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1 ETHNOGRAPHIC METHOD IN RUSSIAN SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH EV POLUKHINA Elizaveta V. POLUKHINA - post-graduate student of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Abstract. The paper gives a typology of the use of the ethnographic method in qualitative sociological research, analyzes ethnographic research approaches to obtaining data. Keywords: ethnographic method * methodology * domestic ethnography * qualitative methods Answering the question of how people perceive, feel the world around them in natural, everyday conditions and interaction, let us consider the specific features of ethnographic methods in sociology.The overriding principle can be called the "naturalness" of data collection; its essence is as follows: the closer to everyday life the research situation is, the more the collected materials (and their subsequent interpretation) will reflect the real existence of things... This is what explains the methodological choice of researchers, working with ethnographic data. Their task: using the available arsenal, to describe in detail the behavior and meanings given to it by the inhabitants of the community under study. At the same time, the category "naturalness" is represented by three equal elements: 1. studied individuals (representation of everyday practices); 2. methods (not violating the habitual actions of people); 3. a researcher (using the "natural" attitudes underlying the research orientation). An unformalized approach to the collection and analysis of field observations, the absence of strict standards of research activity (which in most cases is the basis for criticism of ethnography) is a peculiar consequence of "in situ studies". It is impossible to know in advance the norms of behavior, the customs of the people being studied, so the design of the study is always flexible. In this situation, the specialist-researcher freely switches from one method to another, depending on the need to clarify the hypothesis, the research situation. Also easily undergo changes are his relations with the studied "natives", the tactics of communication in the studied environment. The non-formalized approach also includes the so-called. "uncontrollability" of the methods used. In the field, the researcher is only able to record facts, without the possibility of clarification and confirmation: the natural process of observation or conversation limits the possibilities of applying the hypothesis verification strategy [Romanov P., 1996]. Ethnographic narration is distinguished by its detail, narrative nature, and contextuality. The contextuality of the description of reality implies that the description produced should be maximally correlated with the one in which pages 143

2 conditions, situations, on what social "background" the studied interaction "researcher-individual" took place. Many diary entries and photographs serve as the basis for reproducing the historical, social, emotional context, which makes it possible to describe and understand people's actions in more detail. Therefore, practically every change in the environment under study is of value to the sociologist. It is assumed that if the context has not been fixed, it is possible to produce an incorrect interpretation of events and actions. In other words, observable events can only be understood by placing them in a larger context. The special significance of the role of the researcher is characteristic of the ethnographic method: understanding and correlating the phenomenon under study, embedding it in the social context, interacting with individuals is carried out directly by him. Within the framework of the ethnographic approach, it is he who plays a key role throughout all stages of research work. In this tradition, it is assumed that the sociologist is ready for a special kind of research reflectivity that contributes to a deeper study of the daily life of a certain group of people. The question of "reflexivity" is still not clear enough in the qualitative tradition. The main idea is the assumption that the received materials can never be separated from the researcher and are always associated with him. Researchers call this process "autoethnography" [Shanin T., 1999]. The collected information is presented separately. The term "data" familiar to the positivist tradition is replaced by the term "empirical materials". From this formulation, it is possible to deduce the characteristics of the information received - fragmentation and heterogeneity. The collected materials are: entries in diaries, audio, photo, film materials, documentary evidence (letters, documents) [Romanov P., 1996]. At the same time, the receipt of materials is carried out in such a way that the “subjects” reproduce their daily behavior. Often the collection of information is carried out without prior informing, mainly on "partisan" principles. Thus, the ethnographic method in qualitative research is represented by a kind of reflective approach, where the researcher himself is placed at the center. The materials he collects about the community under study are characterized by an informal and contextual approach. Based on them, the sociologist builds detailed descriptions of the life world of the community under study. The formulated principles are applicable at all stages of the study. The practice of applying this approach shows that the study has the following main stages: * formulating a research question or hypothesis; * deciding who will be studied and where; * access to the "field" of study; * choice of research role; * entry into communication with informants;

3 * conducting ethnographic interviews. These principles allow us to propose a typology of domestic sociological research (see Fig.). It is important to note that the approaches differ not only at the level of formulation of research questions and methodological strategies, but studies differ in the number of participants, the volume of the studied population, the position of the researchers relative to the field, the duration, and other parameters. Polyvariance allows us to speak about the absence of uniform rules in this approach. The definition of boundaries and rules is the independent decision of the researchers. In the proposed classification of Russian works, the key criteria for differentiation are "inclusion/non-inclusion" in the object of study, as well as the formality/informality of data collection. Guided by these criteria, a kind of map of the application of ethnographic methods in sociology was built. So, the most detached and autonomous seems to be the so-called. "remote" method of ethnography in sociology. The work of V. Tishkov, who remained far from the field of study, can be attributed to this type. The second type is "research - expedition". It is represented by two projects: the study of the peasantry by T. Shanin and a project led by M. Rozhansky. They are distinguished by clear geographic features. Page 144 Fig. Typology of the application of ethnographic methods in sociological research by the boundaries of the field, a significant amount of visual data (land mapping), work with evidence of life (life, clothing, working conditions of the community under study). Expeditions as a type of research are characterized by the need to "live" in the field of study, as well as the presence of a large group of forwarding explorers. Interdisciplinarity provides the possibility of triangulation - the discussion of observed phenomena from various scientific aspects and paradigms.

4 The next type is "project-institutional". This includes studies characterized by the presence of the Center as a social institution, within which thematic specialization is provided. Projects are usually carried out within the framework of a single methodology, a single thematic priority. Thus, ISITO Samara projects are devoted to labor relations, and the Saratov Center specializes mainly in social policy issues. An intermediate position is occupied by the SIC Region (in view of the large-scale research on the topic of drug addiction, it is close to the "research-expedition" type). But the latest work of the Research Center Region allows us to talk about specialization on the subject of "Youth", which brings it closer to the "project-institutional" type. It should be noted that the mentioned research centers often rely on quantitative data in order to confirm the developed hypotheses / formulate new ones. Thus, if in the previous type of research ("expedition") the interpretation is characterized by interdisciplinary triangulation, then in this type, as a rule, it is an appeal to static data. Also, an intermediate position in this typology is in the CISR V. Voronkov. In view of conducting research in a project mode, it can be attributed to the "project-institutional" type, but the peculiarity of the methodology and interpretation, the need to "get used to the shoes of an informant" allows us to classify St. Petersburg researchers as an "identification" type. He is distinguished by the importance of complete immersion in the life of the community, empathy for the meanings and lifestyle of informants. This also includes the work of the American anthropologist N. Rees and the sociologist A. Alekseev. Both of these researchers immersed themselves in a long-term study of an unknown culture, becoming part of communities, they acquired contacts and affections, kept daily records, which also affected the way they interpreted the data (the researcher was alone with himself and the main conclusions of his work were self-perceptions). The longer the observation in terms of time, the more informal are the collected data and interpretations. The researcher becomes part of the community being studied, it becomes increasingly difficult for him to distinguish where research ends and real life begins. We identified specific types of researchers: An ethnographer-journalist - for example, N. Rees approached the data collection procedure in the least formal way, paying more attention to factual material, which is closer to the genre of journalism than to scientific observation. Supervisor / project manager - the role is typical for "remote" research, where the employee is more likely to be engaged in managerial work, leaving the actual field of study unvisited, delegating this opportunity to another. Forwarder - a researcher of a certain area, way of life. Emphasis is placed on the collection of visual data, mapping, lifestyle and life of communities. Provocateur - the study takes place by provoking the studied community, creating conditions that allow, through a reaction to a provocation, to understand the rules and meanings of milieu. Twin - this type implies "immersion" and gradual convergence of informants and the researcher. The reviewed map of Russian studies made it possible to draw a conclusion about thematic priorities. The narrowest and most specific topic is labor relations. Also the focus of the application of the ethnographic method in sociological research

5 focuses on modern social problems - drug addiction, disability, ethnic migration, war - the most acute, but "buried" from the views of researchers. In a more general form, culture is studied as a phenomenon of a certain community. REFERENCES 1. Romanov PV, Yarskaya ER Anthropology of professions. Saratov S. Romanov P.V., Yarskaya E.R. "Making the familiar unknown...": an ethnographic method in sociology // Sociological journal N 1/2. With Marvasti A.B. Qualitative Research Sociology. SAGE Publication P Silverman D. Qualitative Research. Theory, Method and Practice. SAGE Publications P Hammersley M. What Wrong with Ethnography. sociology. V P Miller D., Jackson P., Thrift N., Holbook B., Rowlands M. Methodology. Ethnography. Vol. III. Alan Bryman. SAGE Publications P Romanov PV Procedures, strategies, approaches of "social ethnography". Sociological journal N 3/4. With Denzin N.K. The Research Act. University of Illinois, Urbana - Champaign P Baszanger I., Dodier N. Ethnography: Relating the Part of the Whole. Qualitative Research: Theory, Method and Practice, edited by Silverman D. London. SAGE Publications P Miller D., Jackson P., Thrift N., Holbook B., Rowlands M. Methodology. Ethnography. Vol. III. Alan Bryman. SAGE Publications P Bruman, 1998, Hammersley M., Atkinson P. Ethnography. principles in practice. second edition. London P Shanin T. Methodology of double reflexivity in the studies of the modern Russian village. Qualitative methods in field sociological research. Kovalev E.M., Steinber I.E.M. Logos S Romanov P.V. Procedures, strategies, approaches of "social ethnography". Sociological journal N3/4. With Marvasti A.B. Qualitative Research Sociology. SAGE Publication P Maslova OM Modern situation: The problem of combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Sociology in Russia. M., S. Ethnography: A textbook for students of historical specialties of universities // Ed. Yu. V. Bromley and G. E. Markov. M.: Higher. school S M. Romanov P. V., Yarskaya-Smirnova E. R. "Making the familiar unknown ...": an ethnographic method in sociology // Sociological journal N 1/2. S. 148.

