Childhood and youth

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was born on January 1, 1772 in the village of Cherkutino, Vladimir province (now in the Sobinsky district of the Vladimir region). Father, Mikhail Vasilyevich Tretyakov (1739-1801), was a priest of the church on the estate of Ekaterininsky nobleman Saltykov. All household chores lay entirely on the mother - Praskovya Fedorova, daughter of the local deacon.

Of all the children, only 2 sons and 2 daughters have grown to adulthood. Michael was the eldest child. He was a boy of poor health, prone to thoughtfulness, and learned to read early. Mikhail spent almost all his time alone or in communication with his grandfather Vasily, who retained a wonderful memory for various everyday stories. It was from him that the future statesman received the first information about the structure of the world and the place of man in it. The boy regularly went to church with his blind grandfather and there he read the Apostle and the Book of Hours instead of the sexton.

Speransky subsequently never forgot about his origin and was proud of him. His biographer M. A. Korf told the story of how one evening he dropped in on Speransky, then already a prominent official. Mikhail Mikhailovich made a bed for himself on a bench with his own hands: he laid down a sheepskin coat and a dirty pillow.

The boy was six years old when an event occurred in his life that had a huge impact on his later life: in the summer, the owner of the estate, Nikolai Ivanovich, and Archpriest Andrei Afanasyevich Samborsky, who was then chamberlain of the court of the heir to the throne, Pavel Petrovich, arrived in Cherkutino, and later (since 1784) became the confessor of the Grand Dukes Alexander and Konstantin Pavlovich. Samborsky fell in love with the boy very much, he met his parents, played with him, carried him in his arms, and jokingly invited him to St. Petersburg.

Vladimir Seminary

Opala (1812-1816)

The reforms carried out by Speransky affected almost all layers of Russian society. This caused a storm of dissatisfied exclamations from the nobility and officials, whose interests were most affected. All this had a negative effect on the position of the state adviser himself. Alexander I did not satisfy the request for resignation in February 1811, and Speransky continued to work. But the further course of affairs and time brought him more and more ill-wishers. In the latter case, Erfurt and meetings with Napoleon were remembered to Mikhail Mikhailovich. This reproach in the conditions of the aggravated Russian-French relations was especially heavy. Intrigue always plays a big role where there is a regime of personal power. To pride was added in Alexander an extreme fear of ridicule. If someone laughed in his presence, looking at him, Alexander immediately began to think that they were laughing at him. In the case of Speransky, the opponents of the reforms performed this task brilliantly. Having agreed among themselves, the participants in the intrigue began for some time to regularly report to the sovereign various impudent reviews coming from the lips of his secretary of state. But Alexander did not seek to listen, since there were problems in relations with France, and Speransky's warnings about the inevitability of war, his insistent calls to prepare for it, specific and reasonable advice did not give grounds for doubting his loyalty to Russia. On his 40th birthday, Speransky was awarded the Order of Alexander Nevsky. However, the handing ritual was unusually strict, and it became clear that the “star” of the reformer was beginning to fade. Speransky's ill-wishers (among whom was the Swedish baron Gustav Armfeld, chairman of the Finnish Affairs Committee, and A. D. Balashov, head of the Ministry of Police) became even more active. They passed on to Alexander all the gossip and rumors about the Secretary of State. But, perhaps, these desperate denunciations in the final analysis would not have had a strong effect on the emperor if in the spring of 1811 the camp of opponents of the reforms had not suddenly received ideological and theoretical reinforcement. In Tver, a circle of people formed around Alexander's sister Ekaterina Pavlovna who were dissatisfied with the liberalism of the sovereign and, in particular, with the activities of Speransky. In their eyes, Speransky was a "criminal." During the visit of Alexander I, the Grand Duchess introduced Karamzin to the sovereign, and the writer handed him the "Note on Ancient and New Russia" - a kind of manifesto of the opponents of change, a generalized expression of the views of the conservative direction of Russian social thought. To the question whether it is possible to limit autocracy in any way without weakening the saving royal power, he answered in the negative. Any changes, "any news in the state order is an evil, which should be resorted to only when necessary." Salvation Karamzin saw in the traditions and customs of Russia, its people, who do not need to take an example from Western Europe. Karamzin asked: “And will the farmers be happy, freed from the power of the master, but betrayed as a sacrifice to their own vices? There is no doubt that […] the peasants are happier […] having a vigilant guardian and supporter.” This argument expressed the opinion of the majority of the landowners, who, according to D. P. Runich, "lost their heads only at the thought that the constitution would abolish serfdom and that the nobility would have to give way to the plebeians." Repeatedly heard them, apparently, and the emperor. However, the views were concentrated in one document, written vividly, vividly, convincingly, based on historical facts and by a person not close to the court, not invested with power that he would be afraid of losing. This note by Karamzin played a decisive role in his attitude towards Speransky. At the same time, the self-confidence of Speransky himself, his careless reproaches against Alexander I for inconsistency in state affairs, ultimately overwhelmed the cup of patience and irritated the emperor. From the diary of Baron M. A. Korf. Entry dated October 28, 1838: “Giving full high justice to his mind, I can’t say the same about his heart. I do not mean here a private life in which one can call him a truly kind person, or even judgments in cases in which he, too, was always inclined towards goodness and philanthropy, but what I call the heart in a state or political respect - character, straightforwardness, rightness, steadfastness in the once chosen rules. Speransky had ... neither character, nor political, nor even private rightness. To many of his contemporaries, Speransky seemed exactly the way he was described by his main biographer in the words just quoted.

