the authors of the film, more precisely, the authors of the idea, moved in the logic of the Bolshevik historians, who painted all the tsars in black paint and showed the history of Russia exclusively as the struggle of its people against the tsarist regime. Here the people were not engaged in anything else, for a century or so since the twentieth century they were engaged in the “fight for freedom” and nothing more.
Here is the same thing. Everything is presented from the point of view of a modern liberal. The conversation starts about Ivan the Terrible. Every possible visual effect is used to scare the viewer. Especially a child. Tsar Ivan is terrible, approaching, crushing people, huge, growing. It has nothing to do with history. The tricks are completely blatant. They say: Ivan the Terrible introduced the oprichnina, they show terrible people who cut everyone with sabers. Then - the next proposal: the result of which was a civil war in the country. I thought for a second: what kind of civil war under Ivan the Terrible, due to the fact that HE introduced the oprichnina? It turns out that we are talking about the Time of Troubles, which began many years AFTER the death of the Terrible Tsar and had nothing to do with his actions. Is False Dmitry I appeared because there was an oprichnina? And False Dmitry II appeared because there was an oprichnina? But there would be no oprichnina, the Poles would never come to Moscow, there would be no Seven Boyars, would not be Minin and Pozharsky, there would be nothing at all if Ivan IV would convene a parliament and introduce democracy, right?
You understand, this has nothing to do with history. The Russian Time of Troubles and the tragedy of the 17th century has an external outline that is much larger than an internal one. The Poles and Swedes began to tear the country apart because of the betrayal of part of the elite. Precisely, probably, due to the fact that Ivan the Terrible did not stifle treason in his time, they betrayed not him, but Boris Godunov and Vasily Shuisky. Not to mention the fact that it is now precisely established that the death of Grozny's wife was due to poisoning, the death of his son, and even himself, is very suspicious.
But the authors of the introductory film need to show in five minutes that everything has always been bad in Russia, but she always wanted “reforms”. And the Yeltsin ones. You and I understand who the authors of this film will like. Anyone who will advocate for a weak Russia will please them. In fact
they do not like any of the leaders of Russia. Nobody but Gorbachev and Yeltsin. A little sympathy for Nicholas II. Why? So he's a "reformer" after all. Parliament created the Constitution. So the authors mold him into a "reformer".
But everything is in order. The next one who is shown after Ivan the Terrible - they have a free interpretation of history - is Peter I. 100 years was easily squandered. Peter I is shown as an evil tyrant. He wanted to cut a window to Europe, and did not reckon with any losses. They show a frame: Peter I cuts down a tree, it breaks into pieces, they fly and kill people. People fell to the left, he waved his ax to the right - the tree fell into fragments, again people fall dead. Here it is the Russian government! All on blood and murder!
The next one to be shown is Catherine II. The beginning, it seems, is positive: she advocated enlightenment, so that there were subjects, not slaves. but after that, at the end, it is again served with a negative sauce. Farther - Alexander I. He, seems to be good wanted a constitution, but did not make it. This is where reformers come in. Every king has such a reformer like Chubais who, if they had listened, the whole life would have gone differently. Napoleon, of course, would not have attacked Russia if Speransky had carried out some reforms much earlier. The logic is this. Manipulation in everything.
Next show Nicholas I. This, of course, is a fabulous villain. Decembrists on the square. And he shot them, the rebels, with cannons. And they end about this king with the following phrase: the defeat in the Crimean War was the logical conclusion of his reign. This is not a quote - this is the meaning. The tsar was conservative, so he lost in the Crimean War. Then they go straight to Alexander II. I think, how will they show that the Tsar was killed by terrorists? Showed. From his liberal point of view: he started the reforms, but then abandoned the reforms and therefore he was killed. That is, it turns out that this is normal: the head of the country refused to reform, and you can kill him.
It's hard to watch this "cartoon" calmly. Such a concentration of lies per square centimeter that just rolls over.
