Lesson type- modeling lesson.
The purpose of the lesson.
Know:
main directions of social movement;
goals and objectives of each direction;
the reasons for the activation of the social movement in the 19th century in Russia;
highlight the new in the social movement in accordance with the changed political situation;
generalize the received information in the form of a model;
highlight the main thing in each direction by converting the model into a scheme;
1. Organizational moment.
2. Creating a situation of success through knowledge optimization:
creating a problem situation;
problem solving through the acquisition of new knowledge;
creation and analysis of a new model.
5. Homework.
During the classes
1. Organizational moment.
2. Optimization of the educational process, creating a situation of success.
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teacher actions. |
Student actions. |
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- When and why did the social movement become more active? |
-After the uprising of the Decembrists regarding the limitation of the power of the king and the abolition of serfdom. |
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-What directions emerged in the social movement in 30-50 years. XIX century in Russia? |
- Conservative, liberal, revolutionary. |
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-What are the goals of each direction? |
-The purpose of the conservative movement is the protection of the existing order and state power. The liberal movement believed that the transformation in the country should go through the reforms carried out by the government. Radical changes in a country can only come about through a revolution. |
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-Remember what criteria underlie the model of social movement in Russia in the first half of the 19th century? |
- We have identified three criteria: political directions, ways of solving problems, ideologies. |
Model of social movement in the first half of the XIX century.
1. Political direction.
3. Ideologists.
3. Work on new material.
A) creating a problematic situation.
B). Work on new material for section 22 of the textbook.
What new criteria will help analyze the social movement?
Read section 1 of the paragraph.
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What has changed in the liberal movement? |
- The liberal movement has become more active; They are in favor of further reforms with the aim of expanding local self-government bodies; Establishment of democratic freedoms in the country; The social base is the bourgeois strata of the nobility; Ideology - zemstvo liberalism. |
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Read section 2 of the paragraph. What has changed in the conservative movement? |
- The conservative movement has become heterogeneous; A conservative-liberal wing emerged; The social base is the large landed nobility, government officials; Ideology is the theory of official nationality. |
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Read section 3 of the paragraph. What has changed in the revolutionary movement? |
- Social base - intelligence, raznochintsy, workers; - ideology - populism; the task is to prepare the socialist revolution through propaganda. |
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Let's summarize: What's new in the social movement? |
- An ideology has taken shape in every direction of the social movement; The social base of each direction was determined; Their activities have intensified. |
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What new criteria for evaluating a social movement can you single out? |
- We can distinguish the following criteria - ideology, social base, form of activity. |
Create a new model.
Model of social movement at the end of the 19th century.
Social movement:
political direction;
ideology;
goals;
social base;
form of activity.
ideologists.
and on the basis of the model, draw up a diagram on a given topic.
Social movement during the reign of Alexander II.
60-70s of the XIX century.
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Criteria. |
conservative movement. |
liberal movement |
revolutionary movement. |
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1.Goals. |
Protection of the existing order |
Reforming public policy |
Change the state order through revolution. |
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2.Ideology. |
The theory of official nationality. |
Zemsky liberalism. |
Populism. |
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3. Ideologists. |
S.S. Uvarov, M.N. Katkov. |
N.K.Mikhailovsky, V.P.Vorontsov, S.N.Krivenko. |
N.G. Chernyshevsky, P.N. Tkachev, P.N. Lavrov. |
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4. Social base. |
Large landowners, government officials. |
The bourgeois strata of the nobility, the intelligentsia. |
Intelligentsia, raznochintsy, workers. |
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5. Forms of activity. |
Establishment of a third department for the protection of order, the persecution of dissidents, censorship. |
Submission of addresses in the name of the emperor, 1879 - a secret congress of supporters of liberal reform. |
The activities of circles and secret societies, the activation of the labor movement. |
5. The result of the lesson. Homework - 22 paragraphs. Questions - 3, 4, 5.
The accession to the throne of Alexander II, the weakening of censorship, some liberalization of the government course compared to the time of Nicholas II, rumors about the upcoming transformations and, first of all, preparations for the abolition of serfdom - all this had an exciting effect on Russian society, especially on young people.