The denouement came in March 1812, when Alexander I announced to Speransky the termination of his official duties. At 8 pm on March 17, a fateful conversation took place between the Emperor and the Secretary of State in the Winter Palace, the content of which historians can only speculate about. Speransky went out “almost unconscious, instead of papers he began to put his hat in his briefcase and finally fell into a chair, so that Kutuzov ran for water. A few seconds later, the door from the sovereign’s office opened, and the sovereign appeared on the threshold, apparently upset: “Farewell again, Mikhail Mikhailovich,” he said, and then disappeared ... ”On the same day, the Minister of Police Balashov was already waiting for Speransky with an order to leave the capital . Mikhail Mikhailovich silently listened to the emperor's command, only looked at the door of the room where his twelve-year-old daughter was sleeping, collected some of the business papers available at home for Alexander I and, having written a farewell note, left. He could not even imagine that he would return to the capital only after nine years, in March 1821.

Contemporaries will call this resignation "the fall of Speransky." In reality, it was not a simple fall of a high dignitary, but the fall of a reformer with all the ensuing consequences. Going into exile, he did not know what sentence was pronounced on him in the Winter Palace. The attitude of the common people towards Speransky was contradictory, as M. A. Korf notes: “... in some places he went around, quite loudly saying that the sovereign’s favorite was slandered, and many landlord peasants even sent salutary prayers for him and lit candles. Having risen, - they said, - from dirt to high ranks and positions and being the mind above all among the royal advisers, he became a serf ..., angering all the masters who, for this, and not for any betrayal, decided to destroy him ". From September 23, 1812 to September 19, 1814, Speransky was exiled in the city of Perm. From September to October 1812, M. M. Speransky lived in the house of the merchant I. N. Popov. However, the accusation of treason was not written off. In 1814, Speransky was allowed to live under police supervision in his small estate, Velikopolye, Novgorod province. Here he met with A. A. Arakcheev and through him petitioned Alexander I for his complete “forgiveness”. M. M. Speransky repeatedly appealed to the emperor and the minister of police with a request to clarify his position and protect him from insults. These appeals had consequences: by order of Alexander, Speransky was to be paid 6 thousand rubles a year from the moment of expulsion. This document began with the words: "To the Privy Councilor Speransky, who is in Perm ...". In addition, the order was evidence that the emperor Speransky does not forget and appreciates.

Return to service. (1816-1839)

Penza Civil Governor

On August 30 (September 11), 1816, by decree of the emperor, M. M. Speransky was returned to public service and appointed Penza civil governor. Mikhail Mikhailovich took vigorous measures to restore proper order in the province and soon, according to M. A. Korf, "the entire Penza population fell in love with their governor and glorified him as a benefactor of the region." Speransky himself, in turn, assessed this region in a letter to his daughter: “here, people, generally speaking, are kind, the climate is wonderful, the land is blessed ... I will say in general: if the Lord brings us to live here with you, then we will live here more peacefully and more pleasantly, than anywhere and ever lived hitherto .. "

Siberian Governor General

However, in March 1819, Speransky unexpectedly received a new appointment - Governor-General of Siberia. Speransky extremely quickly delved into local problems and circumstances with the help of the "glasnost" proclaimed by him. Direct appeal to the highest authorities ceased to "constitute a crime." In order to somehow improve the situation, Speransky begins to reform the administration of the region. The "first collaborator" in carrying out the Siberian reforms was the future Decembrist G. S. Batenkov. Together with Speransky, he was energetically engaged in the development of the "Siberian Code" - an extensive code of reforming the administrative apparatus of Siberia. Of particular importance among them were two projects approved by the emperor: "Institutions for the management of the Siberian provinces" and "Charter on the management of foreigners". A feature was the new division of the indigenous population of Siberia proposed by Speransky according to the way of life into sedentary, nomadic and vagrant.

During the period of his work, Batenkov sincerely believed that Speransky, “a kind and strong nobleman,” would really transform Siberia. Subsequently, it became clear to him that Speransky was not given "any means to fulfill the entrusted order." However, Batenkov believed that "Speransky cannot be personally blamed for the failure." At the end of January 1820, Speransky sent a brief report on his activities to Emperor Alexander, where he stated that he would be able to finish all his affairs by the month of May, after which his stay in Siberia "would have no purpose." The emperor instructed his former secretary of state to arrange the route from Siberia in such a way as to arrive in the capital by the last days of March next year. This delay had a strong influence on Speransky. A sense of the meaninglessness of his own activity began to prevail in his soul. However, Speransky did not remain in despair for long, and in March 1821 he returned to the capital.

Back in the capital

He returned to St. Petersburg on March 22, the emperor at that time was in Laibach. Returning on May 26, he received the former Secretary of State only weeks later - on June 23. When Mikhail entered the office, Alexander exclaimed: “Ugh, how hot it is here,” and took him with him to the balcony, to the garden. Every passer-by was able not only to see them, but also to completely hear their conversation, but the sovereign could see this and wanted to have a reason not to be frank. Speransky realized that he had ceased to use his former influence at court.

Under Nicholas I

"Emperor Nicholas I rewards Speransky for compiling a code of laws." Painting by A.Kivshenko

Political views and reforms

A supporter of the constitutional order, Speransky was convinced that new rights to society must be granted by the authorities. A society divided into estates, whose rights and obligations are established by law, needs civil and criminal law, public conduct of court cases, and freedom of the press. Speransky attached great importance to the education of public opinion.

At the same time, he believed that Russia was not ready for a constitutional system, that it was necessary to start the transformations with the reorganization of the state apparatus.

The period 1808-1811 was the era of the highest importance and influence of Speransky, about whom it was at this time that Joseph de Maistre wrote that he was "the first and even the only minister" of the empire: the reform of the State Council (1810), the reform of ministers (1810-1811), the reform Senate (1811-1812). The young reformer, with his characteristic fervor, set about drawing up a complete plan for the new formation of state administration in all its parts: from the sovereign's office to the volost government. Already on December 11, 1808, he read to Alexander I his note "On the improvement of general public education." Not later than October 1809, the whole plan was already on the emperor's desk. October and November passed in an almost daily review of its various parts, in which Alexander I made his own corrections and additions.