6 18. Yadov V. A., Alekseev A. N. Dramatic sociology and sociological autoreflection. Volume 4. St. Petersburg: Norma, S Garfinkel G. Studies in ethnomethodology. SPb.: Peter, pp. Maksimov B., Alekseev A. Dramatic sociology and sociological autoreflection. Volume 4. St. Petersburg. Norma S Ryvkina R. V., Alekseev A. N. Dramatic sociology and sociological autoreflection. Volume 4. St. Petersburg. Norma S Voronkov V. This crazy, crazy, crazy quantitative world // Emergency Reserve N3(35). 23. Voronkova V., Pachenkova O., Chikadze E. Invisible facets of social reality. To the 60th anniversary of Eduard Fomin // Collection of Art. based on field research. Issue 9. St. Petersburg, Center for Independent Social Research. Official site Voronkov V. Does an ethnic economy exist? // Ed. O. Brednikova, V. Voronkova, E. Chikadze. CISR. Proceedings. Issue. 8. SPb., Hamersley M. What "s Wrong with Ethnography? Routledge. London and New York P Goncharova N. Field kitchen: how to conduct research. Ulyanovsk: Simbirsk book, S Rozhansky M. Baikal Siberia: fragments of a sociocultural map. Almanac research. Irkutsk, S Kovalev E. M., Shteinberg I. E. Qualitative methods in field sociological research M.: Logos, Yarskaya-Smirnova E. R., Romanov P. V., Krutkin V. L. Visual anthropology: new views on social reality. Saratov, Site of American scientific publications. Cornell University Press Utekhin I., Ris I. Russian conversations: Culture and speech everyday life of the era of perestroika. M.: UFO, S Tishkov V. A. Society in armed conflict. Ethnography of the Chechen war Moscow: Nauka, 2001.

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Number: No. 1-2 for 1998

"MAKING THE Familiar UNKNOWN...": ETHNOGRAPHIC METHOD IN SOCIOLOGY
Romanov P.V., Yarskaya-Smirnova E.

