Already in April 1917, when the revolutionary euphoria had practically vanished, the first major anti-government demonstration of the masses took place on the most burning issue - about war and peace.
The position of the Provisional Government, which considered itself the only legitimate successor to power in Russia, on the issue of war was unequivocal: loyalty to allied obligations to the Entente, continuation of the war to a victorious end and conclusion of peace with the obligatory condition of control over Constantinople, as well as the Bosphorus and Dardanelles.
However, the popular masses insistently demanded that the Soviets and the government publicly announce the goals of the war, openly refusing to annexations and indemnities. Massive rallies and demonstrations took place in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities under the slogans of peace.
Forced to reckon with these sentiments, on March 14, the Petrograd Soviet published an Appeal to the Peoples of the World, declaring on behalf of Russian democracy that "it will by all means oppose the predatory policy of its ruling classes and calls on the peoples of Europe to joint decisive action in favor of peace." The appeal was of a declarative nature and did not indicate specific measures for the struggle for peace. Moreover, under the pretext of protecting freedom from danger from outside, it called on the army to continue the war.
The leaders of the Council persuaded the Provisional Government to issue a similar document. After a long bargaining and search for compromise formulations, on March 28, the "Statement of the Provisional Government on War" appeared. Emphasizing the need to continue the war, the government at the same time proclaimed that the goal of a free Russia was “not domination over other peoples, not taking away their national property from them, not forcibly seizing foreign territories, but establishing a lasting peace based on the self-determination of peoples.”
Milyukov's note
The declaration of the Provisional Government caused alarm in the ruling circles of the Entente powers. England and France were afraid of the conclusion of a separate peace between Russia and Germany, and therefore demanded that the Provisional Government give firm guarantees for the continuation of the war.
Meeting these demands, on April 18 the Provisional Government sent to the governments of England and France a note accompanying the Statement of the Provisional Government on the aims of the war, signed by Foreign Minister P. N. Milyukov. The note refuted rumors that Russia intended to conclude a separate peace. She assured the allies that all the statements of the Provisional Government, “of course, cannot give the slightest reason to think that the coup that has taken place has entailed a weakening of the role of Russia in the general allied struggle. Quite the opposite, the nationwide desire to bring the world war to a decisive victory only intensified due to the awareness of the common responsibility of each and every one. In a slightly veiled form, the need for annexations and indemnities was also recognized.
Milyukov's note came as a complete surprise to the Petrograd Soviet and the socialist parties. Supporting the slogan of war to a victorious end (only the Bolsheviks opposed it), they at the same time believed that the working people of all states were united by a common interest to overthrow the "ruling class". Therefore, it is necessary to fight against the predatory aspirations of all governments and conclude a just peace without annexations and indemnities.
The Provisional Government, whose leaders for some reason considered themselves obligated to comply with all the requirements of the Allies in the Entente, chose a different path: to ignore the will of the Soviets and take on such obligations on behalf of all of Russia that could not change anything in European politics, but inside, in Russia sounded like a challenge to the masses.
Demonstrations in Petrograd
The masses sincerely believed that it was they who, in the February street battles, won freedom and overthrew the autocracy. On April 20, soldiers and workers again took to the streets, only now under the slogan: "Down with Milyukov!"
The Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party was actively involved in working with the masses, calling for protests against the imperialist policy - the policy of not individuals, but the entire bourgeois class and its government.
A particularly tense situation developed on the square in front of the Mariinsky Palace - the residence of the Provisional Government. The soldiers of the reserve battalion of the Finnish Regiment, who were the first to appear on the square, surrounded the palace and demanded the resignation of Milyukov, and by evening, banners with the slogan “Down with the Provisional Government” appeared in the mass of thousands of soldiers. At the same time, supporters of the Provisional Government began to flock to the palace. Collisions were avoided only thanks to the prompt actions of representatives of the Petrograd Soviet and the commander of the Petrograd Military District L.G. Kornilov. They managed to persuade the soldiers to return to the barracks.
On April 21, the workers of the Vyborg side became the initiators of new protests. At numerous rallies and meetings, it was decided to organize an all-Russian demonstration in support of the Soviet. Having learned about the upcoming anti-government demonstration, the Bureau of the Executive Committee of the Council sent its representatives in order to prevent it from taking place. The pre-executive committee Chkheidze himself addressed the workers, urging them to turn back, but the demonstration moved on. It was not possible to prevent workers' demonstrations in other areas either. From all parts of the city they flocked to Nevsky Prospekt. Tens of thousands of workers, soldiers, and sailors marched under the slogans: "All power to the Soviets!", "Down with the war!", "Publish secret treaties!", "Down with the aggressive policy!"