The views of the new reformer M. M. Speransky are most fully reflected in the note of 1809 - "Introduction to the Code of State Laws." Speransky's "Code" opens with a serious theoretical study of "the properties and objects of state, indigenous and organic laws." He additionally explained and substantiated his thoughts on the basis of the theory of law or, rather, the philosophy of law. The reformer attached great importance to the regulatory role of the state in the development of domestic industry and, through his political transformations, strengthened the autocracy in every possible way. Speransky writes: “If the rights of state power were unlimited, if the forces of the state were united in sovereign power and they would not leave any rights to subjects, then the state would be in slavery and rule would be despotic.”

According to Speransky, such slavery can take two forms. The first form not only excludes subjects from any participation in the exercise of state power, but also deprives them of the freedom to dispose of their own person and property. The second, softer one, also excludes subjects from participation in government, but leaves them freedom in relation to their own person and property. Consequently, subjects do not have political rights, but civil rights remain with them. And their presence means that there is freedom in the state to some extent. But it is not sufficiently guaranteed, therefore - explains Speransky - it is necessary to protect it - through the creation and strengthening of the basic law, that is, the Political Constitution.

Civil rights must be enumerated in it "in the form of initial civil consequences arising from political rights", and political rights must be given to citizens by which they will be able to defend their rights and their civil liberty. So, according to Speransky, civil rights and freedoms are insufficiently secured by laws and law. Without constitutional guarantees, they are powerless in themselves, therefore, it was precisely the requirement to strengthen the civil system that formed the basis of Speransky's entire plan of state reforms and determined their main idea - "rule, hitherto autocratic, to establish and establish on the basis of law." The idea is that state power must be built on a permanent basis, and the government must stand on a solid constitutional and legal basis. This idea stems from the tendency to find in the fundamental laws of the state a solid foundation for civil rights and freedoms. It bears the desire to ensure the connection of the civil system with the fundamental laws and firmly establish it, precisely relying on these laws. The transformation plan involved a change in the social structure and a change in the state order. Speransky dismembers society on the basis of the difference in rights. “From a review of civil and political rights, it becomes clear that all of them, in their belonging to three classes, can be divided: Civil rights are common to all subjects; the nobility; Middle class people; The working people." The entire population seemed to be civilly free, and serfdom was abolished, although, establishing "civil freedom for the landlord peasants", Speransky at the same time continues to call them "serfs". The nobles retained the right to own populated lands and freedom from compulsory service. The working people consisted of peasants, artisans and servants. Speransky's grandiose plans began to come true. Back in the spring of 1809, the emperor approved the “Regulations on the composition and management of the commission for drafting laws” developed by Speransky, where for many years (until the new reign) the main directions of its activity were determined: “The works of the Commission have the following main subjects:

1. Code Civil. 2. Code Criminal. 3. Code Commercial. 4. Various parts belonging to the State Economy and to public law. 5. Code of provincial laws for the Ostsee provinces. 6. Code of laws for those provinces of Little Russian and Polish annexed.

Speransky speaks of the need to create a rule of law state, which should ultimately be a constitutional state. He explains that the security of a person and property is the first inalienable property of any society, since inviolability is the essence of civil rights and freedoms, which have two types: personal freedoms and material freedoms. Content of personal freedoms:

1. No one can be punished without trial; 2. No one is obliged to send a personal service, except by law. The content of material freedoms: 1. Everyone can dispose of his property at will, in accordance with the general law; 2. No one is obliged to pay taxes and duties otherwise than according to the law, and not according to arbitrariness. Thus, we see that Speransky everywhere perceives the law as a method of protecting security and freedom. However, he sees that guarantees are also needed against the arbitrariness of the legislator. The reformer approaches the requirement of a constitutional and legal limitation of power, so that it takes into account the existing law. This would give her more stability.

Speransky considers it necessary to have a system of separation of powers. Here he fully accepts the ideas that then dominated Western Europe, and writes in his work that: "It is impossible to base government on the law if one sovereign power will draw up the law and execute it." Therefore, Speransky sees a rational structure of state power in its division into three branches: legislative, executive and judicial, while maintaining the autocratic form. Since the discussion of bills involves the participation of a large number of people, it is necessary to create special bodies representing the legislative power - the Duma.

Speransky proposes to involve the population (personally free, including state peasants, in the presence of a property qualification) to direct participation in the legislative, executive and judicial authorities on the basis of a system of four-stage elections (volost - district - provincial - State Duma). If this plan had received a real embodiment, the fate of Russia would have been different, alas, history does not know the subjunctive mood. The right to elect them cannot belong equally to all. Speransky stipulates that the more property a person has, the more he is interested in protecting property rights. And those who have neither real estate nor capital are excluded from the election process. Thus, we see that the democratic principle of universal and secret elections is alien to Speransky, and in contrast to this, he puts forward and attaches greater importance to the liberal principle of the division of power. At the same time, Speransky recommends broad decentralization, that is, along with the central State Duma, local dumas should also be created: volost, district and provincial. The Duma is called upon to resolve issues of a local character. Without the consent of the State Duma, the autocrat had no right to legislate, except in cases where it was a question of saving the fatherland. However, in contrast, the emperor could always dissolve the deputies and call new elections. Consequently, the existence of the State Duma, as it were, was called upon to give only an idea of ​​the needs of the people and exercise control over the executive branch. Executive power is represented by boards, and at the highest level - by ministries, which were formed by the emperor himself. Moreover, the ministers had to be accountable to the State Duma, which was given the right to ask for the abolition of illegal acts. This is the fundamentally new approach of Speransky, expressed in the desire to put officials, both in the center and in the field, under the control of public opinion. The judicial branch of government was represented by regional, district and provincial courts, consisting of elected judges and acting with the participation of juries. The highest court was the Senate, whose members were elected for life by the State Duma and approved personally by the emperor.

The unity of state power, according to Speransky's project, would be embodied only in the personality of the monarch. This decentralization of legislation, courts and administration was supposed to give the central government itself the opportunity to solve with due attention those most important state affairs that would be concentrated in its bodies and which would not be obscured by the mass of current petty matters of local interest. This idea of ​​decentralization was all the more remarkable because it was not yet in the queue of Western European political thinkers, who were more concerned with developing questions about central government.

