Thesis: Anna of Denmark, King James and their court entourage. Anna Danish



Anna Danish(English) Anne of Denmark; October 14, 1574( 15741014 ) - March 4, 1619) - Queen consort of England and Scotland, wife of King James I (VI).

Anna was the daughter of Frederick II, King of Denmark and Norway from the Oldenburg dynasty. In 1589, an agreement was concluded between Denmark and Scotland on the marriage of Princess Anne and the young Scottish King James VI. The wedding by proxy took place in Copenhagen, and the bride sailed to Scotland. However, due to storms in the North Sea, the ship was forced to return to Norway. The impatient groom equipped the Scottish fleet and arrived at Anna's in Oslo, where the wedding took place on November 23. The newlyweds remained in the possessions of the Danish king until the next spring. On May 17, 1590, Anne was crowned Queen of Scots at Holyrood Abbey. The marriage of James VI with a representative of the Danish royal house, one of the leading Protestant dynasties in Europe, significantly strengthened the position of the king in Presbyterian Scotland.

Anna of Denmark was a charming and cheerful girl, but in terms of intellectual level she could not match the philosopher king James VI. Soon after the marriage, relations between the spouses began to cool and in the end they almost stopped seeing each other. Nevertheless, between 1594 and 1604, Anna of Denmark gave birth to seven children, of whom, however, only three escaped death in infancy: Princes Henry, Karl and Princess Elizabeth.

Anna's influence on the royal court was quite significant: thanks to her, courtly orders were established at the Scottish (and from 1603 English) court, balls and theater performances were often organized, poets and musicians were encouraged, the court acquired splendor and splendor. This caused dissatisfaction among the Presbyterian clergy, who repeatedly criticized the queen for neglecting prayers and the word of God. The negative attitude intensified even more after Anna's conversion to Catholicism. Many talented administrators came out of the queen's retinue, who then successfully worked in the highest government bodies of England and Scotland.

Anna's residence was built for her by Inigo Jones in Greenwich, Queens House, which has survived. She died at the age of 44 in 1619 at Hampton Court Palace and was buried in Westminster Abbey.


Marriage and children

See James I (King of England)

Categories: Persons in alphabetical order , Those who died on March 2 , Those who died on March 4 , Those who were born on October 14 ,

Introduction

The question of Jacob's relationship with his favorites lies at least in three planes: this is what he himself wrote about them, what his contemporaries wrote about it, and how scientists analyzed it in the future. This topic can by no means be called irrelevant: for four centuries it has been under the scrutiny of students of the history of England under the first Stuarts. The dominant point in looking at the sexual preferences of Elizabeth's successor is their rather harsh criticism, the main reason for which is their homosexual nature. The homosexuality of the first Stuart monarch, now recognized by almost everyone, was initially a serious moral obstacle to a deep analysis of his relationship with the favorites.

There are three main approaches to the study of this issue. The first approach is based on a moral principle that finds such relationships repulsive and gives them a very negative assessment. The second group of researchers tries to avoid this topic whenever possible. The third approach is an attempt to give all allusions to these relationships a fairly rational explanation that reduces the personal factor as such to nothing. A number of researchers also believe that this topic should not be seriously raised in the study, since no matter what feeling the king experienced, it was doomed to be weak and fickle, and therefore not have a significant impact on him.

Researchers usually focus on three main Jacobite favorites: Esme Stewart, Robert Carr, and George Villiers. I would like to dwell in more detail on the existing approaches to the analysis of their relationship. The 17th century laid down a critical approach to their evaluation. The first comments of contemporaries were rather restrained: so Bishop Goodman speaks only of some coldness between Jacob and his wife Anna of Denmark, and John Oglander gently, even somewhat enthusiastically, describes Jacob's relationship with his favorites: "I have never seen a husband in love who would he spoiled his lovely wife as often as King James spoiled his favourites, especially the Duke of Buckingham. The subsequent remarks about the fact that the king constantly gives him very frank signs of attention in public (hugs, kisses) and refers to Buckingham, as if he were a woman, and he tried to match this in clothes and manners, are already quite tough , and the behavior of the king is seen as scandalous and licentious. This trend continues throughout the 18th and 20th centuries. However, new directions are gradually emerging: a predominant emphasis on the friendly nature of their relationship and the exclusion of the queen from this male society, emphasizing Jacob's aesthetic feelings for Buckingham (which explains such a deep affection), recognizing Jacob's feelings for the favorite as superficial, evidence of a publicly symbolic nature their friendship, or Jacob's paternalistic attitude towards Buckingham and his family, the recognition of the physical side of their relationship as the norm, or the denial of its existence due to various factors. All these directions continue to be preserved to this day, and one of the leading experts in this field, David Bergeron, admits that in view of the complexity of the personal relationship between Yakov and his favorites, it is rather difficult, and most importantly dangerous, to take a principled position on this issue. He also believes that Jacob himself wrote the best about his feelings and relationships, whose letters we will try to analyze, and on the basis of which we will try to imagine the various facets of these relations and the role of correspondence in them.

This view, which also affirms the queen's penchant for intrigue, led to the spread of the view that, at least in the Scottish period, the queen had real political power, and her activity and success in this area even caused her husband to curl. In addition, a sharp contrast is made between the strength of its influence in the Scottish period with the decline after the accession of James in England.

But modern researchers call this position into question. For example, Barbara Lewalski notes that even such an outstanding woman as Anna was surrounded by men who did not allow her to actively participate in political life. If we turn to a less feminist approach, then Fedorov S.E. in a study of the Queen's Scottish entourage notes that Anne's apparent independence and premeditation in choosing her environment can be considered rather an illusion, and her court is closely connected with the court of her husband, who used it as an effective tool to create a certain balance between various court factions.

The English period is also not so unambiguous. On the one hand, it is recognized that Anna's influence at this time was even less than before. On the other hand, Lewalski identifies a number of ways Anne of Denmark struggled with such power isolation: these are retinue, appointments, political intrigues, public trips and cultural patronage. And thus, she continues the tradition of viewing Anna and her entourage as some kind of opposition to Yakov. But Levalski herself pays attention mainly to the last 2 of the measures she singled out, not considering the previous ones to be sufficiently effective.

It is these areas that need to be considered, namely, to analyze the environment and Anna's court patronage, since they, having a greater practical expression, would not only help to determine the degree of Jacob's influence on Anna's retinue, the role played by her court, the strength and significance of her court patronage, but and decide whether there was in fact court opposition to Anna of Denmark.

More attention should be paid to the personal relationship between Anna and Yakov. Traditionally, after describing their romantic marriage, this topic gradually fades into the background. In this paper, I would like to concentrate on defining Jacob's views on marriage and his ideas about the ideal spouse.

In the analysis of Jacob's relationship with his sons, the main thing for us will be the educational concept of the king. The figure of Prince Henry is presented quite idealistically. Emphasis is constantly placed on his extraordinary virtues, on opposing him to Jacob. As for Karl, the main motive in assessing his relationship with his father is the theme of an unjustly forgotten child. Which almost did not pay attention to parents. In view of this, if possible, it is necessary to compare his relationship with his two sons and heirs.

In connection with the tasks set, the following sources were used in this work: the correspondence of Jacob Stuart as the main source; Jacob's treatise "The Royal Gift"; Lady Arabella Stewart's correspondence and compilations of memoirs published by Lucy Akin were brought in as additional sources.

1. Court Opposition to the Queen

1.1 Environment of Anne of Denmark

The formation of Anna's entourage began when she did not arrive in England. On the way to Berwick, she was met by a delegation of English nobility, but she brought closer only to those who had independently met her in Scotland, namely the Countess of Bedford, Lady Garrinton, Hastings, Hutton. At the same time, Lady Kildare and Walsingham were denied admission to the private chamber. This caused Jacob's displeasure, as well as the fact that instead of George Carew recommended by him, a certain Scot Mr. Kennedy was appointed to the post of chamberlain by Anna. Another conflict between the spouses led to the resignation of the latter. But Carew did not get the expected position. Although he retained one of the most important posts at court - vice-chamberlain, heading the financial services of the queen consort. The ladies initially rejected by Anna were also accepted.

And in a letter dated February 2, 1604, Edward Seymour announces official appointments at the Queen's court.

So Arabella Stewart and the Countess of Bedford quickly became ladies of the bedroom. Lady Derby, Suffolk, Rich, Nottingham, Susan Herbert, Walsingham were taken to the drawingchamber, and the rest to the private chamber. The main services of the court Anna were headed by: Robert Sidney, Viscount Lyle - Chamberlain of the Queen Consort, George Carew - Vice-Chamberlain, Robert Cecil - Steward 1603-1612, and from 1612 to 1615 this position was held by Edward Seymour, Thomas Nivett Head of the Court Anna's advice, Henry Riosley was engaged in the entertainment of the Queen and the heir to the throne.