Exhibit of the Yeltsin Center
Tsar Alexander III, it is clear that for them it does not exist at all in history, nothing is said about it. By the way, this is my beloved tsar, who, I think, is most consistent with our Russian world order. After the king-liberator killed by the murderers, immediately comes Nicholas II. Gave the Constitution in 1905 and immediately Russia blossomed, began to grow, everything immediately became good. But then, bam - and the First World War, which interrupted this "flight". That is, when Nicholas I took certain political steps and lost the Crimean War, then this is a shame and obscurantism, and when Nicholas II gave the Constitution and lost the First World War, it happened that way.
In general, an extremely negative image of Russia is being created, everyone is satraps and executioners, all the great sovereigns only thought how to ruin their people, but the reformers thought how to save them.
Then they move on to the Bolshevik revolution. Lenin is shown more or less neutrally. Liberals never criticize him. It is clear that Stalin- horror, there cartoon characters torture and kill everyone. As always, they talk about losses with liberal ease: 10-20 million people died as a result of repressions. What is so modest? What is such a small spread of 10 million, just twice? It would be said that from 10 to 100 million people died. The next phrase: the exact figure is still unknown. Wait, did you just name her? So 10-20 million or UNKNOWN DIGIT?
I know a completely different figure that is perfectly accurate: 3 million 777 thousand 380human, who were generally sentenced to prison terms and , sentenced to capital punishment. And this from 1921 to 1953. And in the Yeltsin Center they give figures that differ by tens of millions, and then immediately, without hesitation, they say that they don’t know the exact number. If you don't know, shut up. Say: a tragic period of history, the exact figure is unknown. Everything, the position is clear: we study, we learn - we will tell. No, they need to denigrate, say nasty things, name ANY huge figure and immediately say that they cannot confirm it.
Next comes The Great Patriotic War. Here, too, in passing all the time negative. What they're saying? The victorious people respected themselves and paid for the Victory a price that no one has ever paid in history. This is true, but it is presented from the point of view that it is bad. It seems that the people would not want to pay this price, but they forced them to.
After Stalin, in passing, Khrushchev is a positive character. Reformer. Further fleeting Brezhnev with a touch of negativity (stagnation). Then Gorbachev, well done. And the top of this entire “food chain” is Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin. As the greatest politician in the history of Russia.
And then the exposition itself begins. Lots of items, posters, photos. Trolleybus, telephone, shop counter. This is the very kaleidoscopic option, when it will be difficult for a simple visitor to focus on something.
Exhibits of the Yeltsin Center
What impresses is the office of President Yeltsin. I was not in Yeltsin's office, I don't know what he looked like, but the feeling when you open the door and go inside is strong.
What can not be said about the rest of this Yeltsin Center.
Difficult moments in history that they would like to bypass, they bypass. For example, I was wondering what they would write about 1993 About the shooting of the parliament and the unconstitutional Decree of Yeltsin.
And do you know what they called it? Poetically. "Birth of the Constitution".
There quote hanging from Boris Yeltsin. Its meaning is as follows: I, Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin, I saw that the wrong decisions accepts Parliament, and realized that this group of people should not run the country and cannot. End of quote. That is, he came, he saw: a bad group of people, and made a coup d'état. That's all the rationale.
About 1993 everyone blames the communists. That is, Yeltsin was for dialogue, but a military rebellion began there, and nothing is reported about the fact that he had previously violated the Constitution by his decree. And here is such a lie in everything.
That is, before us is the beginning of the mythologization not even of Yeltsin, but of the 90s. Those who lived in the nineties, they remember what happened there, they know. But the youth who did not live in this era?
For example, there is a space in the Yeltsin Center called Svoboda Square. And from all screens this word is repeated. Or actors read the Constitution. Emphasis on the word "person". And about how a person in Russia lived under Yeltsin, silence.
I lived in the Soviet Union and I don't remember feeling the lack of freedom. This is a very complex concept, everyone perceives it in their own way. And in the Yeltsin Center, such abstract concepts are used to promote the destruction of the country in the 90s. There, even in one place, Bill Clinton tells how cool it was to live in Russia in the 90s.
Come in, take a look. It must have been good for Clinton in those years. Even in Russia.
