Colonel Andrei Devyatov: Shoigu Sergei Kuzhugetovich as the future enlightened dictator of Russia. I am ashamed that my namesake Devyatov is a Talmudic singer of Chaldean-Maccabean thought

Member of the Russian Writers' Union. Retired colonel.

Biography

Full member of the Russian branch of the International Academy for Future Research (Brussels).

Essays

Books

  • Devyatov A.P. Red Dragon. China and Russia in the 21st century. - M.: Algorithm, 2002. - 288 p. - (National interest). - 3000 copies. - ISBN 5-9265-0062-1.
  • Devyatov A.P. Chinese specifics. As I understood it in intelligence and business. - M.: Ant, 2002. - 336 p. - ISBN 5-89737-097-4.
  • Devyatov A.P., Martirosyan M. Chinese breakthrough and lessons for Russia. - M.: Veche, 2002. - 400 p. - (Foreshortening). - 7000 copies. - ISBN 5-94538-042-3.
  • Devyatov A.P. The Chinese path for Russia?: reports of a GRU colonel. - M.: Eksmo, Algorithm, 2004. - 320 p. - (Mentality). - 3000 copies. - ISBN 5-699-05175-9.
  • Devyatov A.P. Skypolitics: a short course. - M.: Ant, 2005.
  • Devyatov A.P. Heavenly politics as art. Other facets. - M.: Military University, 2006.
  • Devyatov A.P. Practical Chinese Studies. - M.: Oriental Book, 2007. - 560 p. - 2000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-7873-0396-4.
  • Radov-Achleev A., Devyatov A. P. Practical futurology. How to correctly assess the past, discern the present, and see the future. - M.: Veche, 2008. - 224 p. - (Academy of Heavenly Politics). - ISBN 978-5-9533-2212-6.
  • Devyatov A.P. Chinese specifics. - M.: A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2008. - 256 p. - (For those who make decisions). - ISBN 978-5-902617-52-5.
  • Devyatov A.P. Practical Sinology: China and Russia from the perspective of change. - M.: A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2008. - 178 p. - (For those who make decisions). - ISBN 978-5-902617-53-2.
  • Devyatov A.P. Skypolitics: instructions for assessing the situation from above. - M.: A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2008. - 280 p. - (Proceedings of the Academy of Heavenly Politics). - ISBN 978-5-902617-51-8.
  • Radov-Achleev A., Devyatov A. P., Regentov D. P. Chinese letter. What the Chinese do differently from others, and how to use this knowledge for good. - Volant, 2011. - 336 p. - (Intellectual special forces). - ISBN 978-5-904799-16-8.
  • Devyatov A.P. Overtake without catching up. The hope of the world will come from Russia. - M.: A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2013. - 224 p. - ISBN 978-5-904799-24-3.
  • Devyatov A.P. Business with the Chinese. - M.: Book on Demand, 2013. - 298 p. - ISBN 978-5-458-66681-7.
  • Devyatov A.P. Skypolitics. The Gospel of Hope. 10 years of struggle for the Transformation of the Fatherland. - M.: Volant, 2013. - 128 p. - ISBN 978-5-904799-27-4.
  • Devyatov A.P. Skypolitics. The path of truth is intelligence. Theory and practice of “soft power”. - M.: Volant, 2013. - 352 p. - ISBN 978-5-904799-23-6.
  • Devyatov A.P. Anti-Kipling. - M.: Volant, A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2014. - 232 p. - ISBN 978-5-904799-33-5.
  • Devyatov A.P. Exploration of the future as the art of images and likenesses. - M.: A. Yu. Zhigulsky Publishing House, 2015. - 260 p. - (Intellectual special forces). - 500 copies. - ISBN 978-5-91401-022-2.

Articles

  • Devyatov A.P. Chinese cycles of life // Chinese philosophy and modern science. - M.: Self-education, 2008. - 96 p. - 500 copies. - ISBN 978-5-87140-262-7.
  • Devyatov A.P. Three sources of the Chinese miracle // Chinese philosophy and modern science. - M.: Self-education, 2008. - 96 p. - 500 copies. - ISBN 978-5-87140-262-7.
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 12353, 08/15/2005 (open letter to M.L. Khazin regarding the article “Rothschild’s Thoughts. An Attempt at Reconstruction”, newspaper “Zavtra” ", August 03, 2005. No. 31.)
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.12362, 08/17/2005
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.12370, 08.19.2005
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 19323, 07.26.2014
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.19467, 08/27/2014
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.19484, 08/31/2014
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 19823, 11/30/2014
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20490, 04/13/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20567, 05.12.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20740, 06/15/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20780, 06/29/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20824, 07/09/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20841, 07.13.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.20868, 07.18.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 20898, 07.22.2015 (Chapter 3.6. from the book “Anti-Kipling”)
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 20981, 08/09/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 21113, 09.09.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21205, 09/26/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21207, 09.27.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 21375, 01.11.2015 (Following the results of the conference “Analytics in strategic development and security of Russia: A look into the future - 2030”, Moscow, Public Chamber of the Russian Federation, 10.22.2015.)
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21431, 11/16/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21439, 11/18/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21492, 11/29/2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21600, 12.25.2015
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21635, 01/05/2016
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21788, 02/14/2016
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.21863, 03/07/2016
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub. 22036, 04/25/2016 (Speech at the International Forum Sochi-2016: “On the second track. The role of civil society and public diplomacy in the future development and expansion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)" 04/19-20/16)
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.22066, 05/04/2016
  • Devyatov A.P. // “Academy of Trinitarianism”, M., El No. 77-6567, pub.22087, 05.10.2016

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Excerpt characterizing Devyatov, Andrey Petrovich