The first thing that attracts attention is the immediate inclusion in Anna's inner circle of representatives of noble English families, which was a necessary symbol of loyalty to new subjects, showing a lack of preference for the Scots, who arrived by the way in very large numbers, in access to the highest posts in the state (about than Jacob repeatedly stated). And of course Anna's refusal to Lady Kildare, daughter of Admiral Nottingham and Lady Wolsingham, disrupted his plans and led to Anna's own unpopularity among the new subjects. The same motives demanded the appointment of Chamberlain, not the Scot Kennedy, but an Englishman. And in this case, all that Anna managed to do was not to accept a specific candidate.

It is interesting to consider individual representatives of the queen's entourage. So, given the description given by Dudley Carlton in 1604, the presence of two representatives of the Herbert family, Anne and Susan, in the immediate environment of the queen, this can rather be explained by Jacob's attachment to the latter's husband. Philip Hebert was the youngest son of Henry Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and he was considered the first Englishman to become the king's favorite. His growing influence over Jacob explains the number of his relatives in the queen's retinue.

There we also see Lady Suffolk and Lady Frances Howard, wife and daughter of Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk. It is known that no family at that time received so many awards and privileges as the ancient Howards family. Even under Elizabeth, they invariably supported his candidacy, and were in secret correspondence with Jacob and were among the first to meet the new king. Lady Francis will soon become the wife of another favorite of Jacob - Robert Cara, whom, as you know, Anna did not sympathize with at all ..

Lucy, Countess of Bedford, was the daughter of John Harrington, rumored to be involved in the Essex conspiracy.

Even earlier, Anna was approached, as we learn from her letters, Arabella Stewart, cousin of the king. The motives for her appearance in Anna's retinue are the most interesting for us. As you know, Arabella was one of the many contenders for the English throne, which was vacated with the death of Elizabeth. And from a certain point of view, thanks to her English birth and descent from Margaret Tudor, she was a rival that was dangerous enough for Jacob. And if she herself could leave any claims, then, as the future showed, others could well use her name as a slogan. Therefore, even during the journey of Jacob in England, the question arose of where it should be. It was not popular to leave her locked up in Hadwick Hall, and besides, not too safe, since there had already been an attempt to escape, but Yakov could not get too close to a man who had recently disputed his right to the throne. Anna's retinue was ideal in this case. Arabella, as a cousin of the king and an unmarried woman, naturally got there, but at the same time remained in his field of vision and control. Jacob, for sure, took into account the obstinacy of his own wife, who repeatedly brought his opponents closer to him. And as far as we can tell from Arabella's letters, she was indeed popular with Anna and sometimes even replaced her favorite Lady Bedford. This led to the fact that in the case of the Cobham letter, Arabella completely took the side of the crown.

The most important posts in Anna's court are also mostly people who are more favored by Yakov than his spouses. Of these, three were members of the Privy Council: these are Cecil, Nivett, Carew. Thomas Nivett, despite his position, was not distinguished by great political talents, and was obliged to rise under Jacob, by the fact that he was engaged in the education of his beloved Mary. The details of his appointment are not known, but most likely he played the role of a screen, since, according to evidence, Cecil ruled everything both at the court of Jacob and Anna, although he did not occupy the highest position with her. This reminds us of Maitland's unsuccessful appointment in the 1590s. Now the position of head of the council was also taken by a less flamboyant character than Cecil, who might have provoked Anna's objections, but completely devoted to Jacob, which allowed the secretary of state to keep the real control in his hands.

Henry Riosley belongs to the category of associates of Essex, for whose participation in the conspiracy he was stripped of all titles and placed in the Tower. In 1603 he was released by James and restored to the earldom of Southampton.

Robert Sidney was a close friend of the Earl of Essex, who had the support of the latter in promoting at the court of Elizabeth, but did not take an active part in the conspiracy. He would have owed his rise to the fact that, being the head of the English mission to Scotland and a friend of the Earl of Mar, he was, as it were, an intermediary between Cecil and Jacob.

Based on this short review, we can identify several approximate groups of people who entered Anna's retinue at the direct suggestion of Yakov.

Relatives of his favorites

persons (or their relatives) involved in the Essex case

persons directly involved in the erection of Jacob to the English throne

representatives of rehabilitated families

Those who needed to be kept under control

Thus, we can talk about a fairly large influence of Jacob on Anna's environment. All categories except the last one owed their position directly to Jacob, and it would be surprising if they opposed their benefactor on the side of the queen.

It can also be concluded that the circle of people whom Anna could bring closer to herself was sufficiently limited, partly by the distinguished categories, partly by the direct will of Yakov. This is proved by the described story with the appointment of Chamberlain. Opposing a direct candidate, she preferred Carew to a man no less devoted to her husband (R. Sidney, as an experienced diplomat, was often used by Yakov.) From this point of view, such favorites as Bedford and Rich do not look like figures in opposition to Yakov. And there are not so many examples of successful resistance to appointments and “recommendations”.

As Lewalski notes, Anna has already chosen favorites, not paying attention to her political or religious allegiances. Since her influence was oppressed by the Howards and Kar, she turned to Robert Sidney, George Carew, Earl of Pembroke. Thus, the queen was not the head of any of the court groups, but joined them depending on the degree of observance of her interests, thus one cannot speak of the queen's entourage as an organized opposition to Jacob.

1.2 Court patronage of the queen

But if the choice of persons is limited, and Anna joins various groups depending on her interests, then in this case it is necessary to consider her court patronage, to what extent and in relation to which persons it was really effective.

As already mentioned, the queen, trying to cope with the power of the Howards, relies on the numerous connections of her favorite Lady Bedford and brings Robert Sidney, George Carew, the Earl of Pembroke and others closer to her. on Jacob, promoting his own people.

Moreover, Sydney can be called one of Anna's favorites. In addition to the position of Chamberlain, he was the chief inspector of her revenues (surveyor-generalofherrevenues), manager of her estates in Kent, a member of her council.

An interesting situation is with George Carew, who at first was sharply denied a position. But then the patronage of the queen helps him take a number of government posts and speed up the process of obtaining a baronial title in 1605.

It is not known how effective such a policy was and what results it led to. Perhaps that illusion of Anna's power over the choice of her husband's favorites, which was created later, was the answer to it.

However, if she could promote people who were already close to Yakov with great success, then, as we see, she often failed in relation to people who were initially objectionable. There are two striking confirmations of this: the fate of Arabella Stewart and Sir Walter Raleigh.

It is known that Anna, like her son, admired Raleigh's many talents, corresponded with him and patronized him. She trusted him so much that during her son's illness she sent him for medicine. And despite the fact that Prince Henry died, she did not deprive him of her favor and interceded for his release, and encouraged his idea of ​​\u200b\u200ban expedition to Guiana (she was even going to visit his ship). And after the failure of the expedition, she acted as one of his zealous defenders, even writing a letter to Buckingham about this. But in such an important matter, which could bring with it foreign policy complications, Anna's opinion was no longer heeded.

Arabella Stewart, being placed in the queen's retinue out of necessity, becomes very close to her. From the very first days, she sings praises to Anna, sometimes releasing caustic remarks about Yakov. The dislike was mutual, despite such a close relationship, the king had a negative attitude towards anyone who could prevent him from taking the English throne. And her so rapid approach to Anna could be one of the forms of protest of the latter, often used in the Scottish period, which somewhat interfered with the well-organized control and use of Jacob's retinue of his wife. And in the story of the wedding of Arabella and William Seymour, Anna, of course, supported her. We have many letters written by Lady Stewart to the queen herself and her favorite Jane Drumond with requests, hopes and confidence that she will certainly be helped. And Anna indeed passed her petitions to the king several times, asked for her, but in reality she was not as strong as her ward had hoped. Although it should be noted that in order to oppose Jacob in such a matter as dynastic, it was necessary to have a certain amount of courage or strongly believe that you have great power. In the problem of her influence on promotions at court, of course, the question arises of her role in the emergence of new favorites. In early biographies, there is such a point of view that Yakov created the illusion of her great influence in this area in order to give her a sense of great power over him and thereby prevent possible outbursts of indignation, with which modern authors agree in principle. Lewalski points out that Archbishop Abbott involved Anna in the conspiracy against Somerset, since Jacob allowed this, not wanting a repetition of their enmity, but with Villiers. And, in principle, Anna's permission to appoint the latter to the position of butler was very symbolic.

Therefore, Anna cannot be considered to have succeeded in such types of struggle as household, appointments and political intrigues. Her influence here was extremely low, limited and often an illusion that brought the necessary balance and harmony to court life.