The monarch remained the only representative of all branches of government, heading them. Therefore, Speransky believed that it was necessary to create an institution that would take care of planned cooperation between individual authorities and would be, as it were, a concrete expression of the fundamental embodiment of state unity in the personality of the monarch. According to his plan, the State Council was to become such an institution. At the same time, this body was supposed to act as the guardian of the implementation of the legislation.

On January 1, 1810, a manifesto was announced on the creation of the Council of State, replacing the Permanent Council. M. M. Speransky received the post of state secretary in this body. He was in charge of all the documentation that passed through the State Council. Speransky initially envisaged the State Council in his reform plan as an institution that should not be particularly involved in the preparation and development of bills. But since the creation of the State Council was considered as the first stage of transformation and it was he who was supposed to establish plans for further reforms, at first this body was given wide powers. From now on, all bills had to pass through the State Council. The general meeting was composed of members of four departments: 1) legislative, 2) military affairs (until 1854), 3) civil and spiritual affairs, 4) state economy; and from ministers. The sovereign himself presided over it. At the same time, it is stipulated that the king could only approve the opinion of the majority of the general meeting. The first chairman of the State Council (until August 14, 1814) was Chancellor Count Nikolai Petrovich Rumyantsev (1751_1826). The Secretary of State (new position) became the head of the State Chancellery.

Speransky not only developed, but also laid down a certain system of checks and balances in the activities of the highest state bodies under the supremacy of the emperor. He argued that already on the basis of this, the very direction of the reforms is set. So, Speransky considered Russia mature enough to start reforms and get a constitution that provides not only civil, but also political freedom. In a memorandum to Alexander I, he hopes that "if God blesses all undertakings, then by 1811 ... Russia will accept a new existence and be completely transformed in all parts." Speransky argues that there are no examples in history of an enlightened commercial people remaining in a state of slavery for a long time and that upheavals cannot be avoided if the state system does not correspond to the spirit of the times. Therefore, heads of state should closely monitor the development of the public spirit and adapt political systems to it. From this, Speransky drew the conclusion that it would be a great advantage to have a constitution in Russia thanks to the "beneficial inspiration of the supreme power." But the supreme power in the person of the emperor did not share all the points of Speransky's program. Alexander I was quite satisfied with only partial transformations of feudal Russia, flavored with liberal promises and abstract arguments about law and freedom. Alexander I was ready to accept all this. But meanwhile, he also experienced the strongest pressure from the court environment, including members of his family, who sought to prevent radical changes in Russia.

Also, one of the ideas was to improve the "bureaucratic army" for future reforms. On April 3, 1809, a decree was issued on court ranks. He changed the order of obtaining titles and certain privileges. Henceforth, these titles were to be regarded as mere insignia. Privileges were given only to those who performed public service. The decree, which reformed the procedure for obtaining court ranks, was signed by the emperor, but it was no secret to anyone who was its real author. For many decades, the offspring of the most noble families (literally from the cradle) received the court ranks of the chamber junker (respectively - 5th class), after a while - the chamberlain (4th class). When they entered the civil or military service upon reaching a certain age, they, who had never served anywhere, automatically occupied the “highest places”. By decree of Speransky, chamber junkers and chamberlains who were not in active service were ordered to find a kind of activity for themselves within two months (otherwise - resignation).

The second measure was the decree published on August 6, 1809 on new rules for promotion to civil service ranks, secretly prepared by Speransky. In a note to the sovereign under a very unpretentious title, a revolutionary plan was rooted for a radical change in the order of production to ranks, establishing a direct connection between obtaining a rank and an educational qualification. This was a bold attempt on the system of rank production, which has been in force since the era of Peter I. One can only imagine how many ill-wishers and enemies appeared in Mikhail Mikhailovich thanks to this decree alone. Speransky protests against the monstrous injustice when a graduate of the Faculty of Law receives ranks later than a colleague who has never really studied anywhere. From now on, the rank of collegiate assessor, which previously could be obtained by seniority, was given only to those officials who had in their hands a certificate of successful completion of a course of study at one of the Russian universities or who passed exams in a special program. At the end of the note, Speransky speaks directly about the harmfulness of the existing system of ranks according to Peter's "Table of Ranks", suggesting either to cancel them or to regulate the receipt of ranks, starting from the 6th grade, by the presence of a university diploma. This program included testing knowledge of the Russian language, one of the foreign languages, natural, Roman, state and criminal law, general and Russian history, state economics, physics, geography and statistics of Russia. The rank of collegiate assessor corresponded to the 8th grade of the "Table of Ranks". Starting from this class and above, officials had great privileges and high salaries. It is easy to guess that there were many who wanted to get it, and most of the applicants, as a rule, middle-aged, simply could not take the exams. Hatred of the new reformer began to grow. The emperor, protecting his faithful comrade with his auspices, raised him up the career ladder.

Elements of market relations in the Russian economy were also covered in the projects of M. M. Speransky. He shared the ideas of the economist Adam Smith. Speransky connected the future of economic development with the development of commerce, the transformation of the financial system and money circulation. In the first months of 1810, the problem of regulating public finances was discussed. Speransky drew up a "Finance Plan", which formed the basis of the tsar's manifesto of February 2. The main purpose of this document was to eliminate the budget deficit. According to its content, the issuance of paper money was stopped, the volume of financial resources was reduced, and the financial activities of ministers were put under control. In order to replenish the state treasury, the poll tax was increased from 1 ruble to 3, and a new, previously unprecedented tax was introduced - "progressive income". These measures gave a positive result and, as Speransky himself later noted, “by changing the financial system ... we saved the state from bankruptcy.” The budget deficit was reduced, and the treasury revenues increased by 175 million rubles in two years.