To what extent has ethnography, having penetrated into sociology, ceased to be a discipline in the proper sense of the word? Can ethnography be called a special genre of scientific text? What is the epistemological nature of the ethnographic method, where, when and under what conditions was it formed? In the preface to "Sociology Based on Ethnography" Ch. Letourneau noted that "there is no way to embrace the entire field of sociology at a glance, since when studying it, it is necessary to take into account not only the various manifestations of human activity, but also external conditions" . Since then, models of theoretical explanation have been replaced, and methodological constructions from scientific texts have penetrated into socio-political discourse. The evolution of scientific methodology turned out to be closely connected with external conditions - the social context of the reproduction of knowledge, the dynamics of scientific institutions, and political processes.
The power of ethnography
In the 1990s, a discussion on the methodology and epistemology of ethnography took place on the pages of the Ethnographic Review. It sounded a kind of challenge from those who called the tradition that has developed in Russian ethnographic science positivist, objectivist-universalist, opposing it with "benign relativism" . The following authoritative opinions became the answer: “Since we are talking about ethnology, we need to recognize the objectivist concept”, and “the only theory of knowledge that is consistent with science is the theory of reflection” .
The object of future ethnological research, according to expert estimates, will be disappearing ethnic groups and poorly studied peoples, conflicting ethnic groups and ethnic groups with a complex internal structure. In addition, judging by the forecasts, the future is expected to be dominated by applied ethnological research, the results of which are of interest to the field of management.
Several articles in other journals have attracted readers' attention with a rather new emphasis on the psychological, interactive aspects of ethnographic research, as well as its usefulness for modernization: “Large trading firms and multinational corporations intending to locate enterprises abroad collect information about the work culture of the local population. Ethnography and cultural studies are increasingly losing the status of "abstract", "academic" disciplines.
In connection with the discussion about the crisis of ethnography, almost no one mentioned ethnosociology as an attempt to combine ethnography with the sociological method. Culture was defined by ethnosociologists “not only as material and spiritual products of human activity, but also as values, norms, recognized ways of behavior” or “socio-ethically normalized human self-expression” . Thus, it was possible to avoid the division of culture into material and spiritual, which does not take into account social interactions and isolates the science of culture from the sciences of man and society. However, paradoxically, the objectivist logic of research programs coexisted with this interpretive attitude. In the focus of ethno-sociological research in the 1970s, typical for Marxist analysis, were the problems of comparing the cultural level and rapprochement of Soviet nations. Another feature of the mechanical fusion of ethnography and sociology is the predominance of quantitative methodological tools over the classical methods of descriptive anthropology. In addition, having given birth to ethnosociology, sociology and ethnography had to go their separate ways so as not to shake their own disciplinary boundaries. In this regard, Yu.V. Bromley warned that "ethnosociology should by no means be reduced to the study of simply the social parameters of nations (without correlation with ethnic factors), it will be just a concrete sociology" .
And now, as twenty years ago, sociology is opposed to ethnography. According to experts, one of the reasons for the crisis in Russian ethnography is “the passion for sociology (to the detriment of ethnography itself)”. Sociological is understood as strictly formalized methods of collecting empirical information.
A feature of the institutional organization of Russian ethnography was its teaching at the historical departments of universities. This also did not contribute to the penetration into sociology of the "ethnographic" view of the social object. The differences in the interpretation of the subject area of ​​Soviet and Western ethnography are very revealing. The Soviet tradition was focused on the study of the material and spiritual culture of peoples. Western ethnography, in our opinion, is distinguished by the choice of a cultural group as the subject of study.
It is hardly accidental that, despite the worldwide recognition of the function of studying cultures for ethnography, in our country it is defined only as the science of the culture of peoples. In Russia, it is still widely believed that the tasks of ethnography include the search for and description of cultures remote from the researcher in time or space. According to this point of view, “the society under study is not reducible to the totality of views of the natives, ... it is a social reality that partly exists completely independently of the consciousness of people, partly to a large extent independently of it. And people's ideas about this social reality are largely not adequate, but illusory. In most of the societies studied by ethnographers, science does not exist, there is no scientific idea either about one's own or about other societies. There are just ordinary performances. Of course, native concepts need to be known, but no combination of them can give a scientific picture of this society.
Let's use a well-known anthropological technique and enter the subject field of Soviet ethnography “from the back door”: find out which ethnocultural communities were denied attention by Soviet ethnographers. First of all, this is the modern Russian ethnos, settled in large industrial centers. From an authoritative textbook of the time, we learn that ethnographic research should be devoted to small ethnic groups or "traditional cultures." The latter were studied on the material of both small peoples and Russians, but only in that part of them, which is represented by the rural population or townspeople, who preserve the traditional way of life. Comparison of modern cultural forms of urban life to clarify the role of the ethnic factor was carried out within the framework of ethnosociology on the basis of a positivist model of analysis - selective research using a formalized interview.
Studies of the Russian ethnos in the conditions of a modern industrial city up to the 1990s, with rare exceptions, were taken beyond the scope of classical ethnographic analysis. The main reason for this, in our opinion, is as follows. Scientific research in any society is an instrument of social control and management. In this sense, some communities (for example, the intelligentsia, workers, Russians) could hardly become the object of ethnographic study, since they represented the researchers themselves or the rational, most developed majority, agents of industrialization and bearers of politically justified professionalism. Perhaps that is why Russian city dwellers, until recently, practically did not attract the attention of ethnographers: after all, they seemed to have no ethnic culture. This was also confirmed by the program “Optimization of socio-cultural conditions for the development and rapprochement of Soviet nations”, according to which the processes of industrialization and urbanization create the basis for “a commonality in the way of life and culture of peoples, in the process of transformation of which national characteristics are the further, the more they move from the sphere of material into the spiritual, socio-psychological” . Thus, the focus of ethnographic and ethno-sociological research, as a rule, turned out to be only those Russians who were "anthropologically alien" to the researcher - historically, geographically distant, carriers of traditional ways - rural residents, "Russians from afar" - migrants from neighboring countries.
From our point of view, ethnography, like any social science, is partly a social tool designed to establish and maintain the order of power hierarchies. The realization of dominance is achieved in various ways. Among them is the creation of ideologemes and symbolic classifying nets that reproduce and justify real forms of stratification inequality, the production of a social norm based on an average politically advantageous scheme, to the detriment of marginal forms of social activity.
In ethnography, this was achieved with the help of the idea of ​​assimilation of small ethnic groups through the integration of all nationalities into a new socio-cultural formation - the “Soviet people”. The analytical tool used in this case was the orthodox Marxist interpretation of the dialectic of the “general” and the particular, implicitly based on the premise of the totality of some chosen cultural model. “All-Soviet traditions, uniform in content and national in form”, were created on the basis of an evaluative approach to culture. Criteria were developed for the progressiveness of culture, and the opposition of European and Asian cultures (“types of the socio-cultural image of peoples”) was associated with a different level of urbanization of the regions of the USSR. Differences, of course, were to be eliminated: the lagging behind peoples had to pull themselves up to the level of the most urbanized nations of the country. Urbanized meant the best, and confidence in the absolute, universal nature of one's own values ​​led to ascriptive status claims by urban Russians. At the same time, placing remote (in various senses) ethnicities in the subject field of ethnographic research strengthened them in the status of marginal minorities. Thus, the source of rationality was kept intact - the intellectual claims of the colonizing Russian majority.
If a quarter of a century ago such phraseology was justified by the socio-political context, then the social transformations of the 1990s in Russia require a reformulation of the epistemological foundations of the social sciences. A new methodological toolkit is being formed that is more adequate in modern conditions of transition to a polystructural social and cultural space, the globalization of social life. These processes are actively penetrating Russian ethnography; there has been an institutionalization of social anthropology as a scientific and academic discipline, and traditional approaches to the study of cultures are gradually giving way to more modern ones. A good sixty years behind Western science, the ethnographic method, using in-depth interviews and open participant observation, is being used to study modern urban life, peasant labor, and industrial organizations.
From ethnography to ethnography
In our opinion, the concept of "ethnography" refers to three different areas of production and representation of scientific knowledge: discipline, genre and method. The genre of ethnography rather characterizes the detailed descriptive nature of scientific representation. In this sense, this term can be found both in anthropological and sociological works. In sociology, by now, an understanding of ethnography has developed as a non-positivist, or qualitative, methodology.
Ethnographic methods are most often associated with participant observation, a research practice that characterizes classical ethnographic tools. Features of the cognitive apparatus of ethnography turned out to be attractive in the study of social phenomena of developed industrial societies and gradually took shape in an independent tradition of studying urban life, organizations and social stratification.
At the same time, the concept of ethnographic method is often used as a synonym for ethnography. There are especially many publications in which its content is analyzed in English, there are also domestic works. In the sociological tradition under consideration, ethnographic means the method of theoretical analysis of culture. Here culture refers to the mode of existence and the semantic universe of any group of people united by common conditions of life, work, interests or problems. Especially often, an organization, a social entity, such as a hospital, a school or even a classroom, a factory, a police station, a store, falls into the focus of ethnographic research. In another case, the sociocultural characteristics of one or another professional, age, gender or subcultural group are studied, for example, the ethnography of the elderly, rockers, car thieves, stewardesses and firefighters, inhabitants of urban slums.
A special issue of the "Journal of Modern Ethnography", published in English, called "With Ethnography to the 21st Century", contains articles reflecting the latest trends in ethnographic methodology. The editors of the journal are convinced that the alternative to the discredited methods of objectivist social science is not relativism, solipsism or cynicism, but such ways of expressing thought that invite the audience to actively interact with various spheres of human existence, where life situations turn out to be comical, tragic or absurd, where there is an infinite the number of opportunities to create and live real life. The style of the work of modern ethnographers, whose scientific work departs from the canonical forms of narrative ethnography, involves placing oneself - the author - at the center of the narrative, but at the same time the desire to feel the presence of the reader increases. Forms and modes of writing have become an integral part of what is called the ethnographic method. The goal of the ethnographer is not only to know, but also to feel, to feel the ethnographic “truth” and therefore to become more and more fully involved – in the moral, aesthetic, emotional and intellectual sense. The stories told by the ethnographers of the future “may awaken the subjectivity and emotional response of readers. These stories will exist, be retold, analyzed, with their concrete intimate details they will keep company with the loneliness of abstract facts. Particular attention in the journal, as we see, is given to the genre specificity of ethnographic works. Ethnography is also understood as a special genre of scientific narration.
The tendency to define ethnography as a reflexive methodological orientation leads to the fact that any groups of people included in meaningful behavior can be the object of research. The priority remains the meaning of their activities, and, according to D. Altheide, in this case, even the products of social interaction can be studied in an ethnographic way. This author develops an ethnographic approach to media analysis (ethnographic content analysis).
What the audience receives as a result of exposure to ethnographic works is not a conclusion, a conclusion, or a proof. Interactive and reflective ethnography never closes a potential discussion, it only provides an improved understanding, the ability to subtle, but not superficial, but deeply intimate communication with the topic and subjects of research. The most important test for ethnography today is the transition from description to communication. At the same time, researchers become part of the world that they study, change and construct. They reject an epistemology of description that prefers to prescribe and assign order to a stable social world that exists outside and independently of the researcher.
In the world academic community, the application of the ethnographic method is considered extremely important not only in the study of traditional cultures, but also in modern, complex societies. However, the ethnic factor itself is here on an equal footing with other culturally specifying factors, so ethnography in this interpretation is a sociological approach. It is obvious that the methodological and epistemological foundations of such an ethnography are radically different from what constitutes the foundation of the objective evolutionism of the 19th century with its ideas of a cultural level and progress. For domestic ethnographers, the term “understanding” “only confuses the matter. If we turn to the materialistic theory of knowledge, the theory of reflection, it becomes clear that the understanding of reality is nothing but the revelation of its essence. From this point of view, it becomes clear what is the explanation, which is considered as one of the functions of the theory. To explain phenomena means to show what kind of essence is hidden behind them. There can be no special theory of understanding of natural and social reality that would differ from the theory of knowledge. Quite different is the revelation of the meaning of texts and penetration into the experiences of another person. The first is the business of philology, while the second is most concerned with art.
On the contrary, the ethnographic method in its modern perspective is based on the understanding sociology of M. Weber, the phenomenology of A. Schutz, the social constructivism of P. Berger and T. Lukman. Here, a sociological approach is applied to culture as ideas that together make up the general definition of the life situation of people, and ethnography is presented as the task of an understanding, even interactive description of a particular culture.