Exhibit of the Yeltsin Center
Tour guides are young people, I think, somewhere around 20-21 years old. Maybe a little older. Probably students or just young people. They are savvy, erudite, but I don’t know how much they believe in what they say, how much they sympathize with all this. I would like to believe that not so much. Why did they recruit such young people? Because they didn't live in the 90s. They would take a forty-year-old man as a guide, who then lost his job, lost something else, how would he tell how wonderful Yeltsin is? He couldn't do it! Therefore, they take young girls, young people who do not know anything about this, do not remember.
A nice girl-guide seems to personify the “reforms”: all in piercings, her hair is blue-blue.
The memory of the presidents, of course, should be kept, whether we like them or not, but these are statesmen. We need such museums. But they should not be a place for propaganda of destructive reforms and treacherous actions. Tell us about Yeltsin. Do not forget in more detail about the war in Chechnya, about drugs and frozen cities, about Russians devoted to them in the former republics of the USSR.
This, in fact, is not a museum of Yeltsin, but destruction of Russia under the sauce of beautiful words about freedom. And Yeltsin is a screen or a reason to open this museum. You will see photographs of all the “democrats” there: they are in the photo, and on the video, and on the flickering screens, everywhere, from all sides, they are smiling, starting with Chubais, ending with Nemtsov. Here are all the figures of the media space of a liberal persuasion. It seems to me that they used the first president of Russia as an excuse to get together in some space and try to put pressure on public opinion.
But it will not work, there will be no folk trail there.
There is very little Yeltsin in this museum and a lot of liberals. This is a museum from the 90s. And the nineties are not only privatization and Chechnya, not only MMM and impoverishment. This is also the collapse of the country in 1991.
And such things cannot be sung!
P.S. I shared my impressions of what I saw with the people of Yekaterinburg, and the Nakanune.ru resource wrote about it
Today, on November 25, the grand opening of the Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin Presidential Center will take place in Yekaterinburg. Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Medvedev, leaders of the CIS countries, European and American politicians who worked with Yeltsin, as well as friends, relatives and relatives of the first Russian president, should come to the ceremony.
A few days ago, we managed to walk around the Yeltsin Center and, especially for you, compiled a small guide to this museum, which you definitely need to go to. It doesn't matter how you feel about Yeltsin and the 90s, whether you understand history or not. In Yekaterinburg there are no more such sites. This modern center can be compared with the best museums and galleries in the world and we are glad that such a public space has appeared in our city.
law, building, money
Let's start with the questions everyone discusses first. Where is the center? Who gave money? How much does it all cost? Why build a museum dedicated to Yeltsin?
Let's figure it out. On May 13, 2008, the Federal Law "On the historical heritage centers of the Presidents of the Russian Federation who have ceased to exercise their powers" was signed. In connection with this bill, the design of the Yeltsin Center began. The main task of the museum is to preserve, study and comprehend the historical heritage of Boris Nikolayevich in the context of the political and social events of the 90s, as well as the development of the institute of presidency in Russia.
Center and monument to Boris Yeltsin
When the question of building the center arose, people close to Yeltsin decided that the building should be located in Yekaterinburg, the city where the future president studied and began his career. The team chose a long-term construction project in the city center at Boris Yeltsin 3. In 2011, the Yeltsin Center bought part of the Demidov business center from the UMMC, and in the spring of 2013 a large-scale reconstruction of the building began under the leadership of the Bernaskoni bureau. The total area of the complex is about 88 thousand square meters, and the area of the center is 22.5 thousand.
Names of benefactors
4 billion 980 million rubles were allocated from the federal budget for the project. The center received another 2 billion rubles to complete the work from the budget of the Sverdlovsk region under a loan interest agreement. This money "Yeltsin Center" will gradually give. All other funds for the construction were received from benefactors, including Roman Abramovich, Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Medvedev, Mikhail Prokhorov, Malysheva 73, Rezhevskoy Khlebokombinat and many others. All names can be seen on the wall in the center.
First impressions and structure of the center
If you have not been in this part of the city for a long time, then you will be surprised to see how much the building has changed. Thanks to perforated aluminum sheets, the Yeltsin Center stands out against the backdrop of the gray Yekaterinburg streets. And due to the LED modules in the evening, the white building is clearly visible from different observation points in the center.