Denisov dressed in a checkmen, wore a beard and on his chest the image of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, and in his manner of speaking, in all his manners, he showed the peculiarity of his position. Dolokhov, on the contrary, previously, in Moscow, who wore a Persian suit, now had the appearance of the most prim Guards officer. His face was clean-shaven, he was dressed in a guards cotton frock coat with George in the buttonhole and a simple cap straight on. He took off his wet cloak in the corner and, going up to Denisov, without greeting anyone, immediately began asking about the matter. Denisov told him about the plans that large detachments had for their transport, and about sending Petya, and about how he responded to both generals. Then Denisov told everything he knew about the position of the French detachment.
“That’s true, but you need to know what and how many troops,” said Dolokhov, “you will need to go.” Without knowing exactly how many there are, you cannot start the business. I like to do things carefully. Now, would any of the gentlemen want to go with me to their camp? I have my uniforms with me.
- I, I... I will go with you! – Petya screamed.
“You don’t need to go at all,” Denisov said, turning to Dolokhov, “and I won’t let him in for anything.”
- That's great! - Petya cried out, - why shouldn’t I go?..
- Yes, because there is no need.
“Well, excuse me, because... because... I’ll go, that’s all.” Will you take me? – he turned to Dolokhov.
“Why…” answered Dolokhov absentmindedly, peering into the face of the French drummer.
- How long have you had this young man? – he asked Denisov.
- Today they took him, but he doesn’t know anything. I left it for myself.
- Well, where are you putting the rest? - said Dolokhov.
- How to where? “I’m sending you under guard!” Denisov suddenly blushed and cried out. “And I’ll boldly say that I don’t have a single person on my conscience. Are you happy to send someone away? than magic, I will tell you, the honor of a soldier.
“It’s decent for a young count of sixteen to say these pleasantries,” Dolokhov said with a cold grin, “but it’s time for you to leave it.”
“Well, I’m not saying anything, I’m just saying that I will definitely go with you,” Petya said timidly.
“And it’s time for you and me, brother, to give up these pleasantries,” Dolokhov continued, as if he found special pleasure in talking about this subject that irritated Denisov. - Well, why did you take this to you? - he said, shaking his head. - Then why do you feel sorry for him? After all, we know these receipts of yours. You send them a hundred people, and thirty will come. They will starve or be beaten. So is it all the same not to take them?
Esaul, narrowing his bright eyes, nodded his head approvingly.
- This is all shit, there’s nothing to argue about. I don’t want to take it on my soul. You talk - help. Well, hog "osho." Just not from me.
Dolokhov laughed.
“Who didn’t tell them to catch me twenty times?” But they will catch me and you, with your chivalry, anyway. – He paused. - However, we have to do something. Send my Cossack with a pack! I have two French uniforms. Well, are you coming with me? – he asked Petya.
- I? Yes, yes, absolutely,” Petya cried, blushing almost to tears, looking at Denisov.
Again, while Dolokhov was arguing with Denisov about what should be done with the prisoners, Petya felt awkward and hasty; but again I did not have time to fully understand what they were talking about. “If big, famous people think so, then it must be so, therefore it’s good,” he thought. “And most importantly, Denisov must not dare to think that I will obey him, that he can command me.” I will definitely go with Dolokhov to the French camp. He can do it and so can I.”
To all of Denisov’s urgings not to travel, Petya replied that he, too, was used to doing everything carefully, and not Lazar’s at random, and that he never thought about danger to himself.
“Because,” you yourself must agree, “if you don’t know correctly how many there are, the lives of maybe hundreds depend on it, but here we are alone, and then I really want this, and I will definitely, definitely go, you won’t stop me.” “, he said, “it will only get worse...

Dressed in French greatcoats and shakos, Petya and Dolokhov drove to the clearing from which Denisov looked at the camp, and, leaving the forest in complete darkness, descended into the ravine. Having driven down, Dolokhov ordered the Cossacks accompanying him to wait here and rode at a fast trot along the road to the bridge. Petya, transfixed with excitement, rode next to him.
“If we get caught, I won’t give up alive, I have a gun,” Petya whispered.
“Don’t speak Russian,” Dolokhov said in a quick whisper, and at that same moment a cry was heard in the darkness: “Qui vive?” [Who's coming?] and the ringing of a gun.
Blood rushed to Petya's face, and he grabbed the pistol.
“Lanciers du sixieme, [Lancers of the sixth regiment.],” said Dolokhov, without shortening or increasing the horse’s stride. The black figure of a sentry stood on the bridge.
– Mot d’ordre? [Review?] – Dolokhov held his horse and rode at a walk.
– Dites donc, le colonel Gerard est ici? [Tell me, is Colonel Gerard here?] - he said.
“Mot d'ordre!” said the sentry without answering, blocking the road.
“Quand un officier fait sa ronde, les sentinelles ne demandent pas le mot d"ordre...,” Dolokhov shouted, suddenly flushing, running his horse into the sentry. “Je vous demande si le colonel est ici?” [When an officer goes around the chain, the sentries do not ask review... I ask, is the colonel here?]
And, without waiting for an answer from the guard who stood aside, Dolokhov walked up the hill at a pace.
Noticing the black shadow of a man crossing the road, Dolokhov stopped this man and asked where the commander and officers were? This man, a soldier with a sack on his shoulder, stopped, came close to Dolokhov’s horse, touching it with his hand, and simply and friendlyly said that the commander and officers were higher on the mountain, on the right side, in the farm yard (that’s what he called the master’s estate).
Having driven along the road, on both sides of which French conversation could be heard from the fires, Dolokhov turned into the courtyard of the manor’s house. Having passed through the gate, he dismounted from his horse and approached a large blazing fire, around which several people were sitting, talking loudly. Something was boiling in a pot on the edge, and a soldier in a cap and blue overcoat, kneeling, brightly illuminated by the fire, stirred it with a ramrod.
“Oh, c"est un dur a cuire, [You can’t deal with this devil.],” said one of the officers sitting in the shadows on the opposite side of the fire.
“Il les fera marcher les lapins... [He will get through them...],” said another with a laugh. Both fell silent, peering into the darkness at the sound of the steps of Dolokhov and Petya, approaching the fire with their horses.
- Bonjour, messieurs! [Hello, gentlemen!] - Dolokhov said loudly and clearly.
The officers stirred in the shadow of the fire, and one, a tall officer with a long neck, walked around the fire and approached Dolokhov.
“C”est vous, Clement?” he said. “D”ou, diable... [Is that you, Clement? Where the hell...] ​​- but he did not finish, having learned his mistake, and, frowning slightly, as if he were a stranger, he greeted Dolokhov, asking him how he could serve. Dolokhov said that he and a friend were catching up with their regiment, and asked, turning to everyone in general, if the officers knew anything about the sixth regiment. Nobody knew anything; and it seemed to Petya that the officers began to examine him and Dolokhov with hostility and suspicion. Everyone was silent for a few seconds.
“Si vous comptez sur la soupe du soir, vous venez trop tard, [If you are counting on dinner, then you are late.],” said a voice from behind the fire with a restrained laugh.
Dolokhov replied that they were full and that they needed to move on at night.
He gave the horses to the soldier who was stirring the pot, and squatted down by the fire next to the long-necked officer. This officer, without taking his eyes off, looked at Dolokhov and asked him again: what regiment was he in? Dolokhov did not answer, as if he had not heard the question, and, lighting a short French pipe, which he took out of his pocket, asked the officers how safe the road was from the Cossacks ahead of them.
“Les brigands sont partout, [These robbers are everywhere.],” answered the officer from behind the fire.
Dolokhov said that the Cossacks were terrible only for such backward people as he and his comrade, but that the Cossacks probably did not dare to attack large detachments, he added questioningly. Nobody answered.
“Well, now he’ll leave,” Petya thought every minute, standing in front of the fire and listening to his conversation.
But Dolokhov again began the conversation that had stopped and directly began asking how many people they had in the battalion, how many battalions, how many prisoners. Asking about the captured Russians who were with their detachment, Dolokhov said:
– La vilaine affaire de trainer ces cadavres apres soi. Vaudrait mieux fusiller cette canaille, [It’s a bad thing to carry these corpses around with you. It would be better to shoot this bastard.] - and laughed loudly with such a strange laugh that Petya thought the French would now recognize the deception, and he involuntarily took a step away from the fire. No one responded to Dolokhov’s words and laughter, and the French officer, who was not visible (he was lying wrapped in an overcoat), stood up and whispered something to his comrade. Dolokhov stood up and called to the soldier with the horses.
“Will they serve the horses or not?” - Petya thought, involuntarily approaching Dolokhov.
The horses were brought in.
“Bonjour, messieurs, [Here: farewell, gentlemen.],” said Dolokhov.
Petya wanted to say bonsoir [good evening] and could not finish the words. The officers were whispering something to each other. Dolokhov took a long time to mount the horse, which was not standing; then he walked out of the gate. Petya rode beside him, wanting and not daring to look back to see whether the French were running or not running after them.
Having reached the road, Dolokhov drove not back into the field, but along the village. At one point he stopped, listening.
- Do you hear? - he said.
Petya recognized the sounds of Russian voices and saw the dark figures of Russian prisoners near the fires. Going down to the bridge, Petya and Dolokhov passed the sentry, who, without saying a word, walked gloomily along the bridge, and drove out into the ravine where the Cossacks were waiting.
- Well, goodbye now. Tell Denisov that at dawn, at the first shot,” said Dolokhov and wanted to go, but Petya grabbed him with his hand.
- No! - he cried, - you are such a hero. Oh, how good! How great! How I love you.
“Okay, okay,” said Dolokhov, but Petya did not let him go, and in the darkness Dolokhov saw that Petya was bending down towards him. He wanted to kiss. Dolokhov kissed him, laughed and, turning his horse, disappeared into the darkness.