General L.G. Kornilov made an attempt to withdraw troops to Palace Square and use artillery against the demonstrators, but the soldiers refused to obey his order.
Protest demonstrations were also held in Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov, Yekaterinburg and other large cities. Many of them were initiated by the Bolsheviks and took place under the slogans of overthrowing the Provisional Government.
In this situation, the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government decided to go for reconciliation. The government sent the Petrosoviet a detailed explanation of Milyukov's note to the Allies. In this explanation, published the next day in the press, it was emphasized that the note was long and carefully discussed by the Provisional Government and was adopted unanimously; secondly, an attempt was made to explain that the thesis of a decisive victory over enemies meant only the achievement of the goals stated in the declaration of March 27: “... not domination over other peoples, not depriving them of their national property, establishment of a lasting peace on the basis of the self-determination of peoples”.
The left opposition in the Executive Committee declared that the answer received "does not resolve the conflict between the government and the Soviet." However, at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Council on April 21, by a majority of votes (34 against 19), the "incident" with the note was declared "exhausted."
In the evening, a general meeting of the Petrograd Soviet was held, attended by more than 2,000 deputies. The resolution that "the incident is over" was also adopted by a majority vote. They unanimously adopted a resolution to stop all rallies and demonstrations in Petrograd for 2 days.
Creation of the first coalition government
After the conflict between the Soviet and the Provisional Government was resolved on April 24, Minister of Justice A.F. "strengthening the government with elements that would assume ... formal responsibility for the course of state affairs." These words meant an invitation to the members of the Executive Committee to enter the government.
The ministers most hated by the people, Milyukov and Minister of War Guchkov, resigned.
The April government crisis ended with the creation on May 5, 1917, under the chairmanship of Prince G.E. Lvov, of the first coalition cabinet, which, along with the liberals, also included socialists.
They were from the party of socialist revolutionaries A. F. Kerensky and V. M. Chernov; from the party of social democrats-Mensheviks - M. I. Skobelev and I. G. Tsereteli; from the Party of People's Socialists - P. N. Pereverzev and A. V. Peshekhonov.
The position of the Council as a whole in relation to the Provisional Government has changed. The period of direct confrontation between the two authorities has ended, giving way to a new period of direct cooperation.
The government coalition included:
Minister-Chairman and Minister of the Interior - Prince G.E. Lvov;
military and naval minister - A.F. Kerensky; ;
Minister of Justice - P.N. Pereverzev;
Minister of Foreign Affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko;
Minister of Railways - N.V. Nekrasov;
Minister of Trade and Industry - A.I. Konovalov;
Minister of Public Education - A.A.Manuilov;
Minister of Finance - A.I.Shingarev;
Minister of Agriculture - V.M. Chernov;
Minister of Posts and Telegraphs - I.G. Tsereteli;
Minister of Labor - M.I. Skobelev;
Minister of Food - A.V. Peshekhonov;
Minister of State Charity - Prince D.I. Shakhovskoy;
chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod - V.N. Lvov;
state controller - I.V. Godnev. ;
In the first coalition government, 10 seats were held by the bourgeois parties, 6 by the socialists.
Coalition cabinet in action
The "peasant minister," as the Socialist-Revolutionaries called the Minister of Agriculture Chernov, made efforts to "bring the peasant movement into a legal channel," to prevent the forcible seizure of the landlords' land. The peasants were still offered to wait for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Forced to maneuver under the pressure of the peasant movement, Chernov proposed a bill to ban the purchase and sale of land, which, however, was not adopted by the government. The government's policy on the labor issue has not changed either.
Menshevik Skobelev, having taken the post of Minister of Labor, announced that all 100% of entrepreneurial profits would be taken away. It was outwardly revolutionary phrase, which was followed by no real steps. The 8-hour working day was not legalized, and demands for wage increases were not met. The government did not take measures to combat the collapse of the economy, the high cost and speculation. It spawned various "regulatory" bodies and at the same time opposed the establishment of workers' control over the production and distribution of products.
Shortly after its formation, the coalition government came into conflict with the Ukrainian Central Rada. This conflict was caused by the publication by the Rada of the manifesto - "The First Universal", which proclaimed that the Ukrainian people "have the right to manage their own lives." But even this purely declarative statement caused extreme irritation of the Provisional Government.