It is easy to navigate here: the entrance to the center and the conference hall are marked, there are signs inside the building. On the ground floor there is a cloakroom, a restaurant, an information desk, toilets and shopping galleries. Two days ago, the last work was being completed here, it was a bit empty and you could trip over the wires, but for sure by today all the imperfections have been eliminated.
Climbing up to the second floor, you find yourself above the atrium. In the first minutes it seems that you are in one of the films about the future. Silent elevators, cleanliness, soft light and white color, a giant wall-to-wall screen, simple signs, beautiful light furniture, everything is very harmonious, minimalistic and stylish.
Atrium and screen on the wall
There are many interesting things on this floor. For example, this will open independent bookstore Shop "Piotrovsky" A little further will work souvenir shop, where they will sell T-shirts with quotes from Yeltsin (“You understand ...”, “Take care of Russia”), Chernomyrdin (“We wanted the best, but it turned out as always”), mugs with excerpts from the Constitution and much more.
Book store
On the same floor is buffet and cafe "1991", whose menu includes dishes and desserts prepared according to the recipes of the first lady of Russia, Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina. In modern conference room in the future there will be round tables, discussions, small concerts and festivals. AT art gallery plans to hold exhibitions, photo biennials, master classes. BUT in the atrium itself They are not going to arrange a variety of events: from simple presentations to formal balls.
By the way, tomorrow November 26, the exhibition "90s" will open in the gallery of the center, and open master classes, collective art projects, a presentation of the sports section, a food market, the first public lectures and documentary film screenings will be held in the atrium during the day.
Art gallery. The exhibition "90s" mainly shows the works of authors who worked actively in the nineties - the AES group, Sergey Bratkov, Alexander Brener, Dmitry Gutov, Vladimir Dubosarsky and Alexander Vinogradov, Elena Elagina and Igor Makarevich, Valery Koshlyakov, Oleg Kulik, Boris Mikhailov, Anatoly Osmolovsky and others
On the third floor there is an archive and a library, educational and children's centers. The library will exist both in a traditional format and as a digital repository. Here you can find books about Yeltsin and the 90s, interviews with eyewitnesses of that time and those who worked with the president. The archive contains tens of thousands of documents: from transcripts of the president to letters from voters.
The educational center plans to hold educational games, public seminars, educational programs. If you have your own similar project, then you can offer it to the Yeltsin Center. The kids, who came with their parents, are waiting at the children's center, where professional teachers will conduct exciting classes using modern technologies.
Museum dedicated to Yeltsin and the 90s
The heart of the Yeltsin Center is, of course, the Museum of Boris Nikolayevich. Despite modern technology, there is a feeling that time has stood still here. Wandering among things, videos, photos and posters from the 90s, it seems that you have returned to the past. However, as the authors of the project say, they did not want to rely only on emotions, the main thing for them is to give people the opportunity to more deeply comprehend the events of those years.
The well-known company Ralph Appelbaum Associates was involved in the creation of the museum. You will not have the usual exposition in front of you, where you just need to move from hall to hall, reading explications along the way.
Orange sweater and other gifts. Additional pictures can be seen in the gallery
Journey into the past begins with a wall where you can see gifts to Yeltsin from a variety of people. There are things here from relatives, from random voters, from politicians. For example, a slightly worn orange Hugo Boss sweater, which Nemtsov handed to Yeltsin with a note: “Dear Boris Nikolaevich! Please accept my warmest congratulations on your birthday. I decided to give you a sweater to keep you warm and cozy in it. And its orange color is a hint of what we and Russia lack now. Every day, Boris Nikolaevich, I love and appreciate you more and more.
Be sure to watch the movie. It does not take a lot of time
Then you get to the hall where you can watch a short but impressive film by Janik Fayziev. Behind the scenes, Liza Boyarskaya talks about the history of Russia and the struggle for freedom. Remembering the main events, we find ourselves in the "Labyrinth of History". I'm afraid to imagine how much time it takes to watch and read absolutely everything. Documents and photographs, artifacts (like a door from the place of KGB executions), old Soviet films, posters of artists, letters and things that belonged to Yeltsin - moving along the "timeline" among all this wealth, it is impossible to remain indifferent to those events and the history of the country.