X
Returning to the guardhouse, Petya found Denisov in the entryway. Denisov, in excitement, anxiety and annoyance at himself for letting Petya go, was waiting for him.
- God bless! - he shouted. - Well, thank God! - he repeated, listening to Petya’s enthusiastic story. “What the hell, I couldn’t sleep because of you!” Denisov said. “Well, thank God, now go to bed.” Still sighing and eating until the end.
“Yes... No,” said Petya. – I don’t want to sleep yet. Yes, I know myself, if I fall asleep, it’s over. And then I got used to not sleeping before the battle.
Petya sat for some time in the hut, joyfully recalling the details of his trip and vividly imagining what would happen tomorrow. Then, noticing that Denisov had fallen asleep, he got up and went into the yard.
It was still completely dark outside. The rain had passed, but drops were still falling from the trees. Close to the guardhouse one could see black figures of Cossack huts and horses tied together. Behind the hut were two black wagons with horses standing, and in the ravine the dying fire was red. The Cossacks and hussars were not all asleep: in some places, along with the sound of falling drops and the nearby sound of horses chewing, soft, as if whispering voices were heard.
Petya came out of the entryway, looked around in the darkness and approached the wagons. Someone was snoring under the wagons, and saddled horses stood around them, chewing oats. In the darkness, Petya recognized his horse, which he called Karabakh, although it was a Little Russian horse, and approached it.
“Well, Karabakh, we’ll serve tomorrow,” he said, smelling her nostrils and kissing her.
- What, master, aren’t you sleeping? - said the Cossack sitting under the truck.
- No; and... Likhachev, I think your name is? After all, I just arrived. We went to the French. - And Petya told the Cossack in detail not only his trip, but also why he went and why he believes that it is better to risk his life than to make Lazar at random.
“Well, they should have slept,” said the Cossack.
“No, I’m used to it,” answered Petya. - What, you don’t have flints in your pistols? I brought it with me. Isn't it necessary? You take it.
The Cossack leaned out from under the truck to take a closer look at Petya.
“Because I’m used to doing everything carefully,” said Petya. “Some people just don’t get ready, and then they regret it.” I don't like it that way.

Russian, born in 1952 in Moscow. In 1974 he graduated with honors from the Military Institute of Foreign Languages ​​(MIFL). Participant in combat operations and special reconnaissance operations. USSR internationalist warrior - participant in the 1973 Arab-Israeli war
Sinologist. Colonel of Soviet military intelligence - GRU General Staff. BShe has been studying China professionally for over 40 years. He lived in China for 17 years - his first business trip since 1976. After retirement, he lived in China as a private individual - he participated in the construction business.
The first book is “Chinese Specifics, as I Understood It in Intelligence and Business.”
Author of the monograph: “The Chinese: writing, language, thinking, practice.”



He has written a dozen nonfiction books. More than a hundred articles on current topics in economics, politics, and culture have been published in Russian and foreign publications. Full member of the Russian branch of the International Academy for Future Research. Permanent Deputy Director of the Institute of Russian-Chinese Strategic Cooperation.
The leading developer of the military-political doctrine of time is “skypolitics” (geopolitics is the doctrine of space). One of the founders of the Russian Academy of Heavenly Politics.

Andrey Devyatov's book "Heavenly Politics. For Those Who Make Decisions", the only one of its kind, was translated into Chinese and published by the Academy of Social Sciences of the People's Republic of China.

“We can say that after the defeat of Soviet Russia in the Cold War and the formation of a unipolar world led by the United States, New Russia lives in the period of the Anglo-American yoke. And under the conditions of the “New World Order” (the Latin root ordo means “order”) it pays A tribute to the New Horde in money and resources. Accordingly, the “princes” of the new Russia must go to the “Horde” to bow to the Americans in order to receive a “label” for the right to dispose of the peoples of Russia and collect tribute from the Russian land.