Another serious conflict arose in relations with Finland. The provisional government did not go further than restoring the autonomy of Finland in the form in which it was provided for by the constitution of 1809. When the Finnish Diet passed a law defining its autonomous rights in all matters, with the exception of foreign policy and military affairs, the Diet was immediately dissolved; its building was occupied by government troops.
Foreign policy remained unchanged. The coalition government masked the continuation of the war "until the victorious end" with peaceful statements. In its declaration of May 6, it stated that it was committed to "the speedy achievement of peace in the world". The true intentions of the government were betrayed by its categorical refusal to publish the secret treaties of the king. In secret instructions to the Russian ambassadors, in conversations with diplomats of the Allied Powers, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tereshchenko, fully revealed the meaning of the statement of the Provisional Government. “The declaration,” he said, in particular, to the Japanese ambassador, “in no case has the meaning of a proposal for an immediate common peace ... The war will by no means stop.”
The governments of Britain, France and the United States were already drawing up plans to divide Russia into spheres of influence, and American imperialism, which had grown stronger during the war years, claimed a leading role in the implementation of these plans. In May 1917, the American government announced a loan to Russia. This was followed by the arrival of a numerous military-political mission headed by former United States Secretary of State Ruth. The mission formulated the position of its government as follows: "If you don't fight, you won't get money." The provisional government hastened to reassure that Russia would continue the war. The activities of the Root mission ended with the drawing up of the "Plan of American Activities for the Preservation and Strengthening of the Morale of the Army and Civilian Population of Russia." At the same time, the "technical mission" headed by engineer Stevens developed a plan to seize the country's economic nerve - the railways. The provisional government gave Stevens the post of adviser to the Minister of Railways, while in the United States a special "railway corps" was being formed to take over the management of the Russian railways.
The creation of a coalition government in the current situation, by and large, did not solve anything. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government came only to a shaky compromise, but the coalition they created did not fulfill any of the priority tasks. No steps were taken to solve the land and labor issues; the war continued, but “order No. 1”, which was ruining the army, was not canceled; the external influence of the Entente powers on the economy and domestic policy of the country increased. The provisional government steadily led the country into new political crises, coups, anarchy, foreign intervention and civil war.
| Revolution of 1917 in Russia |
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| Before February 1917: Background of the revolution February - October 1917: |
| Institutions and organizations |
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First squad
Draft composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the parties "Kadets", "Octobrists" and a group of members of the State Council. Editing of Emperor Nicholas II.
Proposals were repeatedly heard, and then demands for Nicholas to form a government of trust or a responsible ministry. Only various lists of the composition of the government went around. However, the emperor rejected all proposals. Historian S.P. Melgunov writes:
“At the beginning of the revolution, the Provisional Government undoubtedly enjoyed wide recognition by all sensible sections of the population. The entire senior command staff, all the officers, many military units, the bourgeoisie and democratic elements, not confused by militant socialism, were on the side of the government ... "
The government set out its first program in a declaration promulgated on March 3 (16), 1917.
Activity
Immediately after the February Revolution, the Provisional Government abolished the post of Governor-General in Transcaucasia and Turkestan and transferred power to committees created from local Duma deputies who were natives.
Leaflet of the Executive Committee of the Council of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies of the city of Kazan "Freedom, Victory and Full Democracy!" 1917
The three main political parties of the Caucasus - the Azerbaijani Muslim Democratic Party (Musavat), the Armenian Dashnaktsutyun and the Georgian Social Democratic Party, immediately after the February Revolution, in response to the recognition of the Provisional Government, received guarantees of autonomy within the framework of the future federal Russia.
Law enforcement reform and amnesty
In the first weeks of the February Revolution, press committees, police and gendarmerie departments were liquidated. The abolished posts and institutions were replaced by commissars of the Provisional Government.
- On March 2 (15), the new Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky issued an order ordering the country's prosecutors to immediately release all political prisoners (and convey congratulations to them on behalf of the new government), as well as members of the State Duma exiled to Siberia and to ensure their honorable return to Petrograd.
- On March 3 (16), Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky met with members of the Petrograd Council of Sworn Attorneys, whom he acquainted with the program of the ministry's activities for the near future: the revision of criminal, civil, judicial and judicial laws. In particular, "Jewish equality in its entirety", granting women political rights.