From nihilism to populism
At the end of the 50s. nihilism is spreading among the democratic noble and raznochinsk youth. Rejecting noble prejudices and official ideology, denying generally accepted values (ideals, moral norms, culture), nihilists studied the natural sciences in order to become a doctor, agronomist, engineer, to bring concrete benefits to people. The type of nihilist is captured by I. Turgenev in the image of Bazarov (the novel "Fathers and Sons").
Student unrest in the early 1960s, caused by higher tuition fees and the prohibition of student organizations, led to mass expulsions from universities. Those who were expelled, as a rule, were deported under the supervision of the police. At this time, in the minds of the youth opposed to the government, the idea of \u200b\u200b"returning the debt to the people" was widely disseminated. Young men and women left the cities and rushed to the village. There they became rural teachers, doctors, paramedics, volost clerks.
At the same time, the youth tried to conduct propaganda work among the peasants. But, having heard about the revolution or socialism, they often betrayed the "troublemakers" to the local authorities.
Essence of populism
In the first half of the 70s. Populism developed into a powerful movement with its own ideology. Its founders were A. Herzen and N. Chernyshevsky. It was they who formulated the basic theoretical propositions of populism. The Narodniks believed that in Russia the main social force was not the proletariat, as in the West, but the peasantry. The Russian peasant community, on the other hand, is the ready-made germ of socialism. Therefore, Russia can go directly to socialism, bypassing capitalism.
There were three main trends in revolutionary populism: rebellious, propagandist and conspiratorial. Mikhail Bakunin was a rebellious theorist, Pyotr Lavrov was a propaganda theorist, Pyotr Tkachev was a conspiratorial one. They developed the ideas of the social reorganization of Russia and the tactics of the revolutionary struggle in each of these directions.
Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin, revolutionary, theorist of anarchism, one of the ideologists of revolutionary populism
Petr Lavrovich Lavrov, philosopher, sociologist and publicist. He made a great contribution to the ideology of revolutionary populism. Member of the liberation movement of the 60s.
Pyotr Nikitich Tkachev, publicist, one of the founders of the ideology of revolutionary populism. Member of the revolutionary movement of the 60s.
M. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant is a "revolutionary by instinct" and a "born socialist." Therefore, the main goal of the revolutionaries is to "revolt" the people. In the second half of the 70s. Bakunin's ideas were developed in the works of P. Kropotkin, who argued that a revolution requires serious preparation of both revolutionaries and the people.
In this, P. Lavrov was in solidarity with him, who believed that neither the people nor the intelligentsia were ready for an immediate revolution. This requires a long preparatory work to educate the people. Lavrov combined faith in the special role of the intelligentsia with faith in the possibility of a peasant "socialist revolution."
P. Tkachev did not believe in the revolutionary nature of the people, in their ability to carry out a social revolution. He argued that the main thing is the seizure of political power. To do this, it is necessary to create a secret political organization of revolutionaries and begin a struggle with the government in order to master the system of government. Only after the seizure of power should one proceed to social transformations.
Despite the difference in the proposed forms of struggle, all these directions were united by the recognition of the revolution as the only way to liberate the people.
Until the end of the 70s. Bakunin's supporters concentrated all their efforts on preparing a peasant revolution. The mass "going to the people" undertaken in the spring of 1874, in which up to 3,000 people participated, ended in failure. It was not possible to raise an uprising anywhere, and the preaching of socialist ideas was not successful. The police staged a real "hunt" for propagandists. In 37 provinces, 770 people were arrested and brought to the inquiry.
Earth and will
The failure did not cool the Narodniks. In 1876, they created a secret revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom", distinguished by solidarity, discipline and reliable conspiracy. Members of the organization carried out propaganda of socialist ideas among the workers and intelligentsia, as well as among the peasants, settling in the villages for a long time. But the peasants remained deaf to populist propaganda. This caused the disappointment of the "propagandists". By the autumn of 1877, there were almost no populist settlements left in the villages. A serious crisis was brewing in Land and Freedom. The failure of propaganda among the peasant masses and the repressions of the authorities pushed the most active and impatient Narodniks into a terrorist struggle against tsarism.