1.3 Personal relationships

Anna, in fact, was never a person very close to Jacob. In his treatise, the Royal Gift, Jacob gives the following parameters necessary for a royal bride. He lists three reasons for marriage: curbing lust, having children, and finding a helper in a wife. From this he draws the following conclusions. In the first place, the king should never marry a barren woman, since his heirs are not only obliged as men, but also as kings. Secondly, one cannot marry a woman with a bad temper and a vicious upbringing, since the wife should become a support, not a hindrance. Thirdly, one must marry a woman belonging to the same church, because, with a difference in faith, spouses will never become partners, and their differences will not only be copied by subjects, splitting the country, but will also affect the worldview of their children. Jacob is skeptical about the possibility of reforming the faith. As secondary, but important conditions for marriage, Jacob considers beauty, wealth, and friendship between spouses.

Anna was beautiful, brought Jacob a good dowry, and her origin did not disappoint. But with all this, the period of falling in love, which was undoubtedly present in their relationship, when Jacob, still unfamiliar with his bride, personally arrived in Denmark for her, so as not to delay the long-awaited marriage due to the storm, ended quickly enough. It is difficult to say what influenced this more: the king's penchant for male favorites or the unexpectedly decisive nature of his wife. Anna did not become for him the support that, in his opinion, his wife should have become. The fact that he successfully used her character to create a balance of power at court does not exclude the possibility that, on a personal level, this brought him some disappointment in the image of the ideal wife he created. In a letter he writes to the queen after her unsuccessful attempt to take Henry in his absence, Jacob writes that he married her because of her noble birth, but he now has love and respect for her only because she is his lawful wife, who must be like him and not succumb to the erroneous prejudice that those who are devoted to him are her enemies and that he always preferred her to all. Anna for him is first of all a queen, so involved in power to be more prudent in her behavior, since it leaves a mark on the image of Jacob. The letter to his wife is more reminiscent of the text of his own treatise, and not an appeal to a loved one. Undoubtedly, Anna's predilection for Catholicism was also reflected in their relationship.

Thus, an analysis of the environment of Anna of Denmark and her patronage gives an idea of ​​how real the court opposition to the queen was, and what was the place of her court in the system of relations created by Jacob.

The study of the composition of her suite allows a number of important points. So, we see that Anna's environment, unlike her husband, is dominated by the British. And Jacob not only owns the initiative of such an alignment, but for the most part he himself distributes places at his wife's court, which is shown by the distinguished groups in her environment, who owe their position to the king. This proves not only the decisive influence of James in the matter, and in the main the impotence of Anna's resistance, but also that her court played an important part in the king's court politics, both by satisfying James's supporters by giving them places, and by being an English counterbalance to a sufficient degree of Scottish around the king himself. The distinguished group of "under control" also indicates one of the functions of the queen's court, which is necessary for her spouse. Such a feature of Anna's patronage as the promotion of persons already nominated by Yakov is not only Anna's attempt to somehow maneuver between various groups, trying to gain influence on her spouse, but can also be considered as a kind of way to create a relative balance between the mentioned groups. And in this sense, the idea of ​​the queen's court as a kind of opposition to Jacob was quite beneficial. And such a representation was indeed created, which proves that Anna was often referred to as an intermediary in relations with her husband. And although her patronage, as shown, was of little importance, it was the presence of the opposition that mattered. From the same point of view, one can look at the illusion of Anne's great influence on the choice of royal favorites. And perhaps that is why Jacob did not interfere with the development of his wife's cultural patronage, because, without causing real harm, he formed the necessary image of their relationship.

Thus, the question posed can be answered in two ways. On the one hand, her frequent resistance to appointments, patronage of many objectionable to Yakov, and finally, cultural patronage allow us to say that the opposition was really present in reality to a certain extent. On the other hand, we see that it can be considered rather an illusion, created for the necessary balance of power, and its court, as in the previous period, an organic part of Jacob's court with its own functions and tasks.

If we evaluate the personality of Anna based on the material presented, then the following points can be distinguished. Given the limited opportunities, the fact that her environment and she herself were a necessary and organic part of Jacob's policy should not, apparently, cause a negative characterization.

At the same time, of course, it is important that Anna remained a certain amount of independence, without wearing a subversive and scandalous connotation, demonstrating, moreover, a rather strong-willed and decisive character of the queen, perhaps just not so experienced in diplomacy and intrigues. This autonomy, expressed in the aforementioned cultural patronage, led to the rise of art and the possibility of development within its environment of many outstanding cultural figures of this era.

As for personal relationships, with the exception of a brief period of falling in love, it is difficult to call their relationship close. For Jacob, Anna meant much more as his queen and wife than as his beloved.

2. Jacob and sons

2.1 Prince Henry and the Royal Gift: Raising an Heir

Unfortunately, the correspondence between Henry and Jacob that we have is not large enough to cover in detail the history of the relationship between them. It is difficult to say how frequent the meetings between father and son were before James assumed the English throne. Henry from infancy was brought up under the protection of the Earl of Mar. This was a Scottish tradition, justified by a rather tense political situation in the country: in this way, the heir was isolated from the influence of numerous political groups. In a letter written about Jacob's departure to England in 1603, the king apologizes to his son because, due to the importance of the event and the inevitable rush, he will not have time to see him before leaving. But he promises that this will be compensated by their soon meeting and long joint transmission. In a letter retold by Thomas Birch in his biography, Henry writes that he cannot be offended, but only congratulate his father on such a wonderful conclusion to events. The fact that he is nevertheless saddened by the departure of his father, and that they apparently met quite often, we also read in a letter to Anna of Denmark, in which, inviting his mother to see him, Henry argues that in connection with his departure father will now be deprived of the pleasure of their frequent meetings.

In all of Jacob's letters there is an element of instruction. The king was very attentive to the education of the future heir to the throne and carefully controlled it. The Prince's tutor when he was 5 years old was appointed Adam Newton, whose forte was foreign languages ​​and a brilliant Latin style. The concern for the prince's education included both concern for the correct style of writing, and for the correct, from Jacob's point of view, position of the prince on a particular issue.

So in a letter that Jacob writes on the eve of his departure, he describes a whole scheme of behavior that Henry must adhere to in connection with his father receiving the English throne. Firstly, he should perceive this rather than as an increase in his own position, which, in fact, remained the same - crown prince, and therefore experience excessive pride and vanity about this, but as a significant increase in his duties. In no case should he be overly arrogant. And especially carefully, the prince must be careful about how he now selects his surroundings. The main thing that he should be guided by in this matter is the good origin and opinion of his father (right in the letter, Yakov recommends a valuable person who can be used in the most "domestic" matters). Great care should also be taken by the prince towards the English: he should treat them all as if they were his beloved subjects, not allow too much ceremony so that they do not feel like strangers, treat them with all the cordiality that they deserve at the moment (here not quite it is clear what Jacob means: a difficult time after the death of Elizabeth, or a general disposition towards the English nation after her correct “choice” regarding the new monarch).

Immediately, Jacob mentions that, along with the letter, he sends his son his recently published book, which the heir should study as carefully as possible. Jacob notes that all the situations that Henry will have to face are somehow touched upon in this book, which from now on should become the measure of truth for the heir, not only in assessing certain problems, but also in assessing the various advice that he is given. Of course, we are talking about the "Royal Gift".

In another letter, Yakov gives two pieces of advice with which he believes the heir will cope with any task assigned to him. The first is an unchanging faith in one's own strengths and the rejection of childish shyness, for fate helps the brave and rejects the timid. The second is to do exactly what you are doing at the moment.

However, one must also dwell on the question of to whom these two letters of the king were more addressed. The fact is that at the time of their writing, the prince was only 9 years old. Despite numerous indications of age-advancing development, it cannot be argued that Yakov's advice applied directly to his heir. So in one of these letters we come across a passage where Yakov writes that he is looking forward to a letter, actually from his son: which will not only be written in his handwriting. In another letter, speaking about the correct selection of the environment, Jacob writes that the heir will be informed about the assessment given by his father: there is no doubt through whom this information will come. Thus, this correspondence can be considered rather a kind of exchange between the mentors of the prince, in order to demonstrate the knowledge he received, and the king, who noted the successes and achievements and set the further direction of the educational process. Moreover, this concerned not only the actual intellectual achievements of the young heir to the throne, but also his correct position on various issues, or rather the correct position of his mentors.

In this light, advice on the behavior of the heir with his environment will become more understandable. Of course, a nine-year-old boy, even properly brought up, could not correctly position himself in the more difficult circumstances brought about by his father's new position. The circle of his contacts before that was rather limited, and with its current increase, taking into account the inclusion of the English in it, it was necessary to develop a common line of behavior for the heir, which at the same time corresponded to the interests of his father and would allow Henry and his mentors to maneuver quite carefully in numerous court groups. This line was following the instructions of Jacob in the selection of candidates for the closest circle of the prince and the absolutely loyal attitude of the heir to all representatives of the English nation without exception. Both were reflections of Jacob's original policy after he succeeded to the English throne.