All contenders for the title of “Grand Duke” (now president) of New Rus' went to the bride in the USA. In 1989, B.N. visited the United States “to give lectures.” Yeltsin. And before the 1996 elections, General Lebed went to the “Horde” http://www.islamnews.ru/news-88041.html September 27, 2011

“One way or another, in 2009, the sluggish “constructive cooperation” between the United States and China began to take the form of active, positive and mutually beneficial"comprehensive cooperation" to overcome the global financial crisis. And on all the ramps of Chinese international airports, it’s stillBeijing, Shanghai, Sanya or Urumqi, in the form of the HSBC bank logo (hui fen) de facto already featured the slogan: “The Rothschilds welcome you”! When08/25/2009 during the official presentation of B. Bernanke as head of the Federal Reserve for another term, US President ObamaB. Bernanke appeared in front of TV cameras without ties, a clear sign emerged that the 44th President of the United States is in financial matters for the future2012 took the side of the Rothschild group

For a tie (a rope around the neck) in the minds of the Jews (primarily the “Sons of the Covenant” and the Rothschilds) withfrom the time of their Babylonian captivity acts as a symbol of a slave. And therefore, the “Jews who are the masters of the situation”, who are free to choose, do not wear ties” - http://www.imperiya.by/politics1-8079.html July 6, 2010

V.V. Putin - “Russia is concentrating - challenges that we must respond to” - http://izvestia.ru/news/511884 Analysis of the article: January 18, 2012 - “Presidential elections. Who are we voting for? http://www.peremeny.ru/books/osminog/4912

Military Institute of Foreign Languages ​​(MIFL) and the meaning of the military-political dictatorship “Heavenly Politics”:

- How can Russia build its relations with China in order not to lose from a historical perspective?
- Russia needs to move from state good neighborly relations to the level of intercivilizational relations of a vowed union of related civilizations. The union of our kindred civilizations gives us a chance to be not a periphery to which strategic interests are transferred, not good neighbors where China is the main one, but to become equals.

- The USSR was already a big brother. Why I stopped and what Russia could become
- Mao Zedong himself gave the Soviet Union the title of elder brother, because the USSR personified the communist international of peoples, which brought the Chinese communists to power. Now Russia, in the eyes of China, has lost its status and has become a servant. But if Russia tries, it can become an older sister - this is a good status. In the Chinese world, mother is the earth, father is the sky, men and brothers decide everything, but the elder sister represents wisdom. Even if she is drunk and down, she must be taken care of, her garden must be plowed, she cannot be abandoned. She has intuition and wisdom - and Russia can present this wisdom.

Russia is being pushed into nano-, information technologies, and artificial intelligence, but we are too late to get there. But now is the time for Russia to present natural creativity, high humanitarian technologies, and cognitive tools for recognizing meanings that are embedded in our language itself. English is good for analysis. But only Russian is suitable for recognizing the meanings of life.

- Why is China called that in Russian?
- From the Old Slavonic “whale”, that is, wall. Hence the name Kitai-gorod around the Kremlin. For Russians, China is a country behind the Great Wall of China. And the English word China comes from the English name for porcelain. For the British, China is the country where porcelain is made.

Sinologist. Member of the Russian Writers' Union. Colonel of Soviet military intelligence.
I have been studying China professionally for over 40 years. He lived in the PRC for 17 years and was expelled from there for “activities incompatible with his status.” His first book was called: “Chinese Specifics, as I Understood It in Intelligence and Business.” Author of the monograph: “The Chinese: writing, language, thinking, practice.”
He has written a dozen nonfiction books. More than a hundred articles on current topics in economics, politics, and culture have been published in Russian and foreign publications. Full member of the Russian branch of the International Academy for Future Research. Permanent Deputy Director of the Institute of Russian-Chinese Strategic Cooperation.

The leading developer of the military-political doctrine of time is “skypolitics” (geopolitics is the doctrine of space). One of the founders of the Russian Academy of Heavenly Politics.

Andrey Devyatov's book "Heavenly Politics. For Those Who Make Decisions", the only one of its kind, was translated into Chinese and published by the Academy of Social Sciences of the People's Republic of China.

Russian, born in 1952 in Moscow. In 1974 he graduated with honors from the Military Institute of Foreign Languages ​​(MIFL). Participant in combat operations and special reconnaissance operations. Internationalist warrior of the USSR.

Currently, before our eyes, Russia is turning to the East. The event is epoch-making, but in order to understand it, an ordinary citizen needs the help of a specialist. This could be Andrey Devyatov. This man has been studying the special philosophy of China all his life and does not hide his knowledge. Let's get to know him and his views on current events in the world.

Andrey Devyatov: biography

Character and life position are formed in childhood by the environment in which a person is raised. Devyatov Andrey Petrovich was born in 1952 in the capital of the Soviet Union - Moscow. While still at school, he chose a military career. Under the influence of his parents, who saw the young man’s abilities, he began studying languages. Received the appropriate education. Graduated with honors from the Military Institute of Foreign Languages. During his student years, he took part in battles during the Arab-Israeli conflict.

After the experience, he made an important decision for himself to work in the GRU. Andrei Devyatov managed to build an excellent career for an intelligence officer. Traveled to China three times on various assignments. It is clear that he does not disclose the details due to the secrecy of the orders carried out by the command. Andrey Petrovich Devyatov himself has repeatedly mentioned that his activities concerned obtaining information related to nuclear energy and the rocket and space sphere. He finished his service with the rank of GRU colonel.

Andrey Devyatov: real name

It is quite difficult to conduct public activities with twenty-five years of intelligence work behind you. People are curious and agile, they will find out what they themselves have long forgotten. Andrey Devyatov did not go unnoticed by the public. Probably, he himself is guilty of this, since he tells and describes many interesting, little-known facts. People became interested in his personality, and attempts were made repeatedly to delve into the intelligence officer’s biography. He himself does not deny that the name had to be changed due to certain circumstances.

His documents indicate other data, namely: Pyotr Adolfovich Gvaskov. The political scientist does not disclose any other information about himself, apparently due to his professional skills. And well-mannered people will not delve into other people's secrets. By the way, the surname Gvaskov may also turn out to be a pseudonym, but there is no real information about this. But Andrei Devyatov himself is quite active. Let's focus on it.