Types of Ethnographic Discourse: A Historical Sketch
The concept of "ethnography" is very ambiguous. Ethnology, cultural and social anthropology, sociology of culture are characterized by a significant similarity of methodology and blurring of the boundaries of subject areas. The formation of these disciplines as scientific directions is determined by the works of scientists who can equally be attributed to the classics of sociology and anthropology - E. Durkheim, B. Malinovsky, A. Radcliffe-Brown, M. Moss.
The epistemology of ethnographic studies, which N. Denzin and I. Lincoln call traditional or classical, reflects the result of a long-term comprehension of social otherness by Western civilization as a significant cultural concept. The geographical discoveries of the 16th-18th centuries made it possible to present in a new way the cultural differences of the “other” in early ethnography. The narratives of this period are eyewitness accounts of distant peoples and countries, hitherto unknown events seen across the sea, in a different geographical and cultural space. The initial descriptions of "other" cultures were distinguished by an emphasis on the exotic, sometimes they were full of fiction; fear and hostility increased the distance between different cultures. Today, such representations are stimulated by the tourism industry: numerous illustrated magazines attract travelers to uncharted lands, demonstrating the beauties of nature, the exotic appearance of the natives, their traditions, everyday life, culinary delights, or the uniqueness of material artifacts.
Today it is clear that the value of an ethnographic description is not associated only with the exotic. Thanks to modern ethnographies, it is often discovered that there are such features of familiar places, groups, conditions, which in reality were little known, but knowledge about them can sometimes profoundly change our ideas. Most of the contemporary ethnographic work in the field of sociology is associated with an approach that M. Hammersley defines as follows: "Make the familiar unknown."
The next stage in the development of ethnographic research coincides with the colonial expansion of European states (the second half of the 18th - the end of the 19th centuries). Ethnographic description began to take the form of scientific discourse. During this period, travelers' notes are no longer read out of mere curiosity, but in order to expand and systematize ideas about the diversity of forms of human existence. The main type of such a description was the reports of representatives of the colonial administration, intended for the mother country. In these texts, European culture is the peak of the spiritual development of mankind, while at the same time all other examples of cultural life are presented as primitive evidence of the initial stages of development. The social function of anthropological knowledge, therefore, has become a reflection of the imperialist claims of Western European states for a global “cultivating” role in the countries of the third world.
N.K. Denzin and I.S. Lincoln designated another feature of the ethnographic texts of this period with the concepts of “monumentalism” and “timelessness” of description. They characterize the works of the most prominent representatives of ethnography of the 19th century - G. Spencer, E. B. Tylor, L. G. Morgan, C. Letourneau. Monumentalism is rather characterized by the desire to accumulate material evidence of culture, “museification”, that is, ignoring the social side of the life of the studied communities. The timeless nature of the scientific text lies in the fact that the development of “primitive” societies is not taken into account, the observed processes are considered without taking into account social dynamics.
At the same time, already in classical ethnography (or, in other words, descriptive anthropology), a European man discovered the “cultural other” as an important tool for self-identification and knowledge of one's own culture.
The third stage lasted from the beginning of the 20th century until the Second World War. At this time, qualitative researchers were giving an “objective”, colonizing assessment of the field experience, reflecting the positivist scientist paradigm. The field explorer has become a fearless romantic, a pioneer who returns from work talking about strange people and creating pictures that are simpler and more beautiful than life itself. This is a scientist who is able to create a complex theory about the subject of research, based on the empirical data at his disposal. The texts of this period, which R. Rosaldo called the time of the Lonely Ethnographer, followed the norms of classical ethnography: objectivism, imperialism (other cultures are considered as underdeveloped compared to Western Europe), monumentalism and timelessness.
Research of the late colonial period is characterized by the rejection of the evolutionist paradigm in favor of functionalism. In the field of view of scientists are the dynamic processes generated by the intervention of European civilization, mainly those that characterize the clash of cultures in the colonies. Until a certain point, the understanding of these phenomena was limited by the specific position of European scientists-observers: direct observation was the main tool. The method of participant observation, developed in the works of B. Malinovsky, A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and I.I. Evans-Pritchard, made it possible to see that “primitive” peoples have a complex structure of family ties, a developed worldview system and a complex relations.
A special place is occupied by the texts of the Chicago School relating to the 1920s. The ethnographic approach in sociology is often associated with symbolic interactionism, which goes back precisely to this scientific tradition. Instead of an observer outside the object of study, whose activity is aimed at describing social behavior in terms of causality external to the individual, the Chicago School emphasized the role of "inclusion" of the social researcher in the life of the object. Such a “humanistic” vision of science, when a social scientist needs to have empathy towards the people he studies, goes back to the descriptive psychology of V. Dilthey.
V. Dilthey could express the essence of the ethnographic method as a movement towards understanding the socially typical through a detailed description of the individual: nature ... The expression of this state of affairs is that the mental and spiritual state of an entire era can be represented in one individual.
The ethnographic method refers to an interpretive paradigm, specifically important for which “is, first of all, behavior that, firstly, according to the subjective meaning assumed by the actor, is correlated with the behavior of other people, secondly, is also determined by this meaningful correlation of it, and thirdly , perhaps, on the basis of this (subjectively) supposed meaning, is clearly explained” . Later, in symbolic interactionism, ethnographic methods became the preferred research methods - participant observation, in-depth and semi-structured interviews, documenting events - thanks to which one can identify subjective experiences and understand the social, that is, meaningful behavior of people.
In the Chicago School, a genre arose which, despite its predominant study of the events of modern urban life, was inherently ethnographic description. P. Atkinson notes that when getting acquainted with such works as W. White's "Society on the Street Corner", the reader is involuntarily involved in the complex process of constructing and reconstructing reality. White's ethnographic monograph, despite its purely realistic detailed description of the social life of Italian-American street gangs, turned out to be a real work of art. Narrative and description, examples, characterizations, and explanatory comments are combined into an artful and artificial product, and the world into which the reader enters is no longer the directly lived experience of the "society on the street corner."
By the end of the 19th century, clear stylistic and genre distinctions had developed between fiction and social science. However, in the Chicago School, with its emphasis on such approaches to ethnographic materials as life stories (life stories) and slices-of-life (life slices), an interpretive methodology is developing that brings ethnography closer to the novel. The idea of ​​such a methodology, as P. Klo points out, is the creation of texts in which the author-researcher, in addition to presenting the facts obtained in the course of field work, manages to present his subjective view.
The narrative nature of the scientific description, the emphasis on the subjective experiences of the participants in the study (informants and the scientist), the individual experience of the researcher, which is necessarily present in the text, and, finally, the practice of participant observation - all this became signs of the ethnographic work of the sociologist. In the sociological literature, the concepts of ethnographic method and ethnography have become associated with qualitative methods (particularly with participant observation). However, to identify the ethnographic method with the qualitative method would be to oversimplify and limit our reasoning. Representatives of the Chicago School, who applied an ethnographic approach to the study of the modern city, used both participant observation and interviews and statistical data.
The writings of this period held the belief that the social practice of quality researchers is important insofar as it represents the voices of the “others”—social outcasts that are hushed up or condemned in the media and public consciousness. Studies of social relations within various groups, subcultures, social movements, organizations - industrial enterprises, schools, hospitals, prisons, boarding schools for the mentally retarded, nursing homes - received the stable name of ethnographies, and their epistemology was characterized as antipositivism.
The canonical text of this time is “Boys in White” by G. Becker with co-authors. Closely tied to the social context and social science methodology of the fifties, this work on medical students was an attempt to give qualitative research the rigor of quantitative research. The work combined many methods: semi-open and semi-structured interviews were combined with participant observation and careful analysis of materials in a standardized, statistical form. In his classic methodological article, G. Becker even introduces the concept of “quasi-statistics”: “The included observer must use the opportunity to collect data so that they can be converted into legitimate statistics. However, the circumstances of field work usually prevent this... Therefore, what the observer gets is better called quasi-statistics. His conclusions, although implicitly numerical, do not require exact quantification.
In data analysis, G. Becker notes, a “qualitative” researcher is clearly inferior to his fellow statisticians and therefore needs additional resources to validate his conclusions.
The so-called modernist period of the development of the ethnographic approach in sociology (1950-1970) ended with the work “The Discovery of a Grounded Theory” by B. Glaser and A. Strauss. Ethnography, or qualitative sociology, inevitably has a touch of romanticism. With all possible humanistic energy, social scientists presented outsiders as objects of public attention, outcasts experiencing borderline situations.
In the years 1970-1986, which is called the time of “blurred genres”, research paradigms, methods and strategies took shape. Applied qualitative research has increasingly become the focus of interest of scientists, politicians and the media. During this period, research strategies in ethnography ranged from grounded theory to "case study" and historical, biographical, organizational and clinical research. Computer technologies are introduced into research practice, which in subsequent decades (late 1980s-1990s) are more widely used for the qualitative analysis of historical, literary and biographical documents, transcripts of interviews and observations, video and photographic materials as texts of culture.
Two books by K. Girtz began and ended the period of “blurred genres”. In these works, the author argued that the former functionalist, positivist, behaviorist approaches in the human sciences have given way to more open, gentle, interpretive, open approaches. Their starting point is the notion of the meaning of cultural representations. Calling the description of a certain event, ritual and custom “thick” (“dense”, “saturated”), Geertz believes that all anthropological works were and remain interpretations of interpretations. The central task of the theory is to recreate the feeling of a particular situation. As the boundaries between the social and human sciences became shaky, social scientists began to apply humanitarian models, theories and methods of analysis (for example, semiotic, hermeneutic). Scientific texts are increasingly reminiscent of artistic narratives or stories (narratives), essays - similarities of works of art have replaced a scientific article. The “golden era” of stable and rather dogmatic social sciences has ended, new forms of scientific discourse have appeared: the interpretation of the documentary film as a work of art by Myler, the ethnographic parable of Castaneda, the theoretical treatises of Levi-Strauss, reminiscent of travel novels.
The next important stage dates back to the mid-1980s. This is a powerful epistemological turn - a crisis of representation. The works are characterized by a high degree of understanding of the methods, the process of collecting, processing and analyzing the results, they focus on the social problems of gender, class and race. During this period, a search is underway for a new model of truth and method. The crisis of representation has prompted qualitative research to move in a new, critical direction.
It would be a mistake to say that in sociology these stages were progressively replaced, ousting previous achievements from the “market of ideas”. Each of them is presented today in a research paper. Another important point: modern ethnography constantly analyzes the methodology and epistemological status of this science.
The development of the cognitive possibilities of ethnographic methods took place in changing social conditions. The main ethnographic methods - participant observation and in-depth interviews - originally included in the social worker's arsenal, allowed sociologists to apply approaches previously used by anthropologists to study geographically distant communities to the study of communities of "civil otherness" (civil otherhood), remote in a cultural sense. The mysterious world of social problems opened up to the sociologist in the same way that exotic culture opened up to the anthropologist. The focus of research attention was the world of slums, urban outskirts, juvenile delinquency, drugs, mental disorders, suicide. Thanks to a solid corpus of scientific literature on the ethnographies of the city and organizations, a very stable position of sociological schools was formed, which developed in accordance with the socio-political trend common to a number of Western countries of the post-war period. We are talking about the concept of the welfare state, actualizing the ideal of equality and allowing professional intervention in the private lives of individuals, families and communities. The evolution of the subject and method, the development of the theory of ethnographic research have led to a significant change in the paradigm palette of sociology.
Conclusion
Ethnography is not only a scientific discipline, a specific way of collecting information or a genre of representation of field materials. At present, the ethnographic direction in world sociology has also developed methodologically. We propose to call it social ethnography or ethnographic method. Unlike ethnography in the traditional sense, which strives for a rational reconstruction of social orders in "aboriginal" communities, the ethnographic method in sociology makes it possible to establish the meanings hidden behind the social and organizational orders of modern communities.
Ethnographic procedures are limited in the sense that they make it difficult to generalize to a certain population. When it becomes necessary to show quantitative differences between articulated opinions on issues that are well understood by the given community, the use of polling procedures seems to be preferable. However, the ethnographic method is indispensable in identifying the typical in unique situations. It can be an effective tool for studying groups, organizations and subcultures, making available aspects of their lives that cannot be explored using quantitative approaches.
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16. Evans-Pritchard E. History of anthropological thought. M.: Publishing House "Eastern Literature" RAS, 2003.