As in the case of Anne of Denmark, the prince's entourage was completely formed by the king, which alleviated the heir's minor age. This allowed Jacob to pursue a further rather flexible policy regarding the shuffling of the royal family's inner circle.

The cautious position of the monarch, who sought to strengthen his position in the new state and in no case offend new subjects, was carried out not only through the entourage of the queen, who, as we can see, actively opposed the policy of her husband, but also through the heir to the throne, whose actions were much under control. easier.

Considering from this point of view, the advice that Yakov addressed to his son, we can see a kind of educational concept embedded in them. As for the first advice, this can be regarded as an instruction from the king to lay greater independence and decisiveness in the actions of the heir. The time has come when it was time to cast aside youthful timidity. The young man had to be taught by his teachers to think and act independently. This idea is confirmed by the desire of the king mentioned in the same letter to receive a letter from his son himself: which is not only written in his handwriting, but will also be the fruit of his own thoughts. The second advice speaks of accustoming the heir to attentiveness in solving a specific issue, full concentration on the problem posed by the front.

The fact that the heir is already at the stage when he must learn to navigate on his own is also confirmed by Jacob's wish that he begin to study the "Royal Gift" (it was written by the king several years earlier). His teaching of independence, however, does not exclude the king's control over the way of thinking and position of his heir, since he considers it necessary that the prince initially fully rely on his father's judgments and, depending on them, build his system of perception of the world around him. "The Royal Gift" is, in fact, a textbook on the art of government for the future king. By genre, it belongs to the group of “mirrors” and “instructions” to sovereigns that have spread in Europe since the 15th century. Since this work was originally designed for 1 reader, the heir to the throne, it would be interesting to consider its main provisions in the light of Henry's relationship with his father.

It is unique that such a work was written by a monarch in principle. Here, the personality of Jacob, who left us a very significant literary heritage, undoubtedly had an influence. The work itself is divided into dedication, the first part is about the duties of the monarch as a Christian, the second is about government, the third is about the behavior of the monarch in certain situations.

Jacob himself writes about the motives for writing this work, that as a father he considers it necessary to take care of the education of his son, and as a king to ensure that he receives sufficient training in all aspects of the monarch's activities. He encourages Henry to take this work with him everywhere, study it carefully and put it into practice. Since Jacob cannot always be near his son, he hopes that this book will become his best adviser, free from flattery. If the heir does not heed the advice of the parent, then Yakov writes that it would be better for him not to have children at all than to be the father of a weak child.

We see that Jacob was fully aware that in the conditions of government, it was impossible for him to take a personal part in the upbringing of his son. But, as we see both in his letters and in the preface, he did not let this question take its course, but took a lively part in it, however, in a peculiar form. It is Jacob who plays the leading role in the process of raising the heir, and he strives for his son to trust and respect the opinion of his father as much as possible. Moreover, Jacob strives for the heir not only to receive a good theoretical education, but also to have support in his practice in the form of real experience and an exemplary pattern of behavior. Of course, the desire to win the approval of the reigning parent should have been one of the important incentives for the heir, which Jacob uses, but he softens the harsh statement about his unwillingness to be the father of the weak, emphasizing that he believes in his son, because since the Lord gave him a son-heir , then he will make sure that he is worthy.

In The Tsar's Gift, Jacob several times speaks of the birth of his first son as a divine gift. For him, Henry is first of all an heir (of course, the general orientation of the work must also be taken into account here). In his advice, he recommends that Henry treat his future son in this way: you need to love him, but at the same time try to invest in him as much as possible, which age is allowed. This is what he put into practice. In a biography dedicated to Charles I, the researcher notes that it was much easier for Jacob to become a mentor to his children, in which he succeeded quite well, than to become their father, in which he frankly failed. And the best form for him was remote care. Many deduce Jacob's attitude towards his own children from his own difficult childhood, in which he was deprived of communication with his parents: the death of his father before his birth and the imprisonment of his mother suggested a cool relationship between the king and his own family. From this point of view, The Tsar's Gift is a rather valuable source for us, since this work was the plane where Yakov actually showed participation and care for his children, in this case, Henry.

The theme of relations with parents is displayed in this way in the treatise. Jacob considers insulting parents as one of those crimes that cannot be forgiven. This not only breaks the relationship with them, it makes the children doubt. But, according to Jacob, those who betrayed and hated your ancestors cannot be loyal and love. In general, the passage about respect for parents is rather dry. In addition to the example of young Scottish lords who begin an independent life with a break with their mother, we have a standard phrase for this genre “honor father and mother”.

What is Jacob trying to teach his heir? His first ambition is to instill a sense of responsibility in Henry. He should not take his position as a pleasure, should not enjoy his superiority over others. Throughout the work, James emphasizes that being a monarch is a daily work, a burden on the shoulders, that a high position only increases the number of duties and the degree of guilt for misconduct .. He gives a brief overview of the state of Scotland and the duties of the monarch in relation to his subjects. The king especially emphasizes the importance of education for the king and gives advice to the heir on how to control his own education. In all parts, Jacob pays special attention to the behavior of the monarch, since he is an example for many. In the first part, speaking of sins, the king indicates that each of his petty sins will be copied by his subjects, for which he will be held accountable before God. In the second part, Yakov several times focuses on the importance of control over the immediate environment, as an example of behavior for the whole country. The third part is completely devoted to how to behave in a given situation, and Yakov pays attention to such trifles as correct speech, beautiful writing style, and the right choice of clothes. An interesting moment where we see the monarch's obvious desire to involve Henry in his own passion, namely writing. Yakov writes that it is better to write in your native language, not to aim at a large volume, since this can distract you from more important matters, always remember that what you write will forever remain a testament to your mind and character. We see the same thing in the passage about hunting, which Yakov prefers over any other sport.

Despite the fact that Jacob pretends to be an overview of the duties of the monarch, this overview is closely connected with the personality of the king and frankly imposes his line of behavior on the successor. Thus, in a passage about the excessively independent and barbarous Scottish aristocracy, James considers it essential for Henry to diligently fulfill his laws in relation to them.

He does not bypass marriage either. He considers it necessary to keep purity before marriage, since you cannot demand from one that you yourself do not observe. Jacob advises his heir to avoid premarital sex, despite the fact that it is now considered a minor sin. Cheating is dangerous not only for the relationship of spouses, but also as a violation of the vow given at the altar, since it can give illegitimate offspring, which in the future can greatly complicate the life of legitimate heirs, but doom them to the absence of the latter.

He lists three reasons for marriage: curbing lust, having children, and finding a helper in a wife. From this he draws the following conclusions: First, the king should by no means marry a barren woman, since his heirs have the duty not only as men, but also as king. Secondly, one cannot marry a woman with a bad temper and a vicious upbringing, since the wife should become a support, not a hindrance. Thirdly, one must marry a woman belonging to the same church, because, with a difference in faith, spouses will never become partners, and their differences will not only be copied by subjects, splitting the country, but will also affect the worldview of their children. Jacob is skeptical about the possibility of reforming the faith. The king regretfully admits that there are few such princesses. You can not marry (especially the first time) a woman of a lower position. As secondary, but important conditions for marriage, Jacob considers beauty, wealth, and friendship between spouses.

Thus, the choice of a future wife for a son is a very important issue for Yakov. This passage turned out to be not only a theoretical hypothesis, but also a serious problem when it turned out that there really were not so many princesses suitable for the heir to the English throne from the point of view of his father. Moreover, despite the fact that in the treatise Jacob writes about the undesirability of early marriage and that he writes these instructions more in case of his death, he still strives to marry Henry while he is alive, and to take the most active part in the choice, since the son still not enough, in comparison with him, versed in this matter. It should be noted that the opinions of the ardent Protestant Henry, on the issue of marriage with the Spanish princess Jacob, were not taken into account much. And although he clearly contradicted his own words about the need for confessional compatibility, the desire to solve such an important problem on his own made Yakov neglect such an important condition.

Jacob's authoritarianism is visible not only in the choice of his son's bride, but also in the formation of his environment. This is also the subject of much of the treatise. Jacob literally sets the principles for the creation and relations with the closest circle of the heir to the throne, not to mention the fact that he actually organizes it in practice for quite a long time. On the one hand, Jacob gives really measured and wise advice on this issue. He diligently emphasizes that the environment of the prince will be his image in the eyes of the people, and therefore he must be selected very carefully so as not to compromise himself. Recommends to be more careful to take on the service through intermediaries, so that it does not turn out that they serve them, and not him. Also about the need to watch the court much more than the whole kingdom, since it is a model and an example. But on the other hand, as in the letters, we have a desire to control the heir to the throne. Jacob emphasizes that Henry, after his death, should be very attentive to his former associates. Jacob believes that for the heir, they should become the most trusted persons. This, in his opinion, will not only provide Henry with the best servants, since those who did not love their father cannot love their son either, but it will also demonstrate filial respect for Jacob, will be proof of his love for his father. Under no circumstances should Henry return those who were disgraced under Jacob. We meet here literally such a phrase: "you must love those whom I love and hate those whom I hate."