In 1879, the "Land and Freedom" split into "villagers", who defended the old methods of working in the countryside, and "politicians" - supporters of terrorist activities. Accordingly, two new organizations arose: Black Redistribution and Narodnaya Volya. If the Chernoperedel people organized long-term populist settlements in the countryside, the Narodnaya Volya people took a different path. Narodnaya Volya considered its main task to be a political coup and the seizure of power.
Regicide
Putting forward the slogan of fighting for political freedoms, convening a Constituent Assembly, the Narodnaya Volya devoted all their strength to preparing and carrying out terrorist acts against the tsar. Five attempts were organized, but they all ended in failure. During the sixth assassination attempt, March 1, 1881, Alexander II was killed.
But the hopes of the revolutionaries for an upsurge in the mass liberation struggle were not justified. The leaders of the "Narodnaya Volya" and active participants in the assassination attempt (Andrey Zhelyabov, Sofya Perovskaya, Nikolai Kibalchich and others) were arrested and executed. Beginning in the 1980s, revolutionary populism entered a period of crisis.
Alexander III
political reaction. After the assassination of Alexander II, his second son Alexander came to the throne. He immediately came out with the Manifesto on strengthening the autocracy, which meant a transition to reaction. However, this transition was carried out gradually. In the first months of his reign, the tsar was forced to maneuver between liberals and reactionaries. Fearing attempts on his life, Alexander III did not dare to move to the Winter Palace, but sat out in the Gatchina Palace near St. Petersburg (for which he received the ironic nickname "the Gatchina prisoner"). And only when he was convinced of the weakness of the revolutionary forces and that Russia was not in danger of an immediate revolution, did he switch to an openly reactionary policy.
Counter-reforms
The autocracy dealt harshly with the Narodnaya Volya. With the help of espionage and provocations, most of the revolutionary populist circles and organizations were crushed.
The first adviser to the new tsar was the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod K. Pobedonostsev, his former teacher, who did not approve of the transformations of Alexander II, considering them a "criminal mistake."
The transition to overt reaction was accompanied by the expansion of the rights of the administration and the intensification of police arbitrariness. The rights of governors were significantly expanded. Constitutional projects were no longer considered. The most progressive magazines and newspapers were closed, the power of the nobles over the peasants increased, and individual reforms of the 60-70s were revised. The rights of zemstvo and city self-government bodies, judicial institutions turned out to be significantly curtailed, the autonomy (independence) of universities was limited. Tuition fees have increased. Since 1887, the gymnasium stopped accepting children not from the nobility.
Bright poetic image of the era of the 80s. gave Alexander Blok in the poem "Retribution":
"In those years, distant, deaf
Sleep and darkness reigned in the hearts:
Victorious over Russia
Spread out owl wings,
And there was neither day nor night
But only the shadow of huge wings:
He outlined in a wondrous circle
Russia..."
The counter-reforms were an attempt to restore the power of the state over the emerging civil society.
References:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhehovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / World History of the Modern Times XIX - early. XX century., 1998.
In the social movement of Russia during the period of reforms, the same trends that took shape in the 30-50s argued, fought for influence. 19th century before the reforms. The abolition of serfdom, the establishment of zemstvo self-government, the introduction of open, classless legal proceedings - these and other changes implemented by the authorities created a new social reality. The ideology and activities of the conservatives, liberals, and revolutionaries of the 1960s and 1990s were formed from the responses to the challenges of the time.
conservative trend. The conservatives, who were at a loss in the first years of the reign of Alexander II (1855-1881), quickly regained their influence at court. This was facilitated by the Polish uprising of 1863, the Nechaevshchina, the terror of Narodnaya Volya. The assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881 turned the conservative mindset into the official ideology of the reign of Alexander III (1881-1894). The most prominent representatives of Russian conservatism were the journalist M. N. Katkov and the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod K. P. Pobedonostsev. The favorite idea of the conservatives was the recognition of autocracy as the original form of Russian statehood. They rejected reforms, sharply criticized parliamentary institutions, condemned the liberals for their willingness to "learn from Europe." It was necessary, as stated in the manifesto written by Pobedonostsev in connection with the coronation of Alexander III, "to approve and protect autocratic power for the good of the people from any encroachments on it."