On the same day, he also invited the Petrograd justices of the peace to take part in the formation of temporary courts to resolve misunderstandings that arise in Petrograd between the soldiers, the population and the workers.
- On March 4 (17), the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and at the same time the Minister of the Interior, Prince G. E. Lvov, ordered the temporary suspension of local governors and vice-governors from their duties, which were assigned to the local chairmen of the provincial zemstvo councils as “provincial commissars of the Provisional government”, and the duties of county police officers were assigned to the chairmen of the county zemstvo councils, while at the same time leaving the general leadership of the councils in charge of them to the designated persons. The police were to be reformed into militia.
- On March 5 (18), an emergency investigative Commission was established to investigate the illegal actions of former ministers, chief executives and other officials (the Regulations on this Commission were approved on March 11). According to the results of the work of the commission, in particular, General V. A. Sukhomlinov, the former Minister of War, who was found guilty of the unpreparedness of the Russian army for war, was convicted by the Senate and sentenced to life imprisonment. Most of the defendants in the investigation were released due to the absence of corpus delicti in their activities.
- On March 6 (19) security departments were abolished.
In Russia, a general political amnesty has been declared, as well as the terms of imprisonment for persons held in custody on the basis of sentences of courts for general criminal offenses have been reduced by half. About 90 thousand prisoners were released, among which were thousands of thieves and raiders, popularly nicknamed "Kerensky's chicks".
- On March 7 (20), the former Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was taken into custody in Tsarskoye Selo. On March 9, the abdicated Emperor Nicholas II, also imprisoned on March 7, was also brought there from the city of Mogilev.
- On March 10 (23), the Police Department was abolished and the "Provisional Directorate for Public Police Affairs and for Ensuring the Personal and Property Security of Citizens" was established.
On the same day, the Council of Ministers decided temporarily, pending the establishment of a permanent Government, to call itself the "Provisional Government".
- On March 12 (25) a decision was issued to abolish the death penalty. The order for the army and navy abolished the establishment of courts-martial.
- On March 15 (28), the Provisional Government left it to the provincial commissars to decide on the admission to the militia of "worthy former police officers and gendarmes." The provisional government proposed that the detective departments be transferred to the Ministry of Justice, entrusting the provincial commissars with the duty "to make sure that these institutions resume their activities as soon as possible." The Bureau of Criminal Investigation, political intelligence under the Ministry of the Interior, counterintelligence under the General Staff, and an information department under the Petrograd city administration were created under the Ministry of Justice.
- On April 13 (26), the Separate Corps of Gendarmes and the gendarmerie police departments of the railways were disbanded. The property of the corps was transferred to the military department, the archives - to the main headquarters, and the affairs of the provincial gendarme departments - to commissions of representatives of the court and local commissars of the Provisional Government.
- On April 17 (30), the Provisional Government approved the "Temporary Regulations on the Militia", fixing the legal basis for its activities. The commissioners were instructed to supervise the activities of the police in the provinces and districts. One-man management became the principle of management in the militia. The chief of police (they were elected and dismissed by zemstvo councils from Russian citizens who had reached the age of 21) resolved the issues of staff recruitment, their transfer, determined the size of salaries, could impose penalties, and form temporary personnel. He was instructed to form an intelligence bureau (to fight criminality), which was then approved by the local Committee of People's Power. The funding of the police was assumed at the expense of the former police. This failed, as the Ministry of the Interior prohibited spending more than 50% of the amount on the maintenance of the police. There was also a circular on the obligatory payment of full salaries to the ranks of the former police.
Cities were divided into districts, districts into counties, counties into sections. Local self-government bodies elected the chiefs of the city, county, district, district police and their assistants. Control over the activities of the police was entrusted to the police commissars and his assistants who worked in each police station (they were appointed and dismissed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs). The police commissar was subordinate to the commissars of the Provisional Government and was responsible for the creation and operation of the judicial-investigative commission to consider the cases of all those detained for no more than a day and verify the legality of the arrests. Until the full formation and transition to city self-government, the militia was subordinate to the chairman of the Executive Committee of People's Power. The overall leadership of the country's militia was entrusted to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
According to another decree of April 17 (30), it was decided to disband the workers' militia in the localities, created by the local Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies to maintain order during mass events and organize the protection of factories and plants.
- On April 24, a decree was issued on the abolition of the police of the cities of the former Palace Department and on the procedure for after-service support for those who served in the named police.