Thus, we see that Jacob seeks to fully control all the most important moments in his son's life.

There is another issue that needs to be noted when considering the relationship between Yakov and his eldest son. This is Jacob's bias towards the growing popularity of his heir. Hume notes that historians speak of Prince Henry with special affection, and this is true. The same Hume writes that already at the age of eighteen, the young prince inspired more respect than his father, with all his experience, solidity and learning. He was not carried away by empty amusements, and his greatest passion was martial arts. Hume also says that Henry most likely despised his father for his excessive cowardice and pedantry.

The biography of Arabella Stuart also notes the excessive sensitivity of the king to the people's love for his heir. As well as in the biography of Karl, there is a brewing conflict between Jacob and his heir, about the excessive independence and audacity of the latter. The author describes a hunting incident when the heir, in response to his father's caustic comment, left the event, pulling the lion's share of those present. Also commenting on Charles's relationship with his father, he notes that he found his father at a bad time, when he decided that he had coped with all the problems and received a reward for his labors - the English throne can finally rest. This thesis can be applied to the relationship with Jacob, the eldest son. Although Henry did not witness the flowering of favoritism under Carr and Buckingham, his father's behavior and court were very different from those he painted in the Royal Gift.

Tension of this kind did take place in their relationship, but it should not be greatly exaggerated. Such a perception of their relationship is largely based both on the prevailing opinion about Jacob, as a weak person and monarch, and on the image of the prince idealized by historians. In reality, Henry's independence had in many respects the same basis as his mother's illusory independence under Jacob's real control.

As for Henry's relationship with Anna of Denmark, one must take into account the fact that before moving to England, their meetings, as well as with Jacob, were quite rare. Until the age of 5 or 6, the prince was under the care of the Dowager Countess of Mar, whom he later remembered with tenderness. The mother's attempts to get involved in the upbringing of her son did not lead to anything (see chapter Anna). However, even after their arrival in England, their relationship did not become closer. This was partly hampered by a religious factor: Anna's predilection for Catholicism was no longer a special secret, and strongly contradicted the sharply Protestant views of the heir. As with Jacob, the prince broke up with her over the marriage to the Catholic princess, which the queen longed for. However, after the death of her son, Anna defiantly mourned, using this as an excuse not to attend a number of events related to the wedding of her daughter and the Elector of the Palatinate.

Thus, we see that the most striking dominant in relation to Jacob and Henry is the desire of the king to keep his heir under control at all costs. Jacob pays the most attention to the education of his eldest son, trying to establish the worldview and behavior he needs, a striking example of which is the "Tsar's Gift". This does not exclude, as already mentioned, Yakov's sincere concern as a father for a good education for his son. But first of all, Henry is perceived by him as the heir to the throne, and it is this function of his that carries the deepest emotional burden for Jacob. The king was not capable of a closer relationship with his son; for him, remote care was the maximum

2.2 Carl

Compared to his younger brother, Henry saw his parents regularly. Born in 1600, Charles, at whose birth the king was not present, was an incredibly weak child in health. He was immediately entrusted to the care of Lady Margaret Stuart, Jane Drummond and Marion Hepburn. The little prince's nannies received generous support from Yakov, but this was the only thing he cared about for his second son during this period. Due to poor health at first, no one believed that the child could survive. When Jacob went to England in 1603, Charles remained in Scotland, and it was decided that he would follow his parents as soon as he was strong enough to do so. Before leaving, Alexander Seton was appointed as his tutor. This is not to say that parents have forgotten about their youngest child. They were constantly interested in his health. In 1604, Jacob sent a doctor to Scotland, who examined the child and allowed him to move to England. In the same year, Charles was brought to England, and the care of him was entrusted to Robert and Elizabeth Carrie. Due to the boy's still poor health, this was considered a rather dubious honor, but the Carrie successfully coped with their task. As the researcher notes in the biography of Karl, they gave Karl what the boy lacked so much during this period - a family. Indeed, as in the case of Henry, Karl's much stronger affection for his tutor than for his mother is noted.

Relations with the mother were quite difficult. Anna really had difficulty establishing contact with her children: with completely ruined relations with Henry and Elizabeth (in both cases, Anna's commitment to Catholicism played a big role), Charles began to be considered her favorite. Carlton notes that the lack of maternal attention afterward greatly affected the prince's relationship with women. However, in a letter written by Karl during his mother's illness, he writes that this event deprived him of the opportunity to see her and he would like to give her some recipe that would help her heal or at least make her laugh. In 1619, when Anna was dying, it was Charles who slept in the room next to her.

Carlton gives the following concept regarding the duality of the relationship between Karl and his father. The fact is that Karl did not find Jacob in the most brilliant years of the latter. During this period, the king, who finally received the long-awaited English throne, relaxed, considering his duty fulfilled, and finally decided to live for his own pleasure, especially since, as he believed, the English treasury allows this. The dominance of favorites, constant entertainment and the luxury of the court gave Charles the impression of his father as a weak monarch, whose lifestyle was not at all sympathetic to him. This alienation was also facilitated by the behavior of Yakov himself, who, as mentioned above, did not at all strive for close communication with his children. With all this, Carlton also notes the opposite trend in their relationship - this is Charles's desire to win the sympathy of his father, whom he, despite the contempt felt for his way of life, considered the best king and father.

Young also supports the idea that Karl had a dislike for his father's lifestyle, pointing out that Karl tried to lead exactly the opposite: if under Jacob he clearly preferred favorites to the family, then Karl sought to create an ideal marriage, if Jacob was emotional and sociable , then Karl is secretive and silent.

In general, the assessment of Karl's childhood and youth is dominated by the idea of ​​him as an unhappy child, closed in the shadow of his own brother, deprived of parental attention.

Carlton believes that Karl's letters clearly show attempts to "buy" parental warmth and affection. He repeatedly writes to his father in Latin, trying to demonstrate what efforts he is making to learn the language so beloved by Jacob. He constantly notifies his father of his progress in learning, which, as mentioned above, was also very much appreciated by the monarch. However, if you compare his behavior with the behavior of the eldest son of the king, then it cannot be said that it was very different, and that there was something special about it. Jacob demanded that his children write to him in Latin in order to control the learning process: so Henry from the age of 5 had to write him obligatory letters. So such letters-reports about the learning process cannot be considered in the case of Karl, some distinctive feature of him, which somehow distinguished his relationship with his father. The desire to obtain parental approval is natural, and Jacob, as already mentioned in his treatise, believed that the need to earn the attention of his father should be one of the additional motives for his son's desire for learning. This statement, of course, applied not only to Henry. Therefore, it is impossible to fully agree with the author about Karl's lack of attention from his father. This was the already described position of the king in relation to the upbringing of his children: an increased attention to education, and a studious avoidance of closer personal contact.

A separate stage in the relationship between Charles and Jacob is the time after the ascent of Buckingham. The death of Prince Henry did not change much in the relationship between father and son - they remained distant. The general unsociableness of Karl and his cold attitude towards his father's court, and the dominance of favorites in his father's life did not contribute to any improvement. Under Somerset, Charles was almost completely excluded from the king's inner circle. Changes occurred only under Buckingham and were associated with a number of reasons relating not so much to Karl and Jacob himself, but to the plans of the favorite. At first, he also did not seek to attract a young heir, but Jacob was getting old, and Buckingham's plans were by no means to lose influence under the next king. He gradually begins to draw in Jacob's relationship with Charles. He was rather cool about his father’s obviously romantic relationship with Buckingham, but according to Young, during the period when Karl began to be drawn into this circle, such relations between Jacob and Buckingham gradually faded away due to the old age of the king and the marriage of the favorite. This, in his opinion, helped Karl psychologically accept this situation. Carlton believes that Karl quite consciously accepted the role of second violin in this trio, realizing that he could not compete with the favorite for his father's attention, and soon firmly took such a position in their relationship, which can be characterized by an appeal to him, which he constantly used in relation to him Jacob in his correspondence with him and Buckingham - "Baby Charles". This idea is confirmed in the Spanish correspondence of Jacob with Karl and Buckingham. Karl, even when the letters seem to be addressed to the heir, he clearly remains somewhere in the background. All of Jacob's emotions fall on the lot of Backinegm, while Karl receives mainly behavioral instructions (which again leads to parallels with Henry). It cannot be said that Jacob does not have any special feelings for his son, who is in a rather dangerous situation at that time, no, he was worried about Karl, but his excitement, as with Henry, is more about the fear of losing an heir, and not a loved one.