Liberal movement. The liberal movement in post-reform Russia did not become a serious force. There were reasons for this. The "great reforms" were initiated and carried out under the influence of the ideas that the liberals had been defending since the 1940s. (liberation of the peasants, public and classless court, freedom of printing, etc.). They did not want to and could not criticize the government or demand from it the immediate adoption of a constitution and representative government. The situation changed only in the 1970s, when the Zemstvo movement became more active. The zemstvo leaders suggested that the tsar expand the rights of local self-government, give basic civil rights, and make the "power of opinion" a real support for the "power of power." The largest representatives of Russian liberalism were K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin, S. A. Muromtsev, and others. The events of March 1, 1881 were perceived by the liberals as a tragedy. Their influence on Alexander III and power was small. Liberalism did not participate in politics for many years.
Radical current. In the 60s - early 80s. it was represented by the populist movement. The basis of the ideology of populism was the theory of "communal socialism", based on the works of A. I. Herzen: the Russian peasant community with its collective land use and self-government is the germ of socialism; Russia has a unique chance to move to socialism, bypassing capitalism, and thereby show humanity the way to a new - just and civilized - world.
In the 60s. 19th century differences in the solution of the question of how to proceed towards socialism were determined. Herzen himself, without denying the revolution as "the last argument of the oppressed," preferred reforms carried out by the authorities under the pressure of progressive public opinion. N. G. Chernyshevsky considered the only possible revolutionary path to socialism, but he argued that certain political and economic conditions must develop for a revolution. N. A. Ishutin, S. G. Nechaev called for an immediate revolutionary revolt, assuring that for a revolutionary everything “that contributes to the revolution” is moral.
In the early 70s. The populist movement entered a new phase. Three main ideological currents were formed - propagandistic, rebellious and conspiratorial.
P. L. Lavrov was the ideologist of the propaganda direction. M. A. Bakunin, the leader of the rebellious trend, sharing Lavrov's ideas about the role of the revolutionary intelligentsia in unleashing the revolution, defined its purpose differently. The revolution does not need to be prepared, the rebellious instinct is organically inherent in the people: the youth must go to the village to "call for the ax."
The ideologist of the conspiratorial trend, P. N. Tkachev, did not share the hobbies of his associates: one should not wait until the people were ripe for revolution, and one should not “rebel” the village. The Russian monarchy, in his opinion, hangs in the air, has no strong social roots, society hates and condemns it. The task of the revolutionaries is to create a conspiratorial organization, ready for a coup and the seizure of power.
In 1874, a mass movement began, in which thousands of young people took part - "going to the people." They tried to raise the village to rebellion, but their attempt failed. In 1876, the organization "Land and Freedom" was created. Its members carried out terrorist acts against the government. In the summer of 1879. "Land and Freedom" split into two organizations - "Black Redistribution" (G. V. Plekhanov and others, and "Narodnaya Volya" (A. I. Zhelyabov, A. D. Mikhailov, S. L. Perovskaya and others)
. March 1, 1881 Alexander was killed by members of the people's will Alexander 3 entered the throne. Terror, could not help the Narodnaya Volya achieve their goal
AT "). Marxism became a form of overcoming populism. Its first ideologist in Russia was G. V. Plekhanov, who founded the Marxist group Emancipation of Labor in Geneva (1883).
Social movement under AlexanderII (paragraph 24 - 26)
1.Conservative:
The main aspirations of the conservatives were attempts to protect the imperial power from the influence of liberal officials and, if possible, prevent reforms from infringing on the interests of the nobility. Representatives: Count P. A. Shuvalov and M. N. Katkov.
Conservatism as a political force is designed to give stability to society. It doesn't mean going back at all. But Russian conservatives did not seek to consolidate the changes that had taken place and were necessary for the country, but to revise many of them.