In the summer of 1810, at the initiative of Speransky, the reorganization of the ministries began, which was completed by June 1811. During this time, the Ministry of Commerce was liquidated, cases of internal security were allocated, for which a special police ministry was formed. The ministries themselves were divided into departments (with a director at the head), departments into departments. From the highest officials of the ministry, the council of the minister was formed, and from all the ministers, a committee of ministers was formed to discuss administrative and executive affairs.

Clouds begin to gather over the head of the reformer. Speransky, contrary to the instinct of self-preservation, continues to work selflessly. In a report submitted to the emperor on February 11, 1811, Speransky reports: “/…/ the following main subjects were completed: I. The State Council was established. II. Completed two parts of the Civil Code. III. A new division of ministries has been made, a general charter has been drawn up for them, and draft charters for private ones have been drawn up. IV. A permanent system for the payment of state debts was drawn up and adopted: 1) by ceasing the issuance of banknotes; 2) sale of property; 3) setting a repayment commission. V. A monetary system has been drawn up. VI. A commercial code for 1811 was drawn up.

Never, perhaps, in Russia in the course of one year were so many general state decrees made as in the past. /…/ From this it follows that in order to successfully complete the plan that Your Majesty deigns to deign for himself, it is necessary to strengthen the methods of its implementation. /…/ the following subjects in terms of this seem to be absolutely necessary: ​​I. To complete the civil code. II. Draw up two very necessary codes: 1) judicial, 2) criminal. III. Complete the arrangement of the Judicial Senate. IV. Draw up the structure of the ruling Senate. V. Administration of the provinces in judicial and executive order. VI. Consider and strengthen ways to pay off debts. VII. Establish state annual revenues: 1) By introducing a new census of people. 2) The formation of a land tax. 3) A new wine income device. 4) The best source of income from state property. /…/ It can be stated with certainty that /…/ by committing them /…/ the empire will be placed in such a firm and reliable position that the age of Your Majesty will always be called a blessed century. Alas, the grandiose plans for the future outlined in the second part of the report remained unfulfilled (primarily the Senate reform).

By the beginning of 1811, Speransky also proposed a new project for the transformation of the Senate. The essence of the project was largely different from the original. It was supposed to divide the Senate into a government and a judiciary. The composition of the latter provided for the appointment of its members as follows: one part - from the crown, the other was chosen by the nobility. Due to various internal and external reasons, the Senate remained in the same state, and Speransky himself ultimately came to the conclusion that the project should be postponed. We also note that in 1810, according to the plan of Speransky, the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was established.

Such was the general outline of the political reform. The state of serfdom, the court, administration, legislation - everything found a place and resolution in this grandiose work, which remained a monument of political talents far beyond the level of even highly talented people. Some reproach Speransky for paying little attention to the peasant reform. In Speransky we read: “The relations in which both these classes (peasants and landowners) are placed completely destroy all energy in the Russian people. The interest of the nobility requires that the peasants be completely subordinate to it; the interest of the peasantry is that the nobles were also subordinate to the crown ... The throne is always a serf as the only counterbalance to the property of their masters”, i.e. serfdom was incompatible with political freedom. “Thus, Russia, divided into various classes, exhausts its forces in the struggle that these classes wage among themselves, and leaves to the government the entire scope of unlimited power. A state organized in this way - that is, on the division of hostile classes - if it has one or another external structure - these and other letters to the nobility, letters to the cities, two senates and the same number of parliaments - is a despotic state, and as long as it consist of the same elements (warring classes), it will be impossible for it to be a monarchical state. The consciousness of the need, in the interests of the political reform itself, to abolish serfdom, as well as the consciousness of the need for the redistribution of power to correspond to the redistribution of political power, is evident from the argument.

Code of laws

Emperor Nicholas I, first decided to create a solid system of legislation. The architect of this system was Speransky. It was his experience and talent that the new emperor wanted to use, entrusting the compilation of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. Speransky headed the 2nd department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery. Under the leadership of Mikhail Mikhailovich, by 1830, the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire was compiled in 45 volumes, which included laws starting with the Code of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich (1649) until the end of the reign of Alexander I. Back in 1832, a 15-volume Code of Laws was published. As a reward for this, Speransky received the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. At a special meeting of the State Council in January 1833, dedicated to the publication of the first edition of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire, Emperor Nicholas I, having removed the St. Andrew's star, put it on Speransky.

Mikhail Speransky (1772 - 1839) was not a hereditary nobleman. Four generations of clergy, honest and respectable subjects of the Russian Empire - that's what they were proud of in their family. The boy learned to read and write early, at the age of five he himself read the Law of God and the Psalter. At the age of seven, he easily entered the Vladimir Seminary. Mikhail showed qualities rare for a child of his age: curiosity, perseverance, the ability to briefly and clearly state the most difficult concepts. The teachers first called him Speransky, and then offered to choose this word as a surname. Speransky is Nadezhdin in Russian.

The seminary selected the best students and sent them to the Alexander Nevsky Monastery. And in this seminary there was no equal to him in teaching and diligence. He was ready to teach, but a happy accident intervened. His Excellency A. B. Kurakin chose the secretary. There was no better candidate than Speransky. So the former seminarian ended up at the court of Paul I. He was collected, neat, literate and smart. His erudition could be the envy of a professor, and his ability to speak - the best speakers.

Speransky became an important person in the state in just three years. He is accepted at court, rich, he was granted the title of nobility. He is married, he loves, is loved and happy. He is 27 years old, he is a real state councilor. But fate not only spoiled Speransky, she took away his beautiful wife. The birth was difficult, the child survived, and the mother died. He was monogamous and never remarried. He raised his daughter alone, and he had no mistresses. This story adds another touch to the portrait of Speransky - he gave all his spiritual strength to the Fatherland and his daughter.

Under Alexander I, he was invited to serve in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Count Kochubey, the head of the department, appreciated the new employee and instructed him to deal with the most complex legal issues. Speransky stood out from the background of his colleagues. He is honest, did not take bribes, did not know how to be mean. He argued that the rule of law is the main condition for the existence of the state. He openly declared that a reform was needed, as a result of which a constitutional monarchy would appear in Russia. Oddly enough, the Emperor supported Speransky's innovations, he was not afraid of the phrase "destroy the autocracy."