Charles's relationship with Buckingham itself is usually regarded as fraternal. Many are surprised how he, who is so hostile to his father's lifestyle, was able to keep an all-powerful favorite with him. It was strongly influenced by the fact that Buckingham, in principle, was one of the first to show interest in him. Karl's failed attempts to get closer to Henry also had a strong effect. I must say that not only the relationship of Jacob himself and his household, but also between them themselves were quite complicated. Many note Henry's dislike for Carl, whom he constantly teased. So Carlton believes that Jacob used the younger son to rein in the eldest, pointing out the zeal of Charles, and once even promising to leave the crown to the latter. No matter how unrealistic this threat may be. This hardly contributed to the improvement of relations between the brothers. A well-known anecdote, when, while waiting for the king, Henry popped a headdress from Archbishop Abbott, put it on nine-year-old Charles and said that when he became king, he would make him Archbishop of Canterbury, since he teaches a lot for this, besides, long clothes will hide his crooked painful legs. Karl was so upset that he threw off his hat, stamped his feet and ran away in tears. Karl repeatedly tried to establish contact with his brother. Carlton writes that here, too, he tried in some way to buy his attention. Moreover, in his attempts, the inexperienced Karl often went too far - so when Henry and his entourage refused to change French fashion to Italian, Karl did the same. But despite all his attempts, Henry did not have the patience to communicate with his younger brother, he clearly preferred the company of his sister Elizabeth. However, Carlton, despite such a clearly strained relationship, indicates that the death of Henry Carl experienced very hard.

Thus, it is necessary to note the following features of Jacob's relationship with his youngest son. First of all, they were distinguished by the actual position of Charles by birth: he was not an heir, and, therefore, was not a figure as important to Jacob as Henry. The second is the poor health of the prince, which, as at first, reduced communication with his parents, so initially influenced his image of being a closed and weak being. In terms of education, he apparently received the same amount of attention as Henry, but in terms of personal relationships, he also did not advance further, at least until the appearance of Buckingham. In the last period of the reign of Jacob, under the influence of the favorite, Charles became a little closer to his father, and took his special position between his father and his favorite, or rather next to them.

anna danish yakov environment

3.1 The sensual side of correspondence

The first aspect of the correspondence that I would like to consider is the sensual side of their relationship. How did Yakov feel about his favorite, how strong was this feeling, how intimate is their relationship reflected in the letters? The most active correspondence between them is conducted during the stay of the Duke of Buckingham in Spain. Jacob is unusually hard going through the absence of a favorite. The general tone of the poem he wrote during this period strongly resonates with the correspondence: the birds do not sing, the fountains subside, the trees do not bloom, spring itself slowed down until the happy return of two people close to him.

The same melancholy that pervades these lines slips through the letters as well. They had never been separated for such a long time before. Already in the second letter, Jacob asks his son to hurry up and return Buckingham to him as soon as possible. And in the next he writes that he wears a portrait of a favorite near his heart. Correspondence is unusually intense: after eleven days of no letters, Yakov is already starting to worry about his "boys". He himself writes to them regularly, both to both and separately to each. The feeling of longing is also reinforced by fear, since Buckingham and Karl undertook a truly unusual and dangerous adventure for those times. Here is what the king writes in one of his letters to the duke:

“My dear and dear child, I am such an unfortunate coward for doing nothing but crying and mourning; I went to the park today, but I didn’t speak to anyone, and tears flowed down my cheeks just like now, which I write with difficulty ... and my heart is against your absence ”

“My dear child, I cannot be satisfied without sending you a gift, and I pray to God that he sends you and me a joyful and pleasant meeting, and that we can enter into a new marriage this Christmas because the Lord loves me so much that I I want to live in this world only for you, and I prefer the life of an exile with you in any part of the earth, the sad life of a widower without you. May the Lord bless you, my dear child and wife, and may you always be a comfort to your dear father and husband.”

After the trip, Buckingham falls ill and Jacob is again separated from his pet. In the first letter, having received the news about the impossibility of the presence of the favorite on the hunt, he writes about how worried he is about Buckingham's state of health, advises him to be more careful with medicines and doctors, and also expresses the hope that tomorrow evening he will recover. and will be able to attend the hunt. Yakov emphasizes that hunting without Buckingham will not give him real pleasure. In the next letter, after raving about the brilliant behavior of the pack of dogs presented to him by Buckingham, Yakov again expresses concern for his health and advises: “Do not forget now to breathe fresh air carefully, and for God's sake and me, keep yourself warm, especially your head and shoulders. » . At the end of the letter, he adds that Buckingham's "old supplier" sends him 6 partridges and two hares and is going to send a pheasant (and later, judging by Yakov's letters, such gifts are repeated more than once). The next letter is being written by Prince Karl under the dictation of his father, since Jacob has a pain in his right elbow and knee and is unable to write himself. At the end, Jacob again repeats his desire to see the favorite, whose presence will undoubtedly restore his health. The fact that Jacob was really very upset by the separation from Buckingham and sincerely cared about his health can also be seen from the letter where the duke speaks of Jacob's broken promise to write little, since these numerous letters mean that Jacob is worried. Buckingham, in response to Yakov's messages about his longing and unsuccessful hunting, writes that he is very pleased that Yakov's presence is so important, which brings him good luck, and of course, for Yakov's sake, he will try to recover as soon as possible. He then sends a servant to be present at Jacob's hunt, and then returns to him with a report. Thus, he tries, at least in this way, to make up for his absence from the king and to establish a more physical contact, so to speak, than the opportunity provided by the correspondence.

3.3 Displaying status in a conversation

The next question that interests us is how they were treated, if I can express professional attitudes. Here I would like to analyze not the issues that were discussed by them in this part, namely, how they positioned and characterized themselves in them.

In another letter, Buckingham already emphasizes not so much the diligence as the loyalty of Buckingham, who, in gratitude for the exaltation, will always take the side of his condescending master. Thus, before us is an ideal subject, faithful and obedient to the will of the monarch. It must be said that the duke almost never forgot to emphasize this position of a subject, appreciating the mercy of the monarch, which is shown by his signature "Your majesty" s humble slave and dog "and the invariable request for a blessing. Almost unchanged: in one of letters, Buckingham apologizes to the king for the fact that in the last letter he really forgot to ask for his blessing, and asks for a double. In a letter to the king, she writes that she asks for blessings, like her husband, but she writes on his behalf, however, in her other letter, where she writes on her own behalf, this part is omitted.) Jacob also pays great attention to this moment of correspondence: no matter how small was his letter to the favorite, it ends almost invariably... This mutual exchange is similar to a constantly reproduced oath, fixing precisely the status, professional hypostasis of their relationship.

3.4 Family of the favorite in correspondence

One of the themes often reflected in this part is the Duke of Buckingham's family. It was large enough and, as many researchers agree, received enough benefits from the rise of the favorite. This applies to both the policy of distributing titles and positions, in which Buckingham had a primary influence on the king (1618 - his mother Lady Beaumont becomes Countess of Buckingham, 1616 - half-brother John becomes a knight, then page of the Royal bedroom, keeper of the Royal dress, then Baron Villiers of Stock and Viscount Purbeck, 1617 - his younger brother Christopher became a gentleman of the royal bedroom, in 1623 he simultaneously received the titles of Baron Villiers of Daventry and Earl of Oglazy (without prior knighthood, as required by tradition), in 1622 the husband of Susan's sister, Sir William Fielding becomes Viscount Fielding, in 1622 Earl of Denby, their son receives first the title of Baron Fielding, and then Viscount Kalan), and the arrangement of marriage parties for family members (Christopher, daughter of Thomas Selden, Lord Norris, John, daughter of Sir Edward Cock, etc.). Buckingham himself in 1620, on the recommendation of James, marries Catherine Manners, daughter of the Earl of Rutland, a well-known participant in the Essex conspiracy, who enjoyed the very stable trust of the king. What place does the family of the favorite occupy in his correspondence with the king, and what can we learn from there about Jacob's attitude towards her.

Directly corresponded with Jacob

Thus, we have tried to analyze the three themes identified in the letters of James I and the Duke of Buckingham. This is a love question, the perception and role of correspondence, the Buckingham family, positioning in the “professional field”. How can we summarize the information that correspondence provides us with?