In the Labyrinth of History
Finally, we rise to the floor above and find ourselves in the museum itself. The space is organized according to the principle of "7 days". This concept was proposed by the Russian film director Pavel Lungin. Each "day" is associated with a turning point of that time: the economic reform of 1991, October 1993, elections, the war in Chechnya.
Museum space
The halls are divided into several rooms, but each time you will go out to the central platform, where a monument to Yeltsin is installed, and show pictures from the family archive.
Here everyone is photographed with Yeltsin
I think it makes no sense to talk about what you will see in the museum. I really want you to come to the same delight as the first spectators. I only dare to draw your attention to a number of details. Everything here is worth touching (if there are no prohibition signs, of course). For example, in the hall where the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1987 "takes place", you can see pictures of party members. Expand the photo and you can read what the man said about Yeltsin at the meeting.
Here you can sit on authentic armchairs, listen to a unique recording of Yeltsin's speech, and find many interesting documents.
Finding yourself in the Moscow apartment of the president, do not hesitate to "answer" the phone, and then "go outside" from the house. Pull out the drawers where the documents are stored, listen to the tapes, “ride the trolleybus”, look into the bullet holes, try to sell your voucher, record a video about what freedom means to you. There are so many interactive activities here that you will definitely not get bored.
By the way, the tape recorder that can be seen in the apartment was donated to the museum by Mikhail Prokhorov
By the way, it is worth noting that all exhibits are unique. There are no copies here. Things were collected all over Russia, and many artifacts were donated to the museum by the Yeltsin family. Be sure to pay attention to the handwritten letter from Boris Nikolayevich to Mikhail Gorbachev criticizing the party bureaucracy, the tricolor hoisted over the Kremlin on December 25, 1991 (the flag was saved thanks to a caring supply manager), the nuclear suitcase that Yeltsin handed over to Putin on December 31, 1999, photographs from Chechnya, labor the president's book, photographs of all the candidates who could take his place.
Or stand in line
Or remember it all
In addition, in the last room you can see Yeltsin's office. All these things were transferred from the 14th building of the Kremlin. The authors of the exposition restored the view from the window, laid out the folders on the table, as the president did, and neatly hung his jacket on the back of the chair. It is here that you can find out how the recording of the New Year's farewell speech went and hear again: “I'm tired. I'm leaving".
You can't sit on chairs. Other pictures - in the gallery
Instead of a conclusion
Surely in the first days of work there will be too many people in the center, so come back in a couple of weeks or during the New Year holidays. With 30,000 items, 3,600 artefacts, over 130,000 photographs, 130 interviews, 163 media programs, this museum is worth spending a day on.
The site will be open to all visitors daily from 10:00 to 21:00. The only day off is the third Monday of the month. You can learn about events and exhibitions on the official website of the project, as well as in groups
The creation of this study began after we saw, actively used by agents of influence of the West to plant their ideology on the inhabitants of the Ural region.
The falsification of history is unacceptable under any circumstances, and even more so for the political purposes of states hostile to Russia. Today we are witnessing the serious work of the United States in Yekaterinburg aimed at changing the state policy of the Russian Federation. By artificially creating hotbeds of disagreement far from the capital, competing states are trying to deprive the authorities of support within the country and undermine the integrity of its individual territories.
Propaganda of the liberal teachings and personality cult of Boris Yeltsin is gaining momentum. In our opinion, the question already concerns national security.
The Yeltsin Center, which will house six State Historical Museums of Russia in area, is made like a temple of a deity. A cult of his personality is being created. In a similar way, the Institute of National Memory of Ukraine once created a cult of Stepan Bandera for the new Ukrainian state, broken away from the Soviet Union.