Emperor's Secretary- this is the name of the new position of the young official. His career was envied: Deputy Attorney General, Privy Councilor, Secretary of State, Director of the Commission of Laws. The personal assignment of the emperor is to develop a plan for state education, on which the "Secret Committee" worked. Alexander I considered this the most important task, he often met with Speransky and demanded daily reports.

Speransky managed to convince the emperor to change the procedure for obtaining titles and privileges. In the Russian Empire, since the time of Catherine II, it was customary to assign ranks to noble children. A child was born, and immediately the rank of the fifth class was brought to him on a silver platter. That is, it is still unintelligent, does not know how to walk, and is listed as a chamber junker. Ten years will pass, the child will enter the age, then he will be granted the title of chamberlain, and with it - a warm and bready place. Speransky worked on the decree. From now on, the "non-service" chamber junkers and chamberlains had to take care of the place. If you do not serve the state, you lose your title, and with it the privileges attached to it. The deadline is two months.

Next, Speransky took up the "Table of Ranks". He offered to check officials before assigning them a new rank. The word "exam" scared everyone. Just think, noble children have to prove their suitability for the rank! Oh, and fussed undergrowth! A university diploma was still all right, and it was still possible to master French as a foreign language. But law and economics, physics, statistics and economics ... Lord, well, who is capable of this ?! Five percent, at best ten. The rest flew into a rage, foreseeing the loss of rewards and privileges.

Speransky gushed with ideas. Until 1812, he managed to reorganize all the ministries. He tried to make changes to the structure of the Senate, but his enemies managed to convince Alexander I to postpone the project until better times. Then the war began, then it was necessary to think about restoration. The project was placed in a distant box, where it was buried. But the plan to establish a Lyceum in Tsarskoye Selo was adopted.

Speransky dreamed of the time when Russia would become a state of law. The impending changes and his enthusiasm frightened those close to the emperor, and as a result of palace intrigues, the bold reformer ended up in exile. First Nizhny Novgorod, then Perm. Until August 1816, Speransky lived on the verge of poverty. Upon learning of this, the emperor changed his anger to mercy and appointed him governor of Penza. Only seven months was Speransky in this post.

His reforms:

• introduced local self-government;
• delegated part of the duties of the governor to the vice-governors;
• charged officials with holding receptions of citizens;
• banned the sale of landless peasants;
• facilitated the conditions for the exit of peasants from serfdom;
• appointed a single fee;
• determined the conditions for issuing plots to landless peasants.

At the end of March 1812, Speransky received an order to restore order in Siberia within two years and draw up a plan for its development. To do this, he was given a new position - Governor General. He coped with the task: all his proposals were approved and accepted for execution in 1821. Speransky was not in St. Petersburg for 9 years. The emperor thanked him by appointing him a member of the State Council for the Department of Laws. Knowing how Speransky loves his daughter, the emperor appointed her to the post of maid of honor. And he added three and a half thousand acres of land to him - a good increase in salary.

The most respected minister of the country- This is Speransky. Usually the change of kings on the throne led to the removal of all major officials. Nicholas I, having replaced Alexander I on the throne, asked Speransky to remain in the government. The trial of the Decembrists became a severe test for him. He knew some of them, and therefore was afraid to be biased. In addition, Speransky agreed with many of their proposals. The emperor also understood the imperfection of the judicial system. They assembled a commission whose task is to streamline the legislation. Mikhail Speransky, of course, was appointed head of the commission. The work took five years, and the result was forty-five volumes of the Complete Collection of Laws.

Based on the material collected by the commission on the history of Russian legislation, the commission, working hard for another three years, compiled a complete “Code of Laws of the Russian Empire”. By decision of the State Council, it entered into force on January 1, 1835.

For this truly titanic work, Nicholas I awarded Speransky with the St. Andrew's Star, and he did this by removing this high award from himself.

Three years later, in December 1838, Speransky fell ill. It seems to be a common cold, but the weakened body could not stand it. The title of count became a New Year's gift from the emperor, but the illness was so difficult that there was no strength to rejoice. February 1839 was marked by severe frosts, but on January 11 it got warmer, the clouds parted, and the sun came out. By noon the great reformer had died. Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was buried almost according to the royal protocol. The Alexander Nevsky Lavra received its former seminarian. Nicholas I was immensely upset. He understood that he would no longer be able to find a person equal to Speransky. Some courtiers recalled the words of Napoleon, who offered Alexander I to give him Mikhail Mikhailovich in exchange for any of his kingdoms. Others recalled the reforms of Speransky, listed his services to the Fatherland. Still others regretted that this amazing man failed to realize his dream - to convince the emperor to abandon autocracy and make Russia a constitutional monarchy.

Speransky, Mikhail Mikhailovich, later a count, a famous Russian statesman, was born on January 1, 1772 in the village of Cherkutin, Vladimir province, in a poor family of a clergy. For seven years he was sent to the Vladimir Seminary, and when, in 1790, the best students from the provincial theological and educational institutions were called to the newly founded main seminary in St. Petersburg (later the Theological Academy), Mikhail Speransky was among those sent to St. -Petersburg. Unusual talent soon brought him here, and, at the end of the course, he was left as a teacher of mathematics and philosophy. Soon Speransky took the place of the house secretary of Prince Kurakin, whom Speransky amazed at the speed and efficiency of his work, and from here begins his rapid rise. When, upon the accession of Emperor Paul, Prince Kurakin was made Prosecutor General of the Senate, Speransky, thanks to him, received the post of expeditor, or governor of affairs in the Senate. In 1801, upon the accession to the throne of Alexander I, the dignitary Troshchinsky placed Speransky in the office of the newly established state council with the rank of secretary of state.