Chinese stage of biography

Our hero has been interested in the East since childhood. After his dismissal, Andrei Devyatov lived in China for some time. He was engaged in the construction business, simultaneously trying to penetrate the extraordinary philosophy of this country. They say there are no former intelligence officers. Andrei Petrovich proves this statement with his activities. His thoughts are constantly aimed at modeling the geopolitical situation, clarifying the role of Russia in the development of mankind.

While still in China, he began writing books. The first work was called “Chinese Specifics, as I Understood It in Intelligence and Business.” The author finished this work after returning to his homeland. In the book, he not only describes the specifics of Chinese society, but tries to find ways to bring Russia closer to this country. Subsequently, he created several more works dedicated to the East. Among them are: “The Chinese: writing, language, thinking, practice”, “Red Dragon. China and Russia in the 21st century."

Views of a political scientist

Andrey Devyatov is a true patriot. He quite often scolds Russia's political leadership for what he considers erroneous decisions. However, all his articles and speeches are imbued with the desire to see his homeland as a great power. Andrey Devyatov (political scientist) directs his research work to developing a strategy for a state that is at the epicenter of global transformations. It is already clear to ordinary citizens that Russia was the initiator of the global political reorganization of the planet.

The key points of this process in the past are Vladimir Putin's Munich speech and reunification with Crimea. The first event was a declaration of intent, the second was the beginning of a process of transformation. The military operation of the Aerospace Forces in Syria is a continuation of the restructuring of the world situation, in which Russia is assigned a more significant role than before.

Skypolitics

A person who expresses rather revolutionary views attracts attention. It is of interest to both the general public and specialists. Andrey Petrovich takes an active part in the work of the Izborsk Club. This is an informal association of thinking people who care about the fate of their homeland. They are trying to develop recommendations for the leadership that will allow them to avoid shocks and stay on course for the development of the country. As Andrei Petrovich himself writes, heavenly politics is a military-political doctrine of time and Spirit. In his theories, he relies both on completely official theories and achievements of science, and on intuitive trends in the development of mankind. From the mouth of a political scientist you can hear, for example, statistical data, and in the very next sentence he turns to the forecasts of the prophets.

Books by Andrey Devyatov

The thought of a political scientist is aimed at the development of the country and the prosperity of the people. This cannot be achieved quickly; long, painstaking, hard work is required. Andrei Devyatov writes in his books about how he sees Russia’s position in the modern and future world. In this sense, the work “Overtaking without catching up” is of interest. This book contains a lot of criticism, and also contains recommendations on how to correctly set goals for the state in order to survive in the future. The world is changing rapidly. The West is losing its leadership position. We are at a point where China is gaining momentum and becoming the first. Here it is important to choose the right priorities, understand who our ally is, and be able to build relationships. To do this, you need to understand China. Books by Andrei Devyatov are about this. For example, “Practical Chinese Studies,” which describes the development models of this country.

Intelligence signs

Andrey Petrovich often speaks to the public and gladly responds to invitations from private video channels. In recent years, programs in which Andrei Devyatov describes intelligence signs of current changes have become widely popular. These are unique lectures that examine the latest political events and explain their meaning from a conceptual point of view.

The media pours out a lot of facts on the heads of ordinary people, the meaning of which is quite difficult for an unprepared person. Andrey Devyatov's lectures add structure to the information and allow you to understand the situation, at least relatively. Many are frightened by Russia's rapprochement with China. It is no secret that information is presented in a biased manner; materials ordered by certain political forces are dumped online. Oddly enough, the most important modern wealth is the support of the population.

In Russia there is a consensus between the people and the authorities, which the enemies of the country really don’t like. That’s why it’s so important to understand the situation. The time has come when the fate of the whole world depends on everyone, as Vanga once warned. It is probably clear that Andrei Petrovich’s activities are very necessary for society.

"Prospects are bright"

What conclusions does a political scientist make? Describing the current global struggle, Andrei Petrovich assures that Russia is moving in the right direction. The country's position is quite precarious. The consolidated West dreams of profiting from its resources in order to prolong its agony for another ten years. We have to defend ourselves with threats, that is, conduct exercises.

But on the other side of Russia there is China and other countries of the eastern world, which also lack territories and resources. And it is not a fact that they will become loyal allies in the fight against the West. Russia is aloof from the fray, but influences it simply by existing. Andrey Devyatov is confident that our country needs to develop an idea for all humanity. Only such a step will allow us not to perish in the global storm. “And so, the prospects are bright,” the political scientist ends each speech. Let's hope that's the case.

Articles about how China, slowly but surely, is squeezing the United States out of world geopolitics and trade with the help of its megaprojects: “New Silk Road”, New Maritime Silk Road”, etc. And also about how Russia can benefit from this benefits.

But suddenly Andrei Petrovich burst out with an article on the topic “we are all going to die!, paws up and surrender to Clinton!” Here is this article:

On 10/17/16, troops of the pro-American coalition fighting the Islamic State, long banned under Roman law, began an operation to liberate the Iraqi city of Mosul from the “Warriors of Allah” (jihadists). It is noteworthy that in June 2014, Mosul was surrendered to terrorists without a fight. At the same time, US intelligence agencies left heavy military equipment, equipment, ammunition, and almost half a billion dollars in cash to banned terrorists at poorly guarded supply bases.

Now, recognizing the signs of the times, the assault on Mosul looks like a decorative victory for the US intelligence services in maintaining the prestige of the political line of globalism-Pan-Americanism in the person of Hillary Clinton. The intention of the globalists, according to the signs that have appeared, is to secretly transfer ISIS field troops, amid the noise of the aggravation of the situation in Syria, not near Aleppo, but to the north of Afghanistan, where the equipment and weapons left behind after the withdrawal of most of the troops are stored at seven poorly guarded supply bases by the Americans. Anyone who has eyes can see that in Afghanistan the US intelligence services are repeating the scheme of arming and operational deployment of the ISIS offensive group, brilliantly worked out in 2014 in Iraq.

With a surprise attack, having captured American supply bases in Afghanistan, ISIS troops (bandit formations) will launch an offensive in the direction of Herat - Mary with the immediate task of reaching the port of Turkmenbashi (Krasnovodsk) with the direction of further attack to the north along the Caspian Sea to Kazakhstan and the Russian Volga region. At the same time, the strategic rear of the ISIS terrorists in the offensive will be provided by their Afghan co-religionists, the Taliban.

The strategic goal that US planners and intelligence agencies are pursuing through the hands of terrorists is to disrupt Turkmen and Chinese plans for energy and transport infrastructure in Central Asia. We are talking about the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project, which began in 2015 with planned completion in 2019, and is not beneficial for either the United States and its Middle Eastern allies, primarily Qatar, or China.