Nikita Mikhalkov in recent episodes of the Besogon program brilliantly described the most dangerous manifestations of liberalism, Russophobia, separatism, the rehabilitation of Nazism, the distortion of national history and other anti-state rhetoric that poisons the minds of visitors to the Yeltsin Center.
Propaganda of the so-called "Ural Republic" is carried out everywhere.
Deputies of Yekaterinburg, scientists and teachers of the Ural branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, members of the Public Chamber of Yekaterinburg, political scientists of the Sverdlovsk authorities, and youth rock groups pose with the flag of the "Ural Republic".
Yeltsin, apparently, should become a symbol of the "people of the Ural republic."
The practice of including the Sverdlovsk Ministry of Education in the activities carried out by the Yeltsin Center, in fact, the most modern and technological center for preparing the collapse of Russia, has become especially dangerous.
Today, schoolchildren, applicants and students are ordered to the Yeltsin Center in an orderly manner. Parents are forced to hand over money for tickets. Applicants in Nizhny Tagil were informed that without visiting the Yeltsin Center they would not be able to pass the Unified State Exam in social studies.
Once in the Yeltsin Center, visitors, according to all the canons of neurolinguistic programming, are exposed to a cartoon about the history of Russia in a dark room, in which the entire past of our state is presented as a war of tyrants against its own people, which ended with the advent of Boris Yeltsin, who liberated the Russians and gave rise to a new , liberal era.
The Yeltsin Center was established in accordance with the Federal Law of May 13, 2008 N 68-FZ "On the centers of the historical heritage of the presidents of the Russian Federation who have ceased to exercise their powers", signed by the President of the Russian Federation D. A. Medved, which gives it significance, and in the eyes of some people , legitimizes the possibility of promoting liberalism on behalf of the state. This violates the principle of a multi-party system and the free choice of political ideology by citizens.
The main task of the Center is to preserve, study and comprehend the historical legacy of Boris Yeltsin in the context of the political and social events of the 90s, says the official website of the President of the Russian Federation.
On May 26, 2012, at the XIII Congress of the United Russia party, Vladimir Putin left the party, explaining that the presidency is non-partisan, and this allows him to remain impartial in relation to all political forces. At the same time, it is a common practice in the world when the chairman of the government relies on the parliamentary majority. “Therefore, I consider it right that Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev should be at the head of the United Russia party.
The Yeltsin Center opened in Yekaterinburg on November 25, 2015 in the context of a confrontation between liberals oriented towards the Western version of globalization led by the United States and Russian President Putin, who continued the tradition of the national Russian geopolitical course in a multicultural world. Under such conditions, the Yeltsin Center and its founders stood in opposition to President Putin. The Yeltsin Center became the headquarters for the preparation of the overthrow of Putin, the headquarters of the information processing of the Russian electorate, due, according to the plan of the liberals, to cast their votes against Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin in 2018.
One of the most relevant methods of information warfare, tested by Western services over the past century, is the falsification of history. At the Yeltsin Center, the history of Russia, and especially the USSR, was given the opportunity to be falsified on behalf of the state. In 2015, when the world celebrated the 70th anniversary of the victory over fascism, Putin called for "firmly resisting attempts to falsify history."
At the beginning of March 2016, Irina Evdokimova from Yekaterinburg, who had worked for only three months as the art manager of the Yeltsin Center, was replaced by Dina Sorokina, who moved to Yekaterinburg from New York. She explained the reasons for the abrupt change in leadership by changing the tasks of the Yeltsin Center. As follows from an interview with Sorokina, one of the founders of the museum entrusted her with the revitalization of its work.
The pro-American manager spoke about the benchmarks for the number of visitors.
“We have reached an unexpected record for ourselves: the museum was visited [on April 4] by more than 100,000 people. For Yekaterinburg, this is a very high figure. …On weekdays we are visited by about 1000 people, on weekends more. On February 1, on the 85th anniversary of Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, more than 5.5 thousand people visited the museum.
Today it is not a secret that visiting the Yeltsin Center by schoolchildren of the cities of the Urals is carried out on a mandatory-compulsory basis.
Dina Sorokina does not even hide the fact that she received the organizational skills of information processing of the population in a foreign country in the USA (On the experience gained in America).