17. Yarskaya-Smirnova E.R. Narrative analysis in sociology // Sociological journal. 1997. No. 3.

Topic 1.2. Ethnography as a research method

The concept of "ethnography". Development of the ethnographic approach in the social sciences. "Journal of Modern Ethnography". Development of the socio-anthropological approach in modern Russia

The concept of "ethnography"

The concept of "ethnography" in the global context of social research is very ambiguous. In domestic science, there are still disputes about what ethnography is1. The concept of "ethnography" can be interpreted in three senses: as a discipline, genre and method. Above we spoke about ethnography as a scientific discipline. Let us dwell on its features as a method and genre. The genre of ethnography, rather, characterizes the detailed descriptive nature of scientific representation (representation of the obtained materials in reports, articles, monographs). In this sense, this term can be found both in foreign works on anthropology and in sociological works. At the same time, a special understanding of ethnography as a non-positivist, or "qualitative" methodology has developed in sociology by now.

When it comes to ethnographic methods, sociologists primarily recall participant observation as a research practice that characterizes classical ethnographic tools. Features of the cognitive apparatus of ethnography turned out to be attractive in the study of social phenomena of developed industrial societies and gradually took shape in an independent sociological tradition, which has the focus of analytical interest on the problem of

1 See for example: Kozenko A.V., Monogarova L.F. Epistemology of ethnology // Ethnogra-

physical view. 1994. No. 4. P.7; Semenov Yu.I. Ethnology and epistemology // Ethnographic review. 1993. No. 6. P. 18; Sokolovsky S.V. Ethnographic Research: Ideal and Reality // Ethnological Review. 1993. No. 2.3; Tishkov V.A. Soviet ethnography: overcoming the crisis // Ethnographic review. 1992. No. 1; Filippov V.R., Filippova E.I. Crede experto (Native Ethnology Today and Tomorrow) // Ethnographic Review. 1993. No. 5. P.3-11.

native life, mechanisms of social stratification, the functioning of social institutions, labor relations and cultural processes in organizations.

The concept of ethnography is often used as a synonym for the ethnographic method, that is, a certain way of knowing, with a special methodology, theoretical and ethical prerequisites for scientific activity. In other words, ethnography is understood as a special way of analyzing culture. Here culture refers to the mode of existence and symbolic codes of any group of people united by common conditions of life, work, interests or difficulties. Especially often, an organization, a social entity, such as a hospital, a school, or even one of the classrooms, a factory, a police station, a store, falls into the focus of ethnographic research. In another case, the sociocultural characteristics of a particular professional, age, gender (sex) or subcultural group are studied, for example, the ethnography of the elderly, rockers, car thieves, stewardesses and firefighters, residents of urban slums, students of a medical college1.

In world science, the application of the ethnographic method is considered extremely important not only in the study of traditional cultures and "simple" societies, but also in the study of modern cultures and "complex" societies2. Obviously, the methodological and cognitive foundations of such ethnography change significantly compared to what constitutes the foundation of the theories of evolutionism with its ideas of "cultural level" and "progress".

The methodology of ethnography is based on the understanding sociology3 of Max Weber (1864-1920) and its subsequent versions such as the social phenomenology of Alfred Schutz (1899-1959), the social constructionism of Peter Berger (1929-) and Thomas Luckmann. Here, a sociological approach is applied to culture as ideas that together constitute the main, main definition of the life situation of people, and ethnography is presented as the task of an “understanding” description of a certain culture.

The development of the cognitive possibilities of the ethnographic approach in social science took place in the context of changes in the social situation. The main ethnographic methods are participant observation and

1 See: Spradley J.P., McCurdy D.W. The Cultural Experience: Ethnography in a Complex

society. Chicago: Science Research Associate, 1972. P.3.

2 This refers to societies that use simple or complex technologies. 3 The method of M. Weber is called in German verstehen - to understand, the English name is

The definition of this direction is interpretative sociology - interpretive, or understanding, sociology.

Binary interviews were originally part of the arsenal of anthropologists and ethnographers to study "primitive societies", and then they were used by social workers, visiting clients at home and conducting conversations with them. Later, sociologists began to apply these approaches to communities of "civil otherness" (civil otherhood), remote in a cultural sense. The mysterious world of social problems opened up to the modern social anthropologist and sociologist in the same way as the exotic culture of tribes opened up to the anthropologist of yesteryear. The focus of research attention was the world of slums, urban outskirts, juvenile delinquency, drugs, mental disorders, suicides. The evolution of the subject, method and development of theory in line with ethnographic research led to a significant change in the palette of sociology and social anthropology.

And if the initial descriptions of "other" cultures were distinguished by an emphasis on the strange, unusual; descriptions of the way of life of distant societies were full of fiction; today it has become clear that the value of an ethnographic description, as well as the value of cultural contacts, is not associated only with the exotic. However, even now there are similar representations of other cultures, encouraged by the tourism industry: numerous illustrated magazines attract travelers to uncharted lands, showing the beauty of nature, the exotic appearance of the "natives", their traditions, everyday life, culinary delights or the uniqueness of the environment created by man - monuments, architecture civil and religious buildings.

On the other hand, it is important to remember that already in the development of classical ethnography (anthropology), with its emphasis on the exotic, the European man discovered the “cultural other” as an important tool for his own self-determination and knowledge of his own culture. Indeed, how did a person manage to understand himself, if not through opposition to others? How could people recognize and comprehend that we live in the world of our own culture, if not through acquaintance with a different culture?

And yet it happened at the beginning of the twentieth century. the rejection of the evolutionist direction in favor of functionalism increased the interest of ethnographers in the processes generated by the intervention of European civilization. Mainly those phenomena that arise during the clash of cultures in the colonies were highlighted here.

In the social science literature, the concept of ethnography is used in two senses. First, it is a presentation of the results of social research in a descriptive spirit, a historical review and a detailed presentation of social processes. For example, you can read about what is in the book

1 See: Batygin G.S. Lectures on the methodology of sociological research. M.: Aspect Press, 1995. P.18.

collected ethnography of small businesses, ethnography of the privatization of the plant, ethnography of the middle level of management in a public organization. In other words, the genre of ethnography is rather characterized by an extra-theoretical way of describing peoples and cultures. "Ethnography" was understood in the Western tradition until recently: as a form of scientific representation that has a detailed descriptive character.

To a lesser extent, this concept refers to theoretical generalizations in the social sciences. In this sense, this term can be found both in works on anthropology and in sociological works. However, if for Taylor, Morgan or Frazer ethnography was a set of facts and details explained by their theories, then for modern anthropologists it is more characteristic to use the word “ethnography” in the plural, implying works of varying degrees of theoretical generalization and depth of analysis1.