China would like to keep all of Turkmenistan's gas for itself and the New Silk Road Economic Belt. The task of the United States is not to give China oil and gas from Central Asia, and to keep India under energy control using gas from Qatar (the FPI pipe). ISIS must solve this problem for the planner in Turkmenistan.

In 2016, “Wars of Allah” (jihadists) conducted reconnaissance in force, first on the border of Afghanistan with Turkmenistan, and then in the Kazakh city of Aktyubinsk. Thus, a tactical group of ISIS militants put to flight all available forces covering the border of Turkmenistan and, having discovered the absence of resistance at a depth of 80 km, retreated back to northern Afghanistan. In Aktyubinsk, the local jihadist underground, having knocked down the guards, captured the military equipment park of the Kazakhstan special forces regiment and, without continuing the attack, dispersed. The incident in Aktobe has now plunged the CSTO leadership into the sadness of the uncertainty of how to fight ISIS in the flat expanses of the Caspian deserts and steppes. Since isolation of such a theater of operations is impossible, and groups of terrorists on donkeys are not a target for aviation, only the defensive use of tactical nuclear weapons comes to mind.

As for the “holy war” in Syria (the term of Patriarch Kirill) and the confrontation in Ukraine between the Russian-supported People’s Republics of Donbass and the authorities of Kiev, the lack of a clear image of Russia’s victory in these theaters of military operations makes these campaigns a constant and protracted basis for wasting attention and forces and Russian funds on two fronts.

In the current situation, no matter how absurd it may seem, Russia’s victorious outcome would not be a “chess” conflict with the United States according to the model of classical Greco-Roman wrestling, but intercepting the onslaught of US globalists according to the rotational model of the “soft path” of judo wrestling in the form of a new “reset” » relations with the administration of the 45th US President, who will most likely become Mrs. Clinton. And, thus, turning the US military onslaught into the long-declared clash between the Western World and the World of Islam. After all, the pinnacle of military art is victory without the use of weapons!

As you can see, the article is about transferring bearded men from Mosul and Aleppo to Afghanistan to destroy the TAPI pipeline. But then the bearded men must unite with the Taliban and begin very fast(about speed - this follows from the context of the article, read carefully) screw the countries of Central Asia, including Kazakhstan. But! Then ISIS-Taliban must reach Aktobe and the Caspian Sea, and then make a breakthrough to our Volga regions, annexing them to their Caliphate.

Several questions arise here.

First. The states of Central Asia and Russia will not sit idly by. Even small groups of militants are a good target for aviation, artillery, MLRS, special operations will be carried out, etc.

Second. Distances. From the northernmost point of Afghanistan to Aktobe - at least 1500 km. From the border of Afghanistan with Turkmenistan to the nearest point of the Caspian Sea is at least 1100 km. Communications will be stretched even further than those of the Third Reich at Stalingrad. We will immediately note the seizure of ships by ISIS on the Caspian coast - there our Caspian flotilla will send them to Neptune in a single moment...

Third. Climate. According to the memoirs of Yuri Ignatievich Mukhin (book “Three Jews, or how good it is to be an engineer”), the climate there is sharply continental, and it’s really cold in winter. The wind, encountering no obstacles (the steppe!), accelerates to high speed and blows continuously, increasing the frost. It’s not just General Moroz, there’s Field Marshal Dubak!

And one last thing. Evgeny Satanovsky writes more practical, more pragmatic, more down-to-earth or something... So, Satanovsky writes that the ISIS fighters will not go anywhere from Mosul, because for many of them Mosul is their home. And also the Iraqi authorities want to integrate them into their army.

Here is Satanovsky's article:

Riyadh may be left alone with a strained economy.

Since the beginning of the “Arab Spring”, Saudi Arabia, one of the main troublemakers along with Qatar and Turkey in the Near and Middle East, has been remaking the region for itself with a significant overexertion of forces and considerable risk for its own future. The problem of succession to the throne on the eve of a change of generations and the coming to power not of the sons, but, for the first time in the history of the KSA, of the grandchildren of the founder of the dynasty, creates various options for destabilizing the situation in the kingdom, up to its collapse in the not very distant future.

The media's attention is drawn primarily to the KSA's actions in the Syrian civil war, where the Saudis support the radical Islamist opposition, lobbying the West for the overthrow of President Assad. Meanwhile, Riyadh's policy is increasingly stalled not only in Syria, but also in Yemen, and faces growing irritation from its neighbors and allies, including Oman and Egypt. And for the kingdom itself, the consequences may be unpredictable, which fully applies to Iraq. Let's consider the situation with the current situation and regional projects of Saudi Arabia, based on the work of IBV experts P. P. Ryabov and Yu. B. Shcheglovin.

The militants leave but remain

According to domestic experts, American and Saudi intelligence services agreed to provide militants of the Islamic State banned in the Russian Federation with a safe exit from Mosul before the assault began. The media report that terrorists (more than nine thousand) will be transferred to Syria to capture Deir ez-Zor and Palmyra. What is true about all this? Negotiations between the tribal Sunni elite of Iraq (not IS) and the Americans were known back in the spring. The parties tried to bargain for as many advantages as possible, which explained the constant postponement of the start of the operation.

“The Iranians are testing an experimental batch of anti-ship missiles in Yemen in combat conditions at facilities with powerful protection”

In reality, no assault in the classical sense of the word was initially planned. In Mosul, they worked out an algorithm for the peaceful surrender of the city following the example of Ramadi and Fallujah. At the same time, the main drawback of the plan is the preservation of the potential of IS units, which will be located next to the “liberated” city, despite the fact that no one will attack them. The main trump card of Baghdad and Washington in the negotiations is the absence of Shiites in the ranks of the attacking forces, the provision of broad autonomy to Sunni tribes and purely nominal representation of the central government in city government. Plus, the question arose about casualties among residents during the assault. All this led to the search for a compromise.

The idea of ​​militants leaving the city with their families is correct, but most of them will not go anywhere. They are natives of Mosul or will disappear into the streets of the city. Having in reserve IS fighters capable of quickly mobilizing, the Sunni elite of Iraq plans to begin incorporation into its power structures. IS is the result of Sunni discontent with the removal from economic levers of governance, which occurred as a result of the overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime and the usurpation of power in Iraq by the Shiites and Kurds. Although this process was given an appropriate religious and ideological form.