- On June 3 (16), the Provisional Government issued a decree approving the Instruction on the use of weapons by police officers in the performance of their duties.
- On June 19, the Provisional Directorate for Public Militia Affairs and for Ensuring the Personal and Property Security of Citizens is renamed into the "Main Directorate for Police Affairs and for Ensuring the Personal and Property Security of Citizens."
April Crisis
Poster (1917) with portraits of members of the provisional government
Speech by L. G. Kornilov
The Supreme Commander General of Infantry L. G. Kornilov, on the basis of a preliminary agreement with A. F. Kerensky, moved troops under the command of General Krymov to Petrograd. Kerensky changed his position at the last moment, calling the actions of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief a "counter-revolutionary rebellion." The Bolsheviks supported the Provisional Government. After the suicide of General Krymov, the Cossacks stationed at the Pulkovo Heights dispersed.
Third coalition government. Convocation of the Pre-Parliament
Presidium of the All-Russian Democratic Conference (Petrograd, Alexander Theatre, April 14-22, 1917, old style)
Composition of the third coalition government
“In response to the questions you posed, how I look at the coup (February Revolution) we have carried out, I want to say ... we, of course, did not want what happened ... We believed that power would be concentrated and remain in the hands of the first cabinet, that we will quickly stop the enormous devastation in the army, if not with our own hands, then with the hands of the allies, we will achieve victory over Germany, we will pay for the overthrow of the tsar only by a certain delay in this victory. We must admit that some, even from our party, pointed out to us the possibility of what happened next ... Of course, we must recognize that the moral responsibility lies with us. You know that we took a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup shortly after the outbreak of the war, you also know that our army was to go on the offensive, the results of which would radically stop all hints of discontent and cause an explosion of patriotism in the country and jubilation. You understand now why I hesitated at the last minute to give my consent to the coup, you also understand what my inner state must be like at the present time. History will curse the leaders, the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us who caused the storm. What to do now, you ask. I don’t know, that is, inside we all know that the salvation of Russia lies in the return to the monarchy, we know that all the events of the last two months clearly prove that the people were not able to accept freedom, that the mass of the population, not participating in rallies and congresses, is monarchically, that many, many who vote for a republic do so out of fear. All this is clear, but we cannot admit it. Recognition is the collapse of the whole thing, our whole life, the collapse of the whole worldview, of which we are representatives.
Underground activity after the October Revolution
The members of the Provisional Government organized themselves underground and attempted to maintain organized forms of government. Most of the members of the Provisional Government considered it their task to preserve the government apparatus in anticipation of the soon collapse of Bolshevism. The underground Provisional Government limited its activities to supporting the subversive work of political sabotage.
After the fall of Gatchina, on November 1, the Dukhonin Headquarters and the All-Army Committee automatically became the self-organizing center of the anti-Bolshevik action. It was proposed to the Provisional Government (for example, Cheremisov advised Kerensky) to assemble in Mogilev, at Headquarters, giving her support and making her position more definite on the issue of grounds for confrontation with Bolshevik Petrograd. The positions of General Dukhonin would have been significantly strengthened if political power had appeared in Mogilev along with military power, with the arrival of the remnants of the “legitimate Provisional Government”.
Minister of the Interior Nikitin - who considered the position of the Provisional Government on the issue of its future activities, in relation to the attempt to recreate the supreme power in Russia and in connection with the actual refusal to at least morally support General Dukhonin at the moment when the Bolsheviks began to demand from him to resolve the issue, to be completely wrong about a truce - was forced to refuse to participate in the work of the government.
The activities of the Provisional "Underground" Government should be considered in the context of the call "not to waste strength before the Constituent Assembly" and the hopes of revolutionary democracy for the factor of the Constituent Assembly, as a result of which the Bolsheviks were guaranteed to say goodbye to the seized power, with a simultaneous refusal to oppose the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks until the convocation Gatherings because of confidence in the triumph of the counter-revolution if Bolshevism is crushed by force.
"The sun of the Russian land" cannot be extinguished. When it rises, all ghosts will disappear. Or maybe the ghoul wants to put out the sun? Well, let him try. You don't have to be a prophet to predict that Lenin will break his head at the Constituent Assembly
However, hopes for the Constituent Assembly led to an even greater decrease in public resistance to Bolshevism and meant the actual recognition of the October victory of the Bolsheviks. The self-hypnosis of the slogan "before the Constituent Assembly" paralyzed the will to resist even among active people adapted to active struggle. The atmosphere of confidence that the new government could not but convene the Constituent Assembly in fact meant a temporary capitulation to the new ephemeral government. According to Lenin, everything that happened around was defined by the words "chatter and porridge." S. P. Melgunov states that in reality, the disintegration of Bolshevism observed by many lagged far behind the pace of disintegration of the anti-Bolshevik action directed by revolutionary democracy.