2.Liberal:
Representatives of the liberal current in the mid-50s. - K. D. Kavelin, B. N. Chicherin (Westerners). They published the first printed policy document of Russian liberalism "Letter to the reader", its main provisions:
Slavophiles made their contribution to the development of the liberal program: A. I. Koshelev in the “Russian conversation”, K. S. Aksakov (his formula: the power of power should belong to the tsar, but the power of opinion should belong to the people), A. A. Kraevsky in “Patriotic notes ", A. V. Druzhinin in the "Library for Reading".
In Russia, the support of liberalism in society was rather weak. The development of liberalism in Russia was hampered by illiteracy and communal forms of life for the bulk of the population. Their major miscalculation was that at the time of the abolition of serfdom, they did not achieve the destruction of the community and the creation of a wide layer of small landowners who could become their support. They were unable to overcome the disunity of their ranks, develop a common program and achieve unity of action.
3.Revolutionary:
A) The ideological leader of the revolutionary movement in Russia in the late 50s - early 60s. became Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky. He advocated a peasant revolution, developed Herzen's ideas about "communal" socialism, and advocated the creation of a revolutionary organization.
B) The ideas of Chernyshevsky were developed by representatives of the radical intelligentsia - populists. They regarded the people, above all the peasantry, as a real political force and saw their main task in making this force conscious and organized. They wanted to raise the peasants to the revolution, so that Russia would have the opportunity, bypassing the stage of capitalism, to immediately move to a new system based on the principles of equality and justice.
Three currents in populism:
The people's revolution required lengthy preparations.
Theory of reflection. The ideologist of anarchism, denying the state. He considered the state to be the highest evil, and instead proposed to create a free organization, that is, an association of groups, communities, volosts, regions and peoples. A free society is a society in which the principle of self-government of the people would be implemented. Power should be swept away in a revolutionary way. It is necessary to destroy the isolation of the organization, to identify the leaders in them and to link them together, to establish ties between the peasant and urban workers. The revolution can use the energy of criminals and vagabonds. The transfer of land - the land of factories, plants to the capitalist workers' unions, the equalization of the rights of men and women, the abolition of the family, marriage, the upbringing of children in the spirit of atheism, that is, unbelief.
The Russian monarchy is deprived of a solid socialist foundation. It is not supported by all segments of the population (supported by the army and the bureaucracy). The peasantry is not capable of independently carrying out a revolution; for a coup, it is necessary to create a secret conspiratorial organization, whose members have passed a strict selection and are subject to iron discipline. Seizure of power. The conspiracy is the beginning of the revolution. But Tkachev considered the destruction of the state impossible, in his opinion, in the course of the revolution, the old state institutions should be replaced with new, revolutionary ones.
Tactics
Conduct propaganda and education among the people
The revolutionary youth must go among the people in order to rouse them to revolt.
Conspiracy and terror.
Revolutionary organizations:
On 1.1861, the organization "Land and Freedom" was founded in St. Petersburg. Among the organizers were P.A., , , .
Their program included:
1) convocation of parliament and the establishment of a democratic republic
2) broad local self-government
3) equality of women
4) the transfer of all land to the peasants and the unification of the rural and urban population into self-governing communities
Practical activities - the publication and distribution of revolutionary literature, assistance in the escape of revolutionaries from prisons, material assistance to the exiles.
1864 - a decision was made to dissolve itself.
2. 1863 - 1866 - the organization of N. A. Ishutin (Moscow) - I. A. Khudyakov (Petersburg) arose.
The main task is to prepare a revolutionary upheaval, the result of which would be the reorganization of society on the basis of collective security and collective labor.
In 1865, the Ad group appeared, which led the preparation of regicide as an impetus for the revolution.
In 1866, Karakozov made an attempt on Alexander II, after which the revolutionary was executed, the organization was crushed.
3. 1869 in Moscow, S. G. Nechaev founded the society "People's Reprisal". The main document is the Catechism of the Revolutionary.
He planned to cover Russia with a network of revolutionary organizations bound by iron discipline. Members of society are allowed everything that serves the cause of the destruction of the old society and the implementation of the revolution.