Secondly, it is a set of "ethnographic", i.e. qualitative methods of data collection (long-term participant observation, in-depth interviews, collection of documents) applied to the study of the organization. With this in mind, they say, for example, “the structures of everyday life revealed with the help of ethnography”, “we were able to understand the culture of this organization only by carrying out an ethnographic study”).

Referring to the combination ethnographic method”, most often mean the methods of participant observation, i.e. research practice that characterizes classical ethnographic tools. Ethnography is primarily a case study and has methodological assumptions typical of this type of research, related primarily to the features of the selection of objects of analysis, the construction of a scientific conclusion, and the logic of interpretation.

A case study is a study on a single object, which can be a certain community, a single social phenomenon, a class of actions or an area of ​​activity, even a biography of an individual.

The case study developed its own specific terminological apparatus, methodological tools, ways to justify the choice of an object, validate the research tool and check the quality of the information collected. Ethnographic scientific work is characterized by a more long-term nature of the study, getting used to the subcultural context, using mainly qualitative methods.

1 Wood P.W. Ethnography and ethnology // The Dictionary of Anthropology. Ed. by Thomas Barfield, Blackwell publishers, 1997. P.159-160.

dov, but most importantly - a special ethical approach to data analysis and the subject of research.

The social anthropologist, armed with special field research techniques and his own model of data interpretation, can be of great help in "decoding" the daily life of a community, of which, for example, an organization is an example. An important resource for positive changes for a researcher is the search for a common language for all participants in organizational interactions, a critical analysis of existing problems, the solution and prevention of conflict situations, the construction of "bridges" between various subcultures coexisting in the organization, granting the right to vote to those who are usually "silent and hushed up" , - to those social groups that occupy the lowest layers of hierarchies.

Medical, feminist and economic anthropology, as well as the anthropology of organizations and cities, like many other areas of modern anthropology, have all the features of an interpretive approach, which is considered as a certain practice of interpreting research results. Scientists who adhere to this approach consider social research as an attempt to penetrate into a foreign culture and rationality. The task of the scientist is rather the interpretation of ideas, meanings, meanings contained in a different culture than the formulation of a final diagnosis, the creation of a fixed theory, the derivation of social laws.

Development of the ethnographic approach in the social sciences

The works of the Chicago School of Sociology dating back to the 1920s occupy a very special place in the periodization of social science. The ethnographic approach in sociology is often associated with a direction that goes back to this particular scientific tradition. Instead of an observer outside the object of study, whose activity is aimed at describing social behavior in terms of causality external to the individual, the Chicago School emphasized the role of "inclusion" of the social researcher in the life of the object, thereby strengthening the role of the ethnographic method in sociological research.

Here a genre was born, which, while focusing on the events of modern urban life, nevertheless, by its nature, belonged to ethnographic description. P. Atkinson1 notes that when getting acquainted with such works of this trend as "Society on the Street Corner" by W. White2, the reader is involuntarily involved in the complex process of constructing and re-

1 Atkinson P. The Ethnographic Imagination. London: Routlege, 1994. P.2.

2 Whyte W.F. Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 3rd edition. 1981.

constructing reality. W. White's ethnographic monograph, despite a purely realistic description of the social life of Italian-American street gangs and many carefully collected details, turned out to be a real work of art. Narrative and description, examples, characterizations and explanatory comments add up to an artful and artificial product, and the world we enter as readers is certainly not for us a direct experience of the "society on the street corner".

Considering the Chicago research tradition, let's pay attention to the peculiarities of scientific narrative. Clear stylistic and genre distinctions have developed between fiction and social science. However, in the Chicago School, with its emphasis on such approaches to ethnographic materials as life stories (life stories) and slices-of-life (life slices), there is a convergence of ethnography with the novel. The idea of ​​such an approach, as P. Klo1 points out, is the creation of texts in which, firstly, the author-researcher, in addition to presenting the facts obtained in the course of field work, presents his own subjective view. Secondly, along with this, despite the obvious presence of the author, the presentation is conducted in simple language, often on behalf of ordinary people, assuming social realism and scientific reliability.

So, it was in Chicago that the first application of the ethnographic method took place in the form in which it was further developed in sociology and social anthropology. The narrative nature of the scientific description, the emphasis on the subjective experiences of the participants in the study (informants and the scientist), the individual experience of the researcher, which is necessarily present in the text, and, finally, the practice of participant observation - all these have become signs of ethnographic work. Therefore, in the sociological literature, the concepts of the ethnographic method

and ethnographies applied in connection with the sociologist's field work came to be identified with "qualitative" methods (particularly with participant observation) and "qualitative" research. However, to classify the ethnographic method only as a qualitative one would be too simplistic.

and limit our discussion. Representatives of the Chicago School, who glorified and approved the ethnographic approach to the study of the modern city, also used statistical data.

"Understanding" approaches in sociology (symbolic interactionism, ethnomethodology, phenomenology, critical theory, feminism) have attracted increasing attention of sociologists. The best-known writings of this period held the belief that the social practice of "qualitative" researchers is important in terms of representing voices.

1 Clough P.T. The End(s) of Ethnography: From Realism to Social Criticism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1992. P.21-22.

"others" - people excluded from normal social relations, hushed up and stereotyped in the media and public consciousness. Studies of social relations within various groups, subcultures, social movements, organizations such as industrial enterprises, schools, hospitals, prisons, boarding schools for people with mental retardation, nursing homes, received the stable name of ethnographies, and their cognitive nature was characterized as antipositivism.

The canonical text of this time is “Boys in White”1 by G. Becker and co-authors. Closely tied to the social times of the fifties and the methodological discussions in the sociology of that period, this work on medical students was an attempt to give "qualitative" research the same rigor as quantitative research. This work combined many methods: semi-open and semi-structured interviews were combined with participant observation and careful analysis of these materials in a standardized, statistical form. In his classic methodological article, Becker even introduces the notion quasi-statistics:

“The participatory observer should take advantage of the opportunity to collect data in such a way that it can be converted into legitimate statistics. However, the circumstances of the field work usually prevent this ... Therefore, what the observer receives is better called quasi-statistics. His conclusions, although implicitly numerical, do not require exact calculations.

In data analysis, G. Becker notes, a “qualitative” researcher is clearly inferior to his fellow statisticians and therefore needs additional resources to validate his conclusions. Today it is clear to us that the ethnographic approach in sociology, the "qualitative" direction of sociological research, is an independent direction, although, if the researcher wishes, it can be used in combination with "quantitative" or statistical approaches.

The so-called modernist period of development of the ethnographic approach in sociology (1950-1970) ended with B.G. Glazer and A.L. Strauss. All the while, ethnography, or qualitative sociology, has been inevitably romantic. With all possible humanistic energy, scientists showed outsiders, those who are "on the edge" or "at the bottom" of society, as heroes of public attention.

1 Becker H.S., Geer B., Hughes E.C., Strauss A.L. Boys in White. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1961.

2 Becker H.S. Problems of interference and proof in participant observation // Becker H.S. sociological work. Chicago: Aldine, 1970. P.21.

niya. The existentialist belief in the freedom inherent in every person in the face of death, the study of a marginal personality, human behavior in a borderline situation are reflected in the works of this period.

In the period of 1970-1986, which is called the time of "blurred genres", the formation of theoretical concepts, methods and research strategies continues. Applied "qualitative" research has increasingly become the focus of the increased interest of scientists, politicians and the media. During this period, ethnographic strategies are used in sociological, historical, biographical, organizational and clinical research. Various types of collection and analysis of empirical material are being further developed: ethnographic interviews (semi-open or semi-structured), observation, analysis of documents, products of visual culture (advertising, film, painting, sculpture) and personal experience. Computers are introduced into research practice, which in the following decades (late 1980s-1990s) are even more widely used for the qualitative analysis of historical, literary and biographical documents, transcripts of interviews and observations, video and photographic materials as "texts" cultures 1.

Two books by K. Girtz2 began and ended the period of "fuzzy genres". In these works, the author argued that the former functionalist, positivist approaches in the human sciences have given way to more open, gentle, "understanding" approaches. The starting point of these new approaches is the notion of the meaning of cultural representations. Calling the description of a certain event, ritual and custom "thick" ("saturated"), K. Girtz believes that all anthropological works were and remain interpretations of interpretations. The observer does not have a privileged voice in interpreting what has been described. The central task of the researcher is to recreate the feeling of this situation:

“The task is to catch those concepts that for another people are close-to-experience, and for all that, to contrive to connect these concepts with concepts that clarify them, far from experience, which theorists prefer to use,

1 The process of involving an individual researcher in data analysis, in the form of

ling and reformulation of the tasks of their processing, has fundamentally changed. For the analysis of qualitative interview materials, the creation of specialized software, such software packages as NUD-IST, ETHNOGRAPHER, etc., has become of particular importance. In Russia, specialized tools for quantitative analysis of texts have been known since 1996 (the CONTENT ANALYSIS 1.6 package), and for qualitative analysis they are only being developed.