On the question of the feelings experienced by Jacob in relation to Buckingham, she gives us an idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe extraordinary significance of the latter for the king. Yakov sincerely loved his last favorite and at the end of his life he could no longer imagine life without him. It can be noted that this love was partly somewhat selfish on the part of Yakov. It is also impossible to exclude a touch of patronage, which, however, is clearly not a manifestation of paternal feelings, but rather a reflection of both status and age differences. As for the question of the physical side of their relationship, here we can only judge hints of it. Of course, the unusually warm tone of the correspondence, Yakov's impatient anticipation of evening meetings, gentle appeals ("dear sweet child", "sweet heart"), frank love confessions, coupled with comments from contemporaries, do not allow us to deny its existence. However, to use Bergeron's terminology, Jacob's letters do give us an idea of ​​"desire", but not of "reality". In this part, as has been shown, the letters lend themselves to very diverse, if not opposite, interpretations. Therefore, although it is worth paying attention to how Yakov himself wrote about his feelings, however, be careful about this, given the whole variety of possible interpretations. If we return to the issue of the perception of these relations by contemporaries and researchers, then it is the correspondence that is a wonderful source to look at these relations not so much from the side of morality, but to really try to understand the feelings experienced by the characters, to reveal the inner side of their relationship.

On the question of the significance of the correspondence for both of its participants, we can partly agree with its symbolic interpretation. But only in part. On both sides, there is indeed an opinion of the role of letters as a demonstration of royal mercy, strengthening and constant confirmation of the status of a favorite. However, this function of correspondence should not be absolutized. It frankly carries not only a symbolic, but also a sensual and partly professional orientation. In the latter, we see a clear emphasis by both participants in the correspondence (but more by the Duke of Buckingham) of the theme of loyalty, love and obedience to their monarch, a demonstrative indication of the status position of both and its consolidation. The family of the favorite also occupies not the last place in this correspondence. In part, its presence is due to the symbolic function of correspondence. But it is not possible to deny, as was indicated, its significance for Yakov on a sensual plane and to reduce everything only to rational explanations.

Conclusion

Based on the tasks set in the introduction, the following points can be distinguished.

In the first chapter, the following main questions were posed: the existence of the court opposition to Anna of Denmark and the analysis of Jacob's views on marriage.

Marriage for Jacob was his duty as a monarch. It was necessary to approach the solution of this issue in adulthood and with a certain set of parameters. First of all, he perceived his wife not as a lover, but as a queen and mother of his heirs. He respected and loved Anna because she was his wife. It was this status of hers that determined the nature of Jacob's relationship with Anna of Denmark. That is why, he was sincerely surprised when she accused him of preferring someone else to her. She occupied a unique position for him, which no one except her could claim, as well as the feelings that he has for her. The relationship of friends and helpers came to the fore in the relationship of the spouses for Jacob. The wife was to become a support for him as a king. Of course, the question arises as to how Anna met the requirements that Jacob made for his wife. She was never able to become a person really close to Yakov, at the level that he allowed. Perhaps the reason for this is the character of the queen, who aspired to play a slightly different role than the one that Jacob assigned to his wife, both in personal relationships and in politics. As for Anna's court opposition, it was rather an illusion, more precisely, it took place only as an organic and controlled part of Jacob's polycentric court. Moreover, this was not so much opposition as the provision of living space to a certain group of courtiers, with the opportunities to realize themselves in it accordingly.

We tried to analyze this level in the third chapter. In general, the leitmotif of the correspondence between Jacob and Buckingham is the sensual side of their relationship. Letters to Buckingham are filled with many confessions of Jacob in frank attachment to his favorite, in which the king does not see anything special and shameful, and which are practically not found in his letters to his wife and children. As for the existence of the physical side of these relations, here the correspondence can be subjected to diverse interpretations and it is quite difficult to take a principled position. Another important aspect of Jacob's relationship with the favorite is professional, in which the Duke of Buckingham acts as the person closest to the monarch, being his representative and, accordingly, endowed with the greatest power. We must not miss Bray's symbolic interpretation of correspondence as a constant reproduction of royal favor. In general, these two components of their relationship put Buckingham in a special, different position in his personal relationship with Jacob. Thus, if in the first two chapters we see a clear prevalence of the status component, then in the third chapter, on the contrary, the sensual side was leading. At the same time, it is not possible to oppose the relationship of the king with the family and with the favorite, since both of them were for Jacob an organic component of the monarch's family circle.

Sources:

1. Letters of king James VI and I. California, London, 1984.

2. Letters of the Kings of England/Ed. by J.O. Halliwell-Phillipps, London 1818

3. Letters of Lady Arbella Stuart/Ed. Sara Jayne Stein. N-Y., 1994.

4. Original letters, illustrative of English history; including numerous royal letters; from autographs in the British Museum, and one or two other collections/ Ed. Henry, Sir Ellis, in 3 Vol., vol.3

5. The Political Works of James I./Ed. McIlwain C.H., Cambridge, 1918

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Letters of the Kings of England / Ed. by J.O. Halliwell-Phillipps, London 1818., P. 159-160

“I have nothing more to say, but to reccomend my poor little wife and daughter to your care" / Ibid., P. 163-164

Bray Alan The Friend / University of Chicago Press, 2003, pp. 13-42

Anna of Denmark was the wife of King James I, who inherited the English throne after Elizabeth I.

Anna was the second child of the Danish king Frederick II. She was born around 1574.
In 1589, a year after her father's death (he was succeeded by twelve-year-old Christian IV, Anna's younger brother), she married "by proxy" to James, then King of Scotland. The age difference with her husband was relatively small - eight years. The real wedding took place a few months later, in January 1590, when Jacob arrived in Denmark. Portrait of Jacob:

The royal couple had eight children. The first son was born four years after the wedding, in 1594.

Two years later, a daughter appeared,.

Infant mortality was high in royal families as well. Margarita, who was born two years later, lived less than a year and a half. Robert is only a few months old. The same fate befell Maria and Sophia, and they did not manage to give a name to another son. The throne after the death of his father will be inherited by the fourth child born in 1600 - the future Charles I. Here he is the Prince of Wales:

After the death of Sophia, the last child, the ways of the king, by that time already the king of England, and the queen parted completely. The alienation was aggravated, among other things, by the fact that, brought up in the Lutheran faith, Anna became a Catholic. In 1603, the coronation of Jacob and Anna took place at Windsor Palace, but Anna refused to become an Anglican. In addition, the king liked men more ... Was Jacob sincere when in one of his poems he called his Juno "a wonderful doctor who will heal my sick heart"?

And the stately blonde is really somewhat reminiscent of Juno:

So, it fell to the queen to receive those pleasures from life that were available in her position. She had her own yard, separate from the yard of her husband. She collected a collection of paintings - portraits, landscapes, paintings on mythological and religious themes. In particular, Anna was partial to Dutch art. Lord Salisbury once said of the queen: "She preferred pictures to the company of living people." And, in general, I sometimes understand her ...

Portraits by famous miniaturists Hilliard and Oliver:

One of the main hobbies of the queen was court masquerades - music, dances, performances, costumes. She patronized the famous English architect Inigo Jones, who, among other things, was engaged in the design of stages for such performances. He also built for the queen and the palace in Greenwich. Portrait of the queen in fancy dress:

Anna's luxurious outfits and expensive projects that she constantly started made a big hole in the country's budget ... And, in general, Anna's life was not cloudless, as it might seem. Moreover, in 1612 the king and queen lost their heir - the eighteen-year-old Prince of Wales, Henry Frederick, died. And soon Anna broke up with her daughter - a few months after the death of her brother, Elizabeth got married. Portrait of Anna in mourning for her first child.

Anna's influence on the royal court was quite significant: thanks to her, courtly orders were established at the Scottish (and from 1603 English) court, balls and theater performances were often organized, poets and musicians were encouraged, the court acquired splendor and splendor. Anna's court painter was Isaac Oliver, who left numerous portraits of his patroness. This caused dissatisfaction among the Presbyterian clergy, who repeatedly criticized the queen for neglecting prayers and the word of God. The negative attitude intensified even more after Anna's conversion to Catholicism. Many talented administrators came out of the queen's retinue, who then successfully worked in the highest government bodies of England and Scotland.

Anna's residence was the Queen's House built for her by Inigo Jones in Greenwich, which has survived. She died at the age of 44 in 1619 at Hampton Court Palace and was buried in Westminster Abbey.