The “movement” of nine thousand militants to Syria is more than doubtful - this is the entire composition of the Islamic State in Iraq. Their capture of Deir ez-Zor or Palmyra has no military or economic effect. The oil and fuel that is produced in Deir ez-Zor at a dilapidated oil refinery is already exported to Iraq and the interior of Syria. In Iraq itself, IS has lost control of oil fields. Iraqi Sunnis will not make an extremely risky forced march to “discredit the Russian Aerospace Forces” by exposing their rear in Iraq. The role of the United States in this process is to work through the Sunnis in the Iraqi army and Saudi emissaries with the goal of “liberating Mosul,” which is needed by both the outgoing and the new administration as proof that “the United States has defeated the Islamic State.” There is no talk of the actions of Iraqi supporters of the Islamic State against Russia in Syria: the Americans have neither leverage nor extra money for this.

With a purely military version of the assault, which the Americans practiced just in case, nothing worked out for them. The jump airfield at the former Iraqi Air Force base near Mosul has not yet been repaired, the Kurds do not want to go to Mosul, and the Iraqi army simply will not fight. The Pentagon did not have time to take Mosul by the end of the year, although Obama allowed the deployment of another five thousand special forces in Iraq. That is why it was necessary to use tribal diplomacy, which, obviously, was generously paid for. Moreover, the mention of Saudi intelligence is logical given the KSA’s recent attempts to actively influence the Sunni community in Iraq.

Mediation here is possible only through one channel - through the new KSA ambassador to Iraq. He is from the Shamarra tribe, living in both KSA and Iraq. The ambassador immediately began establishing contacts with his fellow tribesmen. The motivation of the Saudis, who found the Qatari experiment with IS dangerous, is understandable. They are solving a strategic issue - preserving the Sunni core of opposition to Shiite Baghdad and Tehran’s influence in Iraq.

There is virtually no Saudi influence within IS itself. The Qataris and Turks, without publicly announcing it, have so far distanced themselves from IS, which is true both tactically and strategically. Preserving the Sunni military potential in Iraq for the KSA will be a Pyrrhic victory - Iraqi Sunnis, no matter what banner they fight under, remember well the role that Riyadh played in the defeat of Saddam's Iraq...

Yemeni skirmishes

The situation is developing in Yemen, where KSA plays a leading role in the “Arabian Coalition”, which is fighting with the Houthi northerners and supporters of ex-President A. Saleh. A US Navy destroyer was shelled off the Yemeni coast on October 10 and 12. The Houthis (supporters of the Ansar Allah movement) deny involvement in the shelling. A military source in their ranks told the SABA agency about this. The destroyer USS Mason responded with a “defensive salvo.” Three radar stations were destroyed in Yemen.

Collage by Andrey Sedykh

The attacks were carried out with Chinese-made S-802 anti-ship missiles (ASMs), modernized in Iran. It appears that the Iranians are testing an experimental batch of anti-ship missiles in combat conditions at facilities with powerful protection. Most likely, the launches were carried out to determine the protection algorithm. Moreover, the same ship was fired upon both times. Obviously, the initiators of the launch tried to study the operation of the protection system of a specific type of ship escorting an aircraft carrier. Despite all the denials, the Americans say that the Houthis were involved in the shelling, probably based on radio intercepts.

One of the main conditions of the American plan to pacify Yemen is the cessation of hostilities in Sanaa and the Saada province, where the Zaydi Houthis live. Washington believes that it is necessary to agree on the voluntary withdrawal of their forces from the capital on the terms of incorporation into the government. This does not suit Riyadh, which does not want to acquire a Shiite enclave with strong Iranian influence on its doorstep. The killing of the mayor of Sanaa, which the Americans believe was the result of an air strike on a funeral ceremony last week, defeats the US plan, as he was named by them as a mediator who was supposed to ensure the surrender of heavy weapons to the Houthis.

On October 12, a limited contingent of Saudi troops entered the Saada province through the Ghauf province. Saudi soldiers did not dare to go deep into Saada, and analysts conclude that this was a demonstrative response by the KSA to numerous Houthi raids in Najran and rocket attacks on Saudi territory. This is a blow to the US initiative: Saada’s integrity is violated. At the same time, reconnaissance in force is underway to see if the Saudis can use the bridgehead in Gaufa to launch an offensive against Saada and Sanaa.

The episodes with the shelling of the destroyer Mason in the White House were regarded as an attempt to drag the United States into hostilities in Yemen against the Houthis. Formally, Washington supports the actions of the coalition led by the KSA. But envoys of the Houthis and ex-President A. Saleh often visit there. Since 2015, the United States has frozen advisory and military-technical support for the Saudi military operation in Yemen. Taking into account the casualties among civilians as a result of the latest airstrikes of the KSA Air Force and the sharply anti-Saudi position of the US Congress, there is no need to talk about its resumption in the medium term.

The main target of American interests in Yemen remains Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), against which their ground forces and UAV squadrons based in Hadhramaut are working. According to US CIA Director J. Brennan, KSA intelligence is actively using AQAP groups for its own purposes. This dictates the cautious position of the Americans in actions against the Houthis, who have no sympathy for the Salafist Islamists. The United States is unlikely to launch active operations against the Houthis now. Perhaps they will destroy a couple of radar stations or a battery of missiles, but no more. The use of ground forces is fraught with losses for them. It is more profitable to be neutral, without associating yourself with one or another opposing force.

Omani channels

At the October 3 meeting of representatives of the GCC countries in Ohara, Oman, the focus was on the strained Saudi-Omani relations. This meeting, which was chaired by a Kuwaiti representative, was used by Riyadh to highlight Muscat's "wrong policies". The Kuwaitis planned to reduce tensions and improve Saudi-Omani relations, but this attempt failed due to the aggressive behavior of the envoy of the King of Saudi Arabia, who criticized Oman.

The main accusations made by the Saudis are Muscat's "inadequate" efforts to combat arms smuggling on the border with Yemen. Let us note that in Dhofar, which we are talking about, the ability of the Omani security forces to control the border is nominal. This is due to Muscat’s policy of decentralizing this once rebellious region and granting it actual autonomy.

Traditional arms smuggling along this route is a source of income for the local tribal elite, and the Omani leadership is not planning to quarrel with them. During the civil war in Dhofar, local partisan camps were located in the PDRY, from where there was a flow of assistance with weapons and volunteers, so the smuggling channels were well developed. The end of the civil war in Dhofar at one time became possible after Muscat’s unofficial consent to broad autonomy for the region and the integration of the local tribal elite into the executive branch of the Sultanate at all levels.