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky. Portrait by A. Varnek, 1824

In 1803, Speransky, leaving the service in the State Council, moved to the Ministry of the Interior, which at that time, in view of the extensive changes proposed by the government, was of paramount importance. Here Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky soon became the main figure and declared himself a supporter of fundamental reforms. In 1806, during an illness Kochubey, who was at the head of the ministry, Speransky several times appeared with reports to the emperor, and these personal relations soon became very close. Around the time of the Peace of Tilsit (1807), Emperor Alexander parted ways with the former members of his “secret committee” and brought Speransky even closer to himself, entrusting him with the mass of affairs that had previously been in his hands Novosiltseva. Speransky left the Ministry of the Interior and, as Secretary of State, worked exclusively on behalf of the Emperor himself. Before going to the Erfurt Congress, Emperor Alexander appointed Speransky to the commission of laws (1808), and soon after his return made him a deputy minister of justice in order to confirm his importance in the commission. Speransky was, by the way, in the retinue of the sovereign in Erfurt, and Napoleon, who had long been the subject of enthusiastic worship of Speransky, made a strong impression on him here, as well as on Alexander I himself, with his personality and further strengthened in him the zealous reverence for the French administrative devices and Napoleonic Code.

Now, when Emperor Alexander began to think again about a broad political reform, he could not find a better collaborator than Mikhail Speransky. While working in the commission of laws on the draft of the new Code, Speransky at the same time, on behalf of the sovereign, worked out a grandiose “plan of state transformation”, which brought into a coherent system the ideas that had occupied Alexander and his employees since 1801, and had the goal “by means of laws to approve the power of the government on a permanent basis, and thereby communicate to the action of this power more dignity and true strength. The sovereign himself made some amendments and additions to the plan, and it was decided to gradually put the latter into action. On January 1, 1810, the transformed state council was solemnly opened by the speech of the sovereign himself, edited by Speransky; in it, among other things, it was said that “the transformation was aimed at giving the State Council “public forms”. This was followed by a reorganization of the ministries; next in line was the transformation of the senate, which already the first advisers of Emperor Alexander wanted to give the value of only the highest judicial authority. Speransky also wanted to eliminate the confusion of judicial and administrative powers in the Senate and proposed to divide it into the Senate. ruling, one for the whole empire, consisting of ministers, their comrades and the chief chiefs of individual departments, and the senate judicial- from senators from the crown and at the choice of the nobility, located in four districts: in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kazan and Kyiv. The projects of both institutions, despite strong opposition, were adopted by the state council and approved by the emperor, but, in view of the need for preparatory measures and significant costs, as well as due to foreign policy circumstances, they were not carried out. Finally, Speransky also worked out a draft civil Code and a plan for streamlining finances.

Portrait of Speransky. Artist V. Tropinin

But of all the assumptions of Speransky, only a few individual details were implemented: his general plan contained the basic laws that determine the rights, duties and mutual relations of the estates (here, by the way, the paths to the gradual emancipation of the peasants were indicated, but without land), as well as the complete reorganization of public administration on the basis of representation and ministerial responsibility. According to Speransky's project, legislation is entrusted to the "state Duma", the court - to the senate, the administration - to the ministries; the action of these three institutions is united in the Council of State and through it ascends to the Throne. The State Duma(legislative assembly), according to Speransky's plan, should discuss the laws proposed by the government and approved by the Supreme Power. It is composed of deputies from all the free estates, elected by provincial councils; the latter are drawn up in the same order from deputies from county councils; these, in turn, from deputies from volost councils, made up of all landowners of the volost and deputies from state peasants. These organs of the legislative order correspond to administrative and judicial institutions, also divided into four degrees: board the volost, uyezd and provincial ministries, and at the head of all of them; courts volost, district, provincial and at the head of the Senate.

The lively activity of Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was interrupted by an unexpected, albeit long overdue, denouement. He made many enemies for himself in the highest court and bureaucratic spheres, with whom he had neither the desire nor the time to get close, and in which they looked at him as an upstart. The very ideas of Speransky, as far as they were known and implemented in practice, met with hostility from the conservative elements of society, which found expression in 1811 in Karamzin's famous "Note on Ancient and New Russia" and in 1812 in two anonymous letters to Emperor Alexander. Particular bitterness against Speransky was caused by two decrees he passed in 1809 - on court ranks and on exams for civil ranks: the first - the ranks of chamberlains and chamber junkers were recognized as differences that were not associated with any ranks (previously they gave the ranks of the 4th and 5th grade according to the Table of Ranks); the second - it was ordered not to promote to the ranks of a collegiate assessor and a state adviser persons who had not completed a university course or had not passed the established test (the measure was aimed at attracting young people to newly opened universities, as well as raising the educational level of officials, but was, of course, extremely burdensome for old employees and subsequently cancelled).

Speransky is best known for his extensive reforms. He was a supporter of the constitutional order, however, he believed that Russia was not yet ready to say goodbye to the monarchy, so it was necessary to gradually transform the political system, change the management system and introduce new norms and legislative acts. By order of Alexander 1, Speransky developed an extensive program of reforms that were supposed to bring the country out of the crisis and transform the state.

The program included:

Equalization of all estates before the law;

Reducing the costs of all government departments;

Establishing strict control over the spending of public funds;

The division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, the change in the functions of ministries;

Creation of new, more advanced judicial bodies, as well as the creation of new legislation;

Introduction of a new tax system and transformations in the domestic economy and trade.

In general, Speransky wanted to create a more democratic system with a monarch at the head, where every person, regardless of his origin, had equal rights and could count on the protection of his rights in court. Speransky wanted to create a full-fledged legal state in Russia.

Unfortunately, not all the reforms proposed by Speransky were implemented. In many ways, the failure of his program was influenced by the fear of Alexander 1 before such major transformations and the dissatisfaction of the nobility, which had influence on the king.

The results of Speransky's activities

Despite the fact that not all of the plans were implemented, some of the projects drawn up by Speransky were nevertheless brought to life.