Marriage and children

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An excerpt characterizing Anna of Denmark

“Yes, yes, not a hair,” replied Prince Vasily, laughing. - Sergei Kuzmich ... from all sides. From all sides, Sergei Kuzmich... Poor Vyazmitinov could not go any further. Several times he began to write again, but Sergey would just say ... sobbing ... Ku ... zmi ... ch - tears ... and from all sides they were drowned out by sobs, and he could not go any further. And again a handkerchief, and again “Sergei Kuzmich, from all sides,” and tears ... so that they already asked to read another.
- Kuzmich ... from all sides ... and tears ... - repeated someone laughing.
“Don’t be angry,” Anna Pavlovna said, shaking her finger from the other end of the table, “c "est un si brave et excellent homme notre bon Viasmitinoff ... [This is such a wonderful person, our good Vyazmitinov ...]
Everyone laughed a lot. At the upper honorable end of the table, everyone seemed to be cheerful and under the influence of the most varied lively moods; only Pierre and Helene sat silently side by side almost at the lower end of the table; a radiant smile, independent of Sergei Kuzmich, was restrained on the faces of both - a smile of shame in front of their feelings. No matter what they said and no matter how others laughed and joked, no matter how appetizing they ate rhine wine, and sautéed, and ice cream, no matter how they avoided this couple with their eyes, no matter how indifferent, inattentive to her, it was felt for some reason, by occasionally thrown at them looks that the joke about Sergei Kuzmich, and laughter, and food - everything was feigned, and all the forces of the attention of this whole society were directed only to this couple - Pierre and Helen. Prince Vasily imagined the sobs of Sergei Kuzmich and at the same time looked around his daughter; and while he was laughing, his expression said: “Well, well, everything is going well; Everything will be decided today." Anna Pavlovna threatened him for notre bon Viasmitinoff, and in her eyes, which flashed briefly at Pierre at that moment, Prince Vasily read congratulations on the future son-in-law and the happiness of his daughter. The old princess, offering wine to her neighbor with a sad sigh and looking angrily at her daughter, with this sigh seemed to be saying: “Yes, now there is nothing left for us but to drink sweet wine, my dear; now is the time for this youth to be so defiantly defiantly happy.” “And what nonsense is all that I tell, as if it interests me,” the diplomat thought, looking at the happy faces of his lovers, “this is happiness!”
Among those insignificantly petty, artificial interests that bound this society, there was a simple feeling of striving of a beautiful and healthy young man and woman for each other. And this human feeling overwhelmed everything and hovered above all their artificial babble. The jokes were not funny, the news was uninteresting, the animation obviously fake. Not only they, but the lackeys who served at the table seemed to feel the same and forgot the order of the service, looking at the beautiful Helen with her beaming face and at the red, fat, happy and restless face of Pierre. It seemed that the lights of the candles were focused only on these two happy faces.
Pierre felt that he was the center of everything, and this position both pleased and embarrassed him. He was in the state of a man deep in some kind of occupation. He didn't see anything clearly, didn't understand, and didn't hear anything. Only occasionally, unexpectedly, fragmentary thoughts and impressions from reality flickered in his soul.
“It's all over! he thought. – And how did it all happen? So fast! Now I know that not for her alone, not for myself alone, but for all this must inevitably come to pass. They are all so looking forward to it, so sure it will be, that I can't, I can't deceive them. But how will it be? Don't know; but it will be, it will certainly be!” thought Pierre, looking at those shoulders that glittered right next to his eyes.
Then suddenly he felt ashamed of something. He was embarrassed that he alone occupied the attention of everyone, that he was a lucky man in the eyes of others, that he, with his ugly face, was some kind of Paris possessing Elena. “But, it’s true, it always happens like that and it’s necessary,” he consoled himself. “And, by the way, what did I do for this?” When did it start? From Moscow, I went with Prince Vasily. There was nothing here yet. Then why didn't I stop at his place? Then I played cards with her and picked up her purse and went skating with her. When did it start, when did it all happen? And here he sits beside her as a bridegroom; hears, sees, feels her closeness, her breath, her movements, her beauty. Then suddenly it seems to him that it is not she, but he himself is so extraordinarily beautiful that that is why they look at him like that, and he, happy with the general surprise, straightens his chest, raises his head and rejoices in his happiness. Suddenly a voice, someone's familiar voice, is heard and says something to him another time. But Pierre is so busy that he does not understand what they say to him. “I ask you when you received a letter from Bolkonsky,” Prince Vasily repeats for the third time. “How distracted you are, my dear.

Folingsby, George Frederick - Anne of Denmark And James VI of Scotland

Anna was the daughter of Frederick II, King of Denmark and Norway from the Oldenburg dynasty. In 1589, an agreement was concluded between Denmark and Scotland on the marriage of Princess Anne and the young Scottish King James VI. The wedding by proxy took place in Copenhagen, and the bride sailed to Scotland. However, due to storms in the North Sea, the ship was forced to return to Norway. The impatient groom equipped the Scottish fleet and arrived at Anna's in Oslo, where the wedding took place on November 23. The newlyweds remained in the possessions of the Danish king until the next spring. On May 17, 1590, Anne was crowned Queen of Scots at Holyrood Abbey. The marriage of James VI with a representative of the Danish royal house, one of the leading Protestant dynasties in Europe, significantly strengthened the position of the king in Presbyterian Scotland.

Anne of Denmark (1574–1619), Queen Consort of James I by Paulus van Somer I (studio of)
Collection: Lamport Hall

Anna's influence on the royal court was quite significant: thanks to her, courtly orders were established at the Scottish (and from 1603 English) court, balls and theater performances were often organized, poets and musicians were encouraged, the court acquired splendor and splendor.

Anne of Denmark, Queen of England, Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger, Oil on canvas, Woburn Abbey Date c.1611-1614.

Anne of Denmark, attributed to Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger, c. 1612

James (James) VI of Scotland, aka James I of England (Eng. James, lat. Iacobus; June 19, 1566, Edinburgh, Scotland - March 27, 1625, Theobalds Palace (Theobalds House), near Chesenta, Hertfordshire, England) - king Scotland (from July 24, 1567 - under the tutelage of the regency council, from March 12, 1578 - alone) and the first king of England from the Stuart dynasty from March 24, 1603 (proclaimed king in Edinburgh on March 31, 1603). James I was the first sovereign to rule both kingdoms of the British Isles at the same time. Great Britain as a single power did not yet legally exist, England and Scotland were sovereign states that had a common monarch.
James was the son of Mary Queen of Scots and Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley. Mary Stuart, was the great-granddaughter of the English king Henry VII, the founder of the Tudor house, which provided Jacob hereditary rights to the English crown. According to his father, Jacob was also a descendant of the English kings. The possibility of obtaining the English throne later became one of the determining factors in the policy of James VI.

Portrait of James as a boy, after Arnold Bronckorst, 1574

James VI of Scotland aged 20, 1586
Unknown artist of the Scottish school; attributed to Adrian Vanson or the school of Alonso Sánchez Coello
Original in the collection of the National Trust for Scotland at Falkland Palace, Fife, Scotland

Paul van Somer (1576/1578-1622)
King James I of England

Nicholas Hilliard. Portrait of James I after accession to the English throne


James I, VI by John de Critz, c.1606

James I of England by Daniel Mytens

After the death of Robert Cecil - the secretary of state and chief adviser to the king - in 1612 in England there was no figure of a comparable level for the sole government of the country. This, on the one hand, contributed to the formation of the "cabinet" under the king and increased the role of specialized commissions and committees in the state administration - the prototypes of future ministries, and on the other hand, facilitated the rise of royal favorites. The first of these was the young Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset (since 1613), but because of his involvement in the poisoning of Thomas Overbury, the king was forced to arrest his favorite and imprison him in 1615. The new favorite of the aging James VI was George Villiers, who quickly became the first person in the state. Huge land holdings were transferred to him, the position of Lord Admiral was granted, and in 1623 Villiers was elevated to the title of Duke of Buckingham. In the last years of his life, James I practically stepped aside from government, ceding most of his power to Buckingham and his son Charles, Prince of Wales.

George Villiers, favorite of James I (portrait by Rubens)

Anna of Denmark was a charming and cheerful girl, but in terms of intellectual level she could not match the philosopher king James VI. Soon after the marriage, relations between the spouses began to cool and in the end they almost stopped seeing each other. Nevertheless, between 1594 and 1604, Anna of Denmark gave birth to seven children, of whom, however, only three escaped death in infancy: Princes Henry, Karl and Princess Elizabeth.

Henry Prince of Wales 1610 Robert Peake

Charles I, portrait by Daniel Mytens

Charles I (eng. Charles I of England; November 19, 1600 - January 30, 1649, London) - King of England, Scotland and Ireland from March 27, 1625. From the Stuart dynasty. His policies of absolutism and church reforms sparked uprisings in Scotland and Ireland and the English Revolution. During the civil wars, Charles I was defeated, was tried by Parliament and executed on January 30, 1649 in London.
Karl's private life was impeccable; he had a taste for literature and art, but he lacked the most essential qualities of a king; in relation to his favorites, he showed affection that reached the point of weakness, considered double-mindedness as political wisdom and easily broke his promises.

Anthony Van Dyck. Charles I from three sides

Elizabeth Stewart,
artist