A few days before the mini-summit, Yemen's militia loyal to Riyadh intercepted six trucks with weapons arriving in the country from the Omani province of Salalah. Among the cargo, tactical medium-range surface-to-surface missiles made by Iran were found. It was just such a missile that recently hit the positions of the Arabian Coalition forces in northern Yemen, killing dozens of Saudi troops. True, then the Houthis announced that this was a new Yemeni-made missile. The Houthis regularly use the same missiles to attack KSA ground forces and fire at the coalition headquarters in Khamis Mishat.

At a mini-summit in Oman, a KSA representative released information about the transportation of weapons from Oman to Yemen. According to him, Omani territory is used not only for the delivery of Iranian weapons through the airport in Salalah and islands in the Indian Ocean, but also for storage with their further transportation to Yemen. The heir to the crown prince and KSA Defense Minister M. bin Salman asked the Emir of Kuwait to influence Sultan Qaboos, which resulted in a meeting in Oman of the GCC member countries.

M. bin Salman's appeal to Sultan Qaboos is based on an analysis of the situation conducted by the Saudi intelligence services. According to the KSA OOR, Sultan Qaboos does not know about the supply of Iranian weapons through Dhofar, and the operations are carried out by the head of the Oman Intelligence and Security Service M. al-Nooman. The KSA OOR believes that the Omani intelligence service is “contaminated” with Shiite and pro-Iranian elements and cannot be trusted. The exchange of information through intelligence services between states has not existed for a long time, which has a negative impact on the work of the center for coordinating the activities of law enforcement agencies of the GCC member countries.

With the same success, the Saudi intelligence services could also stop contacts with the British MI5, since its operatives sit at the headquarters of the Omani intelligence service and, of course, are aware of the operations on the transfer of Iranian weapons. According to IBV experts, Sultan Qaboos, despite his health condition, is aware of the situation in the region. The head of the Omani intelligence services is one of Qaboos's inner circle and does nothing without his approval. Moreover, such operations as the transfer of weapons, for which Tehran appears to pay well.

Cooperation with Iran retains Muscat’s role as an unofficial intermediary between the countries of the Arabian Peninsula and Iran, which Muscat will not refuse, and also allows it to maintain trusting relationships with both the Houthis and authoritative people in South Yemen who are traditionally involved in this business. It is noteworthy that Muscat is not succumbing to pressure from Riyadh, which indicates that Saudi Arabia’s grip on the region is weakening against the backdrop of economic turmoil and the struggle for power in the ruling elite of KSA.

Egyptian everyday life

Cairo's vote in the UN Security Council for different resolutions regarding Aleppo proposed by France and Russia clearly angered Riyadh. The KSA Ministry of Finance threatened its colleagues from Egypt to freeze support for the Egyptian pound and stop exporting oil at preferential prices through the Saudi Arabian company Aramco. Thanks to the help of the KSA, the Egyptians are maintaining the exchange rate of the pound and avoiding serious devaluation. For import-oriented Egypt, this topic is key. Attempts to obtain a line of credit from the IMF or World Bank are met with demands for tightening fiscal policy, including reducing subsidies for food purchases.

The issue of food security is extremely acute for Egypt. The scandal in relations with Moscow, associated with the refusal to buy Russian grain due to violation of sanitary standards, in reality meant a lack of necessary money in the treasury. For the same reasons, the Egyptians refused to buy wheat from Ukraine, which sells at dumping prices. So the Saudi threat is more than real, especially if we remember Riyadh’s recent refusal to allocate three billion dollars to Beirut to modernize the Lebanese army due to its vague position regarding the burning of the KSA embassy in Tehran.

As far as one can judge, the reduction in funding for Egypt's budget by Saudi Arabia occurred at the beginning of the summer. The grain crisis points to this. At the same time, Cairo managed to complete the deal to purchase French Mistral helicopter carriers. So we are talking about sequestering aid to Egypt, and not about a complete freeze. Most likely, KSA’s plans to invest in the construction of infrastructure facilities in Sinai, which should provide employment to the local population and reduce social tension, will also remain in the project for now.

Riyadh has not yet overstrained itself, but has begun to experience serious financial discomfort. The delays in salaries of foreign workers by the Bin Laden group, which after the unrest had to be paid from the KSA budget, are an unprecedented and extremely alarming signal. Even more indicative is the transformation of KSA’s position on the issue of freezing oil production levels within OPEC without regard to Iran’s position. It seems that the Saudi economy is beginning to experience difficulties amid costly military campaigns in Syria and Yemen, which is hidden in Riyadh.

In relation to Egypt, Saudi tactics began to change on a number of foreign policy issues. It was clear from the outset that the alliance between the two countries was temporary and Riyadh’s support for the Egyptian military was linked to a regional struggle for influence in the Muslim world with Doha, which uses the Muslim Brotherhood. KSA considers them the main threat after Iran, which does not prevent the Saudis from supporting Wahhabi jihadist groups in Syria. The Egyptian regime is secular and does not welcome any Islamists, so it sides with Damascus. Cairo doesn’t care who opposes Assad, nor does it care about al-Sisi, the Wahhabis or the Brotherhood. This lies in the deep contradiction between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, which sooner or later will undermine the alliance.

We are not talking here about the regional leadership ambitions that both Riyadh and Cairo have. The kingdom has accumulated many complaints against Egypt, starting with Libya, where the Egyptians are pursuing a clearly different policy from the Saudis, and ending with the passive participation of the Egyptian military in the campaign in Yemen. In this regard, Cairo is increasingly drifting into the orbit of Abu Dhabi, with which it has many similarities, most notably the UAE’s shared rejection of the Muslim Brotherhood’s activity in the region.

KSA is making a compromise with Turkey and Qatar on the issue of admitting the Brotherhood into the political life of Syria in the future. Moreover, Riyadh is trying to negotiate with the Yemeni branch of the Brotherhood, represented by the Islah party, to begin active military operations against the Houthis, which for Egypt, which is participating in operations in Yemen on the side of the KSA, is a bad incentive to continue the military campaign there. These contradictions between Egypt and Saudi Arabia are beginning to become apparent. They are stimulated by the shortage of free financial resources in KSA. Most likely, a real crisis in relations with Egypt can be expected in the medium term.

I ask the respected AS community to critically examine Devyatov’s article, and also to reveal what he did not take into account or missed.