4. 1869 in St. Petersburg, N.V. Tchaikovsky founded a circle of "Tchaikovsky". A group of young people engaged in self-education and distribution of books by N. G. Chernyshevsky, P. L. Lavrov, K. Marx
5. 1873 in Moscow, A. V. Dolgushin founded a circle of Bakunin’s supporters “dolgushentsy”. Conducted propaganda among the people.
6. 1874 - "going to the people." Explanation to the peasants of the meaning of revolution and socialism.
7. 1876 in St. Petersburg, the organization "Land and Freedom" was founded. Its creators were M. A. Natanson, A. D. Mikhailov, G. V. Plekhanov, V. N. Figner, S. L. Perovskaya, N. A. Morozov, S. M. Kravchinsky.
The goal is the transfer of all land into the hands of the working peasantry, the organization of society on the principles of communal self-government, and the solution of the national question.
The goal can be realized "only through a violent revolution."
To prepare a popular uprising, it was supposed to use organizational (propaganda among the peasantry and workers) and disorganization (individual terror) methods of work.
In 1879, Land and Freedom split into two organizations:
- "Black Redistribution", supporters of the continuation of propaganda work, led by G. V. Plekhanov
- "People's Will", supporters of individual terror, headed by A. D. Mikhailov, A. I. Zhelyabov, N. A. Morozov, S. L. Perovskaya, V. N. Figner, M. F. Korolenko.
8. 1878 the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" was founded in St. Petersburg. The organizers of the "Union" were - D. N. Smirnov, A. E. Gorodnichiy, V. I. Savelyev, S. I. Volkov. The program of which contained demands for broad political freedoms - freedom of speech, press, assembly.
Conclusion: all organizations of revolutionaries were crushed, and their members were either hanged or sent to hard labor.
Liberalism in the Russian Empire originated in the 18th century. But it acquired special significance and poignancy during the reign of Emperor Alexander II in 1860-1880. after the so-called liberal reforms. Many progressive nobles and liberals were dissatisfied with the half-heartedness of the peasant reform and demanded that the authorities continue it. In addition, a movement of “zemstvo constitutionalism” also arose in Russia, the main requirement of which was the granting of civil rights. You will learn more about all this in this lesson.
The word "liberalism" appeared in Europe in the 18th century. It is derived from the word liberalis, which means free. In general, liberals are people whose main goal of political struggle is to ensure human rights and freedoms.
in Russia in the first half of the 19th century. the word "liberal" was almost a dirty word. The fact is that Nicholas I at the beginning of his reign was seriously frightened by the Decembrists, and all revolutions in Europe in the middle of the 19th century. held under the banner of liberalism. Therefore, the authorities were hostile to the liberals.
The peasant reform of 1861, with its half-heartedness, caused discontent not only among the peasants, but also among a significant part of the progressively minded nobles. Many nobles began to turn to the king or speak at local provincial meetings with a request to change the order of the reform. The most famous action of this kind was the performance in December 1864 of the Tver nobles, headed by the former marshal of the nobility A.M. Unkovsky (Fig. 2). For this, he was forbidden to deal with peasant issues, and was also removed from office. 112 nobles of Tver presented to Emperor Alexander II a document called "Loyal Address". However, the provisions of this document were almost revolutionary. The nobles themselves insisted on creating a system absolutely equal for all estates, abolishing the estate privileges of the nobility, creating an independent court, and even allocating land to the peasants.
Rice. 2. A.M. Unkovsky - leader of the Russian nobility, public figure ()
Alexander II, who seemed to be a liberal emperor and a supporter of progress, ordered the repression of these nobles. 13 people were placed for two years in the Peter and Paul Fortress, and Unkovsky was even exiled to Vyatka for his radical ideas. Other liberals, having seen such a reaction from the authorities, were afraid to openly oppose the government, even with the best of intentions. They began to group around a few magazines that began to appear in the 1860s.
The Vestnik Evropy magazine has become a kind of center of political struggle and a mouthpiece for the liberals (Fig. 3). A publication with this name was already published in Russia from 1802 to 1830, but was closed at the request of Nicholas I, who was afraid of any manifestations of opposition. Vestnik Evropy since 1866 was published under the editorship of the famous public figure and historian M.M. Stasyulevich (Fig. 4). The magazine published sharp political materials. Such famous scientists as I.M. Sechenov, K.A. Timiryazev; the works of L.N. Tolstoy, A.N. Ostrovsky, I.A. Goncharov, and in the 1880s. even the works of M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin - one of the sharpest and most caustic satirists.