Our study should help Russian citizens and, above all, history teachers in counteracting the propaganda work carried out by Western liberals who express the interests of the world financial oligarchy.
In separate chapters, we will show the reader a different, great history of Russia and Russia, and other portraits of its creators will appear. All this will be done in the context of the lies of the propaganda video shown at the Yeltsin Center. We will show portraits of state rulers, bearers of the moral, ethical and political ideals of their eras, which our liberals are trying to measure by modern Western values.
The history of Russia in this work is inscribed in the context of the world historical socio-cultural process. And only that political party that can fit its program guidelines into this context can claim the right to call itself a civil party and speak on behalf of the people.
Starting today, I will be posting daily comments on the false statements of the Yeltsin Center. Together with you, we will analyze each statement of the pseudo-historical cartoon point by point and see the history of Great Russia. Enjoy reading.
| Yeltsin Center | |
|---|---|
| Foundation date | November 25, 2015 |
| Location | Yekaterinburg, st. Boris Yeltsin 3 |
| Website | |
Yeltsin Center- a public, cultural and educational center opened in Yekaterinburg in 2015 with the participation of the B. N. Yeltsin Presidential Center Foundation on the territory of the Yekaterinburg City quarter.
The Yeltsin Center was established in accordance with the 2008 law "On the centers of the historical heritage of the presidents of the Russian Federation who have ceased to exercise their powers" - to preserve, study and publicly present the heritage of the first president of the Russian Federation "in the context of the modern history of the fatherland, the development of democratic institutions and the construction of a rule of law state ". The founder of the center is the administration of the President of the Russian Federation, its head Anton Vaino heads the Board of Trustees. Many of the center's projects were initiated by the private Yeltsin Foundation, formed in 2000, headed by the daughter of the first president, Tatyana Yumasheva.
One of the main objects of the center is Museum of Boris Yeltsin, dedicated to the modern political history of Russia and the personality of the first president of Russia.
Also in the center there are an art gallery, a cinema-conference hall, a bookstore, a cafe, an archive, a library, a science amusement park, co-working and other organizations. Lectures, concerts, exhibitions, festivals and various social events are regularly held at the venues of the center. The documentary film center operates in the cinema hall.
The center was opened in accordance with the federal law No. 68 adopted in 2008 "On the centers of the historical heritage of the presidents of the Russian Federation who have ceased to exercise their powers" . 7 billion rubles were allocated from the budget for its construction.
By the end of 2017, the Presidential Administration, within the framework of the federal targeted investment program, will reconstruct the Dolgorukov-Bobrinsky estate in Moscow, an architectural ensemble of the 18th-19th centuries, which includes the Main House with grand interiors, the Carriage House, the Eastern and Western wings, a fence with gates and sculptures of Helen and Paris in the front yard. After reconstruction, a public museum and exhibition space will be created in the estate, where changing exhibitions will be placed and chamber evenings will be held, part of the premises will reflect the Moscow period of the life of the first president, as well as the historical "Pushkin trail". The building will be designed for 69 employees, 40 visitors to the exhibition complex, 8 library readers and 65 catering seats.
Museum of Boris Yeltsin
The museum is open from Tuesday to Sunday, from 10:00 to 21:00. Ticket price - 200 rubles, for preferential categories of citizens - 100 rubles.
The museum consists of 9 rooms:
- Labyrinth - the history of Russia from 1914 to 1987 and the history of the Yeltsin family.
- Day four. Birth of the Constitution
- Day five. "Vote or Lose"
- Freedom Hall
- Museum exposition
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Hall "Labyrinth"
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Main hall of the museum
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The first day. "We are waiting for changes!"