2 Geertz C. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, 1973; Geertz C. Local Knowledge. New York: Basic Books, 1983.

to capture the general features of social life, no doubt can be called a task as delicate - albeit requiring a little less magic skills - as climbing into someone's shoes ... All this, of course, now demonstrates the familiar trajectory of what Dilthey called hermeneutic around, and my entire argument here simply argues that the latter is as central to ethnographic interpretation as it is to literary, historical, philological, psychoanalytic, or biblical interpretation, or, for that matter, in that informal annotation of everyday experience, which we call common sense.

In addition, K. Girtz believes that the boundaries between the social sciences and the humanities have become shaky. Social scientists began to apply humanitarian models, theories and methods of analysis (eg, semiotic, hermeneutic). Scientific texts began to more and more resemble artistic narratives (narratives) 2 , according to Girtz, the essay, like a work of art, replaced the scientific article 3 . The golden era of distinct, stable and rather dogmatic social sciences is over, and the scientific language has taken on a different character: the interpretation of the documentary film as a work of art (Myler), parables like ethnography (Castaneda), theoretical treatises reminiscent of travel books ( Levi-Strauss). At the same time, completely new approaches emerged, for example, post-structuralism, neo-Marxism, deconstructivism, ethnomethodology.

Another important milestone dates back to the mid-1980s; This is a powerful learning curve. crisis of representation(representation of information in a scientific text). It is reflected in a number of works on social and cultural anthropology and the sociology of culture4. These works are characterized by a high degree of understanding of the methods, the process of collecting, processing and analyzing the results by the researchers themselves. Is the researcher's knowledge always objective and independent of the values ​​of the social group to which he belongs? Does the gender of a scientist influence conclusions?

1 Girtz K. From the point of view of a native // ​​Devyatko I.F. Models of explanation and logic

sociological research. Moscow: Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1996. P. 92,106.

2 See: Yarskaya-Smirnova E.R. Narrative analysis in sociology // Sociological

magazine. 1997. No. 3. S.38-61.

3 Geertz C. Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author. Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni-

versity Press, 1988.

go Press, 1986; Turner V., Bruner E. The Anthropology of Experience. Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1986; Clifford J., Marcus G.E. Writing culture. Berceley: The University of California Press, 1986.

scientific research, if it concerns, for example, domestic violence, sexual harassment at work? Can a representative of an ethnic or racial majority claim to be a true representation of the life situation of minorities? Works from this period focused on social issues of gender, class, and race. The very creation of the text, its writing is presented here as a method of research, which moves through successive stages of awareness of what is happening, reflection. So "qualitative" research began to develop in a new, critical direction. In our opinion, increased attention to the point of view and the life world of the respondents, taking into account the socio-cultural factors affecting the opinion of the researcher, are very important for modern domestic sociologists, because they allow us to get closer to understanding the complex, constantly changing social situation in which we find ourselves today and in which we become aware of ourselves.

"Journal of Modern Ethnography"

What happens to the ethnographic method in sociology today? Let us take as an illustration the content of several issues of the international periodical publication, the Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, published in English. A special issue of this journal was published in April 1996 under the title "With Ethnography in the 21st Century". The articles, according to the editors, were supposed to reflect the latest trends in the development of ethnographic methodology. The way the editors of the journal K. Ellis and A. Bochner put it in the introductory article of this issue will probably help us to better understand the tasks and characteristics of modern ethnographers. The authors are convinced that today there is a need for such ways of expressing thoughts that invite the audience to actively interact with the horizons of human existence, where life situations turn out to be comical, tragic or absurd, where there are an infinite number of opportunities to create and live reality. Forms and methods of writing, and not just research tools, become an integral part of what is called the rhetoric of the ethnographic method, that is, ways of arguing and presenting the results of scientific work.

The scientific creativity of modern ethnographers involves placing the author at the center of the narrative, but at the same time, the desire to feel the presence of the reader increases. The goal of the ethnographer is not only to know, but also to feel, to feel the ethnographic "truth" and therefore to become as much involved and involved as possible - in the moral, aesthetic, emotional and intellectual sense. The stories written by ethnographers today will be retold, analyzed tomorrow, “to awaken the subjectivity and emotional reaction of readers. With their con-

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Chapter 1 Epistemology and Methods of Social Ethnography

1.1 Ethnography in the studies of industrial societies: historical and sociological aspect.

1.2 Procedures, strategies, approaches of social ethnography.

Chapter 2 The Ethnographic Method in the Sociology of Organizations

2.1. Organization as an object of ethnographic research.

2.2. An ethnographic approach to management and labor relations research.

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Introduction to the thesis (part of the abstract) on the topic "Ethnographic method in sociology"

The relevance of the study is determined by the need to update the theoretical and methodological principles and approaches in the field of sociological knowledge. Activation of interest in the methodology of sociological research is an essential evolutionary trend of modern Russian sociology. Accelerating the pace of social change in Russian society requires us to rethink the cognitive possibilities of methods for collecting and processing sociological information, the ethical aspects of the interaction of a sociologist with a respondent, as well as the conditions, mechanisms and consequences of constructing social reality through sociological theorizing.

The domestic methodological discussion about qualitative and quantitative approaches in sociology in the early 1990s immediately took on the character of a clash of two paradigms, suggesting an ideological subtext rather than an analytical understanding. Against this background, the ethnographic method in sociology turns out to be that reflexive practice that is not limited to monostrategic methods of collecting and operating with empirical data, but allows a combination of qualitative and quantitative procedures, opening up a wide field of interpretations.

Traditionally, in Russian social science, ethnography was concerned with the study of the material culture and customs of peoples. The problems of labor activity were considered here from the point of view of their ethno-national specificity, most often outside the broad context of social and societal factors. The production process at an industrial enterprise as a socio-cultural phenomenon of modern industrial and post-industrial society turned out to be aside from the main interest of ethnographers. The positivist paradigm dominating in the domestic sociology of labor was mainly limited to the search for conditions for the implementation of the normative model of collective production.

However, serious social transformations of the last decade, the sociocultural dynamics of Russian society have led to the emergence of new diverse forms of organizing social life in general and industrial relations in particular. Under such conditions, it becomes relevant for sociology to apply ethnographic methods to the study of socio-typical aspects in various, sometimes unique cases and situations. Here, the method is not just an instrumental side of the research strategy, it indicates a humanistic reinterpretation of the problem and the research process, as it allows for polyphony of representations.

The degree of development of the ethnographic method in the study of industrial enterprises in domestic sociology has, in our opinion, a specific character. Despite the fact that since the 1930s there have been quite a few works on the history of individual enterprises, they are largely ideologized and rely on an extra-scientific type of argumentation. In addition, information about the personnel of enterprises in a significant number of cases was closed. More detailed works about the working class appeared later (E.Kabo, L.A. Gordon, E.V. Klopov). In this case, mainly documentary and statistical sources were used. Ethnographic material in the study of production relations in the 1970-80s was introduced into circulation by Yu.V. Therefore, today we need to turn to the ethnographic method in the study of production relations. Significant experience in the application of the ethnographic method in industry has been accumulated in Western sociology. The generalization of this experience is a prerequisite for studying the problems of reforming Russian industrial enterprises.

Soviet classical ethnography addressed the topic of labor and labor relations in the aspect of the ritual life of ethnic groups, nationalities, considering the labor process as part of the national culture and traditional value system (A.N. Levinson, T.A. Bernshtam, V.M. Dolgiy). The focus of these studies is most often pre-industrial economic activity in the peasant community, characterized by either geographical isolation or historical remoteness (M.M. Gromyko, V.A. Zverev, E.V. Richter, N.A. Minenko). The symbolic aspects of labor activity are reflected in the works of representatives of structural linguistics and semiotics (V.V. Ivanov, V.Ya. Propp, V.N. Toporov). The tools here were the analysis of documentary sources, archives, structural-historical analysis of folklore narratives, observation, interviews, and eyewitness reminiscences were used as factual information about social events.

Since the 1970s, there has been a tendency towards an interdisciplinary combination of ethnography and sociology in the emerging body of knowledge of ethnosociology, in the subject field of which is the problem of “rapprochement of Soviet nations”, the social structure of the rural population, methodological aspects of research (Yu.V. Harutyunyan , M.N. Guboglo, L.M. Drobizheva, V.N. Shamshurov). A feature of the interdisciplinary development of ethnographic sociology was the predominance of quantitative methodological tools over the classical methods of descriptive anthropology.