Rice. 3. Journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()
Rice. 4. M.M. Stasyulevich - editor of the journal "Bulletin of Europe" ()
The most influential publication can be considered the newspaper "Voice" (Fig. 5), which was published in Russia for twenty years and also united supporters of the liberal idea. It briefly united even Slavophiles and Westernizers - representatives of two opposite currents that had been at enmity with each other since the 1830s.
One of the conductors of the liberal idea was the famous Slavophil Yu.F. Samarin (Fig. 6). In the 1870s the Moscow Zemstvo invited him to participate in the development of a tax reform project, in which he actively took part. According to his project, all estates of the Russian Empire were to become taxable, or taxable, that is, the tax burden fell not only on the peasants and philistines, but also on the nobles and the clergy. For Alexander II, all this was too radical. Samarin was not touched only because he went abroad and soon died there.
Rice. 6. Yu.F. Samarin is a Slavophil, a conductor of the ideas of liberalism in Russia ()
The Slavophiles continued to consider Russia an original civilization, but they saw that the changes that were taking place in the country clearly led to a better position for it. From their point of view, perhaps Russia should use the experience of Western countries, provided that it would lead to good results.
At the end of the 1870s. Liberal sentiments also intensified among the Zemstvos. In liberalism, a current of "zemstvo constitutionalism" arose. Representatives of this direction demanded that Alexander II continue the reforms. They believed that the rights of zemstvos, that is, local governments, should be expanded. Their main demand was "the crowning of the building of the zemstvo reform", which meant the creation of some kind of nationwide elected body (as if crowning the building of regional elected bodies - zemstvo assemblies). At first it was supposed to be deliberative, but in the long run (this was understood by everyone, although not always pronounced) - a legislative body, that is, a parliamentary type body that limits the power of the monarch. And this is constitutionalism - hence the name of the movement. Zemstvo constitutionalists demanded equal status for all estates, and some of their representatives even demanded the adoption of the Constitution of the Russian Empire. The key point in the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the demand for the granting of civil liberties: speech, press, and assembly. However, Alexander II, despite the liberal fervor at the beginning of his reign, was not ready to make such serious concessions. This was also greatly hindered by the revolutionary activity that was taking place in Russia at that time.
A feature of the zemstvo constitutionalists was the hope for cooperation with Emperor Alexander II. At the very end of the emperor's reign, they had some hope. The fact is that M.T. became Alexander’s right hand. Loris-Melikov (Fig. 7), who was considered an adherent of the ideas of liberalism. But the hopes of the liberals did not come true and the Constitution of Loris-Melikov was never adopted in the Russian Empire.
Rice. 7. M.T. Loris-Melikov - Russian statesman, closest associate of Alexander II ()
The liberals tried to convince the emperor and his entourage that it was easier to make gradual changes in the country than to wait for a surge of revolutionary sentiment. Some representatives of liberal circles even made contact with the populists, urging them to stop terrorist acts, thereby forcing the authorities to cooperate. But all the efforts of the liberals were useless.
Some liberals wanted to revive at least the Zemsky Sobor, through which one could try to influence the emperor. But such an idea seemed too radical even to Alexander II.
Thus, we can say that the liberal movement of the 1860s - 1870s. in Russia did not fulfill the tasks that it set for itself. To a large extent, the failures of Russian liberalism were connected with the pressure on the authorities of another political trend - conservatism.
Homework
- What is liberalism? How was the liberal movement born in Russia and what contributed to it?
- Describe the liberal nobles from a socio-political point of view. Why did the progressive nobles take the liberal movement as a basis?
- What reasons contributed to the birth of zemstvo constitutionalism and what was it like? Describe the political program of the zemstvo constitutionalists.
- Website Sochineniye.ru ()
- Website Examen.ru ()
- Website School.xvatit.com ()
- Scepsis.net website ()
Bibliography
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