The provisional government was fully confident that life would soon return to its old course. The underground government continued to allocate 10 million rubles. To the Special Conference on Fuel for the purpose of repaying urgent payments "for food, uniforms and tools", 7½ million rubles. loans for the preparation of firewood to the city self-government, released 431 thousand rubles. for the re-equipment of technical railway schools, etc. The government also discussed the issue of appropriating 4 million 800 thousand "for the development of slates near St. Petersburg." Only with the exhaustion of cash in the State Bank after its capture on November 14 by the Bolsheviks did the financial and administrative activities of the underground Provisional Government stop.
The fate of the members of the Provisional Government
Of the seventeen members of the last Provisional Government, eight emigrated in 1918-1920. All of them died a natural death, with the exception of S. N. Tretyakov (recruited by the OGPU in 1929, arrested by the Gestapo in 1942 as a Soviet agent, and shot in a German concentration camp in 1944). Naval Minister Admiral D.N. Verderevsky in May 1945 appeared at the Soviet embassy in France, managed to get a Soviet passport. He died in 1946 - 73 years old.
SN Prokopovich was exiled in 1922. He also died a natural death.
Of those remaining in the USSR, four were shot during the Great Terror of 1938-1940: A. M. Nikitin, A. I. Verkhovsky, P. N. Malyantovich, S. L. Maslov. Four more died of natural causes: A. V. Liverovsky (1867-1951; arrested twice in 1933-1934, but then released), S. S. Salazkin (1862-1932), K. A. Gvozdev (1882-1956 ; in 1931-1949 almost continuously in prison, then until April 30, 1956 in exile, released two months before his death) and N. M. Kishkin (1864-1930; repeatedly arrested).
Notes
- Revolution of 1917 in Russia
- Dodonov B.F. Foreword // Journals of the meetings of the Provisional Government: March-October 1917 / Ed. ed. Volumes B. F. Dodonov. - M .: "Russian Political Encyclopedia", 2001. - T. 1. - S. 7. - ISBN 5-8243-0214-6
- O. I. Chistyakov Chapter 20. The collapse of tsarism (February-October 1917) // History of the domestic state and law / Ed. O. I. Chistyakova. - 4th ed. - M .: "Jurist", 2006. - T. 1. - S. 440. - ISBN 5-7975-0812-5
- According to V. Shulgin, “when someone tried to decipher the formula “ministry of public trust” as a transfer of power to other, non-bureaucratic hands, Maklakov protested: “Why not bureaucratic? ... I just think that bureaucratic ... only in other, more sensible and cleaner ... In a word, good bureaucrats. And these, "clothed with trust", will not do anything. Why? Because we do not understand anything in this matter. We do not know the technique. And now there is no time to study ... "
- Melgunov S.P. On the way to a palace coup: conspiracies before the 1917 revolution. pp. 169-178.
- Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. At 5 tt. Volume 1. Minsk: Harvest, 2003. - P. 129.
- Extracts from a book about Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky. Ulyanovsk District Association "Yabloko". (unavailable link - story) Retrieved November 26, 2007.
- Provisional Government. www.pobeda.ru Archived from the original on August 23, 2011. Retrieved November 26, 2007.
- A. A. Goldenweiser From Kyiv Memoirs // Archive of the Russian Revolution, published by I. V. Gessen. T. 5-6: - Berlin, 1922. Reprint - M .: Publishing house "Terra" - Politizdat, 1991. - v. 6, P. 180
- R. G. Gagkuev, V. Zh. Tsvetkov, S. S. Balmasov General Keller during the Great War and Russian Troubles // Count Keller M .: NP "Posev", 2007 ISBN 5-85824-170-0, p. 1105
- Melgunov, S. P. How the Bolsheviks seized power.// How the Bolsheviks seized power. "The Golden German Key" to the Bolshevik Revolution / S. P. Melgunov; foreword by Yu. N. Emelyanov. - M.: Iris-press, 2007. - 640 p. + insert 16 p. - (White Russia).