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Second day. August coup
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Second day. August coup
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Day three. Unpopular measures
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Day six. Presidential Marathon
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Day seven. Farewell to the Kremlin
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Freedom Hall
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An excerpt characterizing the Yeltsin Center
Having learned from Pierre the details of Anatole's marriage, pouring out her anger on him with abusive words, Marya Dmitrievna told him what she had called him for. Marya Dmitrievna was afraid that the count or Bolkonsky, who could arrive at any moment, having learned the matter that she intended to hide from them, would not challenge Kuragin to a duel, and therefore asked him to order his brother-in-law to leave Moscow on her behalf and not dare to appear to her on the eyes. Pierre promised her to fulfill her desire, only now realizing the danger that threatened the old count, and Nikolai, and Prince Andrei. Briefly and accurately setting out her demands to him, she let him into the living room. “Look, the Count knows nothing. You act as if you know nothing,” she told him. “And I’ll go tell her that there’s nothing to wait for!” Yes, stay to dinner, if you want, - Marya Dmitrievna shouted to Pierre.Pierre met the old count. He was embarrassed and upset. That morning, Natasha told him that she had refused Bolkonsky.
“Trouble, trouble, mon cher,” he said to Pierre, “trouble with these girls without a mother; I'm so sad that I came. I will be frank with you. They heard that she refused the groom, without asking anyone for anything. Let's face it, I've never been very happy about this marriage. Suppose he is a good man, but well, there would be no happiness against the will of his father, and Natasha will not be left without suitors. Yes, all the same, this has been going on for a long time, and how could it be without a father, without a mother, such a step! And now she's sick, and God knows what! It’s bad, count, it’s bad with daughters without a mother ... - Pierre saw that the count was very upset, tried to turn the conversation to another subject, but the count again returned to his grief.
Sonya entered the living room with a worried face.
– Natasha is not quite healthy; she is in her room and would like to see you. Marya Dmitrievna is at her place and asks you too.
“But you are very friendly with Bolkonsky, it’s true that he wants to convey something,” said the count. - Oh, my God, my God! How good it was! - And taking hold of the rare temples of gray hair, the count left the room.
Marya Dmitrievna announced to Natasha that Anatole was married. Natasha did not want to believe her and demanded confirmation of this from Pierre himself. Sonya told this to Pierre while she was escorting him through the corridor to Natasha's room.
Natasha, pale and stern, sat beside Marya Dmitrievna, and from the very door met Pierre with a feverishly brilliant, inquiring look. She did not smile, did not nod her head at him, she only looked stubbornly at him, and her glance only asked him whether he was a friend or an enemy like everyone else in relation to Anatole. Pierre himself obviously did not exist for her.
“He knows everything,” said Marya Dmitrievna, pointing to Pierre and turning to Natasha. "He'll tell you if I told the truth."
Natasha, like a hunted, driven animal, looks at the approaching dogs and hunters, looked first at one, then at the other.
“Natalya Ilyinichna,” Pierre began, lowering his eyes and feeling a sense of pity for her and disgust for the operation that he was supposed to do, “whether it’s true or not, it should be all the same to you, because ...
So it's not true that he's married!
- No, its true.
Has he been married for a long time? she asked, “honestly?”
Pierre gave her his word of honor.
– Is he still here? she asked quickly.
Yes, I saw him just now.
She was obviously unable to speak and made signs with her hands to leave her.
Pierre did not stay to dine, but immediately left the room and left. He went to look for Anatole Kuragin in the city, at the thought of which now all his blood rushed to his heart and he experienced difficulty in taking a breath. On the mountains, among the gypsies, at the Comoneno - he was not there. Pierre went to the club.
Everything in the club went on in its usual order: the guests who had gathered for dinner sat in groups and greeted Pierre and talked about the city news. The footman, having greeted him, reported to him, knowing his acquaintance and habits, that a place had been left for him in a small dining room, that Prince Mikhail Zakharych was in the library, and Pavel Timofeich had not yet arrived. One of Pierre's acquaintances, between a conversation about the weather, asked him if he had heard about the kidnapping of Rostova by Kuragin, which they were talking about in the city, was it true? Pierre, laughing, said that this was nonsense, because now he was only from the Rostovs. He asked everyone about Anatole; he was told by one that he had not yet come, the other that he would dine to-day. It was strange for Pierre to look at this calm, indifferent crowd of people who did not know what was going on in his soul. He walked around the hall, waited until everyone had gathered, and without waiting for Anatole, he did not dine and went home.