Industrial sociology has long been one of the dominant areas of Russian sociology. The attention of the authors was drawn to the theoretical and applied aspects of research on management effectiveness, work with personnel, value orientations of employees, working time budget, motives for labor behavior, job satisfaction (E.N. Antosenkov, S.A. Belanovsky, T.I. Zaslavskaya, V. G.Podmarkov, R.Kh.Simonyan, A.I.Prigozhin, Zh.T.Toshchenko, I.I.Changli, O.I.Shkaratan, V.A.Ddov). Formalized interviews and questionnaires constituted the priority strategy of the sociology of this period.

Only since the early 1990s. sociological studies of labor and labor relations included qualitative methods. One of the first in this direction was the study of peasant labor within the framework of a project headed by T. Shanin and V.P. Danilov. Sociologists widely used here the ethnographic approach - in-depth interviews and open participant observation (V.G. Vinogradsky, T.V. Eferina, Yu.G. Eferin, L.I. Kovaleva, S.N. Sazonov).

New approaches in domestic ethnographic studies of industrial labor were discovered by the Russian-British project under the leadership of S. Clark "Restructuring management and industrial relations at Russian enterprises", which brought together research teams from four regions - Kemerovo, Moscow, Samara, Syktyvkar - in the work on multiple case studies (case study) industrial organizations (P.V. Bizyukov, V.A. Borisov, V.I. Ilyin,).

Although today domestic sociologists come to the conclusion that it is necessary to integrate approaches, develop methods of the "golden mean" of the qualitative-quantitative continuum (N.V. Veselkova, O.M. Maslova, V.A. Yadov), the ethnographic method is mastered and applied by a number of researchers ( S.Yu. Alasheev, M.V. Kiblitskaya, M.A. Ilyina, V.A. Bizyukova), “ethnography” itself as a method of sociology still attracts the attention of Russian scientists to a small extent (I.M. Kozina, V. I. Kabalina).

Thus, this stage in the development of the ethnographic method in sociology is characterized by an insufficient degree of development of its categorical, epistemological and methodological status.

Important methodological and theoretical sources for this study were the works of the classics of sociology, as well as modern domestic and foreign authors. We carry out the justification of the ethnographic method in line with the theoretical direction known as interpretive sociology, the framework of which is indicated by the concepts of V. Dilthey, M. Weber, A. Schutz, I. Hoffmann. The theoretical basis of the analysis is also the works of representatives of the Chicago school, the ideas of P. Berger and T. Lukman, A. Vidic and S. Lyman, K. Girtz. Some methodological guidelines that set the direction of the author's reflection are set out in the publications of G.S. Batygin, I.F. Devyatko, V.A. Yadov, E.R. Yarskoy-Smirnova.

The theoretical and methodological foundations of the ethnographic method in the aspect of sociological studies of industrial societies were influenced by the works of M. Burawoy, D. Van Maanen, M. Gluckman, B. Zharnyavska-Jorges, S. Kunnison, L. Smirchich, I. D. Czepl.

We rely on the methodology of anthropological reflection and the extensive tradition of text analysis in foreign sociology and social anthropology of organizations (M. Douglas, S. Wright, H. Schwartzman), drawing on the works of foreign developers of qualitative methodology (N.K. Denzin, D.L. Jorgensen , I. Lincoln, D. Silverman).

The aim of the work is to develop the theoretical and epistemological foundations and procedural foundations of the ethnographic method in sociology in relation to the study of labor relations in the modern Russian context. In accordance with the goal set in the work, we put forward the following tasks: analysis of epistemological foundations, epistemological evolution and cultural and historical conditions for the development and social significance of the ethnographic method in sociology according to foreign and domestic sources; definition of basic concepts, procedures and analysis of the correlation of theoretical schools of social ethnography - an interpretive approach based on the ethnographic method; analysis and generalization of domestic and foreign theoretical and applied sociological studies of industrial relations, management, organizational culture in terms of the boundaries of application, cognitive capabilities and the evolution of the ethnographic method; substantiation of the application of the ethnographic method to the study of labor relations in an organization, the implementation of a theoretical description of the essential characteristics of the process of collecting and interpreting field material; conducting a sociological study of the management of an industrial enterprise in the conditions of the socio-economic crisis of the 1990s and labor relations in a small commercial organization.

The object of the study is everyday practices and labor relations in the organization, the mechanisms of their functioning and reproduction. The subject of the study is the scope, prospects and content features of the ethnographic method as a sociological approach to the study of labor relations in an organization.

The scientific novelty of the dissertation research, in our opinion, is determined by the development of an ethnographic method in relation to sociological research. For the first time, we introduce the term “social ethnography” into the conceptual apparatus of Russian sociology in the sense of a research approach focused on studying the deep processes taking place in modern Russian society, including cultural forms of labor and managerial relations at industrial enterprises and organizations. Analyzed and summarized domestic and foreign sources relating to epistemology and evolution, cognitive capabilities and limits of application of the ethnographic method in sociological research.

In addition, in this dissertation, we have developed and implemented an original author's program for studying the crisis phenomena at a large industrial enterprise that accompanied the processes of privatization and restructuring of control and management mechanisms. A study of labor relations at a new type of enterprise created during the period of economic reforms was carried out and cultural practices contained in the labor process, features of administrative control revealed through the system of work with personnel were analyzed. Interpretation of the interaction of power and scientific knowledge in the aspect of the method and subject of the study of labor relations is given, the power component of the implementation of qualitative and quantitative methodology is problematized. The instrumental features of the ethnographic method and their application to the study of value contradictions underlying the labor process are substantiated.

Similar theses in the specialty "Theory, methodology and history of sociology", 22.00.01 VAK code

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Dissertation conclusion on the topic "Theory, methodology and history of sociology", Romanov, Pavel Vasilyevich

Conclusion

Let us formulate the main conclusions of our study. The ethnographic method is a research approach focused on the study of social practices and life strategies carried out in the context of everyday life. In contrast to ethnography, which strives for a rational reconstruction of social orders in "aboriginal" communities, with the help of the ethnographic method in sociology, it becomes possible to establish the meanings hidden behind the social and organizational orders of modern communities. The ethnographic method reveals the underlying processes that take place not only in the sphere of everyday life, but also in industrial enterprises in the form of cultural forms of labor relations and management relations. Social ethnography refers to an integrated scientific practice that contains specific ideas of researchers about the object of study, as well as certain forms of field work, ways of representing and interpreting results, which are largely attributable to qualitative methodology.

The peculiarity of the epistemological situation in qualitative sociology lies in the fact that, firstly, the field practice of research has been more developed in comparison with the forms of theoretical representation of field materials. Secondly, the conceptual apparatus of social ethnography is characterized by the relative vagueness of the basic concepts, which, moreover, are formed according to the principle of secondary, by completing the construction of alternative meanings to those available in the thesaurus of sociology. This situation reflects not only the interparadigm period in the development of domestic and world sociology, but also the dynamics of transformations in a broader societal context.

It is the ethnographic method that has formed unique and productive methods of mastering the cultural diversity of our time and can be an effective tool for studying industrial organizations, making available those aspects of their life that cannot be identified only within the framework of quantitative approaches. Ethnographic procedures are limited in terms of extending generalizations to a certain general population. In the event that it becomes necessary to show quantitative differences between articulated opinions on issues that are well understood by this community, the use of polling procedures seems to be preferable. However, the ethnographic method turns out to be indispensable in a situation where the focus of the study is aimed at identifying the typical in a unique situation characteristic of the period of social transformations.

The conducted research, it seems, should draw the attention of sociologists, ethnographers, social anthropologists, culturologists to the problems of updating methods for studying social reality, human behavior in an organization, and aspects of labor activity in a changing society. This work opens up a new direction in the study of labor relations and the social aspects of the managerial transition period, which, perhaps, will help overcome one-sidedness in the analysis of social reality, orient scientists to the study of cultural forms of production relations and patterns of reproducing the meanings of the everyday labor process and its management.

The scientific and scientific-methodological publications and developments prepared by us on the problems considered in this study are included in the lists of literature recommended for students, graduate students, in the textbook series "Specialized Courses in Sociological Education" under the TEMPUS (TACIS) project "Development of Sociology in Russia Institute of Sociology RAS. The results of the research were applied by us 1) for the development and implementation of the training course "Sociology of Management" of the international cooperation program under the joint European project TEMPUS (TACIS) in 1995-1997; 2) in field and analytical work in joint Russian-British research projects "Restructuring management and industrial relations at Russian enterprises", "Restructuring the social sphere of industrial enterprises", "Formation of the labor market in Russia" (1992-1997). The projects were based on the strategy of multiple case studies at various industrial enterprises in Russia.

The main provisions of the dissertation, in our opinion, can be used in the educational process to improve courses in the sociology of labor, sociology of management, methodology of sociological research, providing new opportunities for their categorical study, epistemological evolution and methodological reflection, in management consulting, as well as in the development research programs using the methodology of social ethnography.

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