Thanks to Speransky, we managed to achieve:

The growth of the country's economy, as well as the growth of the economic attractiveness of the Russian Empire in the eyes of foreign investors, which made it possible to create a more powerful foreign trade;

Modernization of the public administration system. The army of officials began to function more efficiently for less public funds;

Create a powerful infrastructure in the domestic economy, which allowed it to develop faster and self-regulate more effectively

Create a stronger legal system. Under the leadership of Speransky, the Complete Collection of the Laws of the Russian Empire was published in 45 volumes - a document containing all the laws and acts issued since the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich.

In addition, Speransky was a brilliant lawyer and lawmaker, and the theoretical principles of management that he described over the period of his activity formed the basis of modern law.

Arakcheev Alexey Andreevich (1769-1834), Russian military leader and statesman.

Born on October 4, 1769 in the village of Garusovo, Novgorod province, in the family of a retired lieutenant of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment.

In 1783-1787. He studied at the Artillery and Engineering Cadet Corps of the nobility. In 1787, with the rank of lieutenant from the army, Arakcheev was left at the corps to teach mathematics and artillery. Here he compiled a textbook "Short Artillery Notes in Questions and Answers."

In 1792, Arakcheev was transferred to serve in the "Gatchina troops" of Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich. During this period, he became a favorite of the heir to the throne: After the accession of Paul I, Arakcheev was appointed commandant of St. Petersburg, promoted to major general (1796) and received the title of baron. In 1797 he became commander of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment and quartermaster general of the entire army. In 1798, the emperor granted him the title of count with the motto: "Without flattery betrayed."

In the same year, a theft was committed in the artillery arsenal. Arakcheev tried to hide from the emperor that on the day of the crime his brother commanded the guard. As a punishment, Paul fired him from the service. Only in 1803, Emperor Alexander I accepted the general back, appointing him inspector of all artillery and commander of the Life Guards Artillery Battalion.

In 1803-1812. As an inspector of artillery, and later as Minister of War, Arakcheev carried out a number of fundamental changes in this type of troops. Arakcheev's system was to provide Russian artillery with a high technical level and independence on the battlefield.

In January 1808 Arakcheev was appointed minister of war. From that moment on, his influence at court steadily increased until the death of Alexander (1825). In less than two years, the new minister increased the army by 30 thousand people, organized reserve recruiting depots, which made it possible in 1812 to quickly replenish existing military units, put things in order in finances and office work.

On the eve of the Patriotic War of 1812, as part of the Imperial Headquarters, he was in Vilna (now Vilnius). After the outbreak of hostilities, Arakcheev, together with Secretary of State Admiral A.S. Shishkov and Adjutant General A.D. Balashov, convinced Alexander I to leave the army and return to St. Petersburg.

From August 1814, Arakcheev led the creation of military settlements, and in 1819 he became the chief commander of them (in 1821-1826, the chief commander of the Separate Corps of military settlements). In February 1818, Arakcheev, on behalf of the emperor, drew up a project for the gradual abolition of serfdom. According to the suggestion of the count, the state was to buy out the landowners' estates at prices agreed with the owners. Alexander I approved the project, but it was not implemented.

In the reign of Nicholas I, Arakcheev retained only the command of the Separate Corps of Military Settlements. In April 1826 he was released on leave to the waters. While abroad, he published letters to him from Alexander I, causing the wrath of Nicholas. The emperor finally dismissed Arakcheev from service and forbade him to appear in the capital.

Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov(Mikhail Illarionovich Golenishchev-Kutuzov-Smolensky) (1745 - 1813) - the greatest commander, field marshal general.

Mikhail was born in the family of Senator Illarion Golenishchev-Kutuzov. The first training in the biography of Mikhail Kutuzov took place at home. Then, in 1759, he entered the Artillery and Engineering gentry school. After graduating from school, he remained to teach mathematics, soon became an adjutant wing, and later - a captain, company commander.

Having briefly commanded detachments, an extremely important period began in Kutuzov's biography - he was transferred to the Rumyantsev army, which was at war with Turkey. Under the leadership of Field Marshal General, as well as Alexandra Suvorova, Kutuzov gained incomparable military experience. Starting the war as an officer, he soon received the rank of lieutenant colonel.

In 1772 he was transferred to the 2nd army of Prince Dolgoruky. If we consider a further brief biography of Kutuzov, then we should note his return to Russia in 1776, receiving the rank of colonel. In 1784, Kutuzov received the rank of major general for his successful activities in the Crimea. The years 1788-1790 in Kutuzov's biography were distinguished by military saturation: he took part in the siege of Ochakov, the battles near Kaushany, the assault on Bender, Ishmael, for which he received the rank of lieutenant general. Kutuzov also took part in the Russian-Polish war, taught military disciplines a lot, served as a military governor.

For Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich, the biography in 1805 marked the beginning of the war with Napoleon. Being the commander-in-chief of the army, he made a march-maneuver to Olmutz. Then he was defeated in the battle of Austerlitz. In 1806 he became the military governor of Kyiv, in 1809 - the Lithuanian governor.

In 1811, in the biography of M. Kutuzov, hostilities were again launched with Turkey. The Turkish troops were defeated, and Kutuzov received the dignity of a count. During the Patriotic War of 1812, Kutuzov was appointed commander-in-chief of all Russian armies, and also received the title of His Serene Highness. Initially retreating, Kutuzov showed an excellent strategy during the Battle of Borodino, as well as the Battle of Tarutino. Napoleon's army was destroyed.

Pestel Pavel Ivanovich (1793-1826), Decembrist.

Born on July 5, 1793, a descendant of several generations of Moscow postal directors, the son of the Siberian Governor-General I. B. Pestel.

He studied in Dresden and in the St. Petersburg Corps of Pages. Serving in the Guards, he went through the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaigns of 1813-1814. He became a colonel of the Vyatka regiment (1821).

From the very beginning, Pestel's deep knowledge and oratory made him one of the leaders of the noble revolutionaries. He wrote the statutes of the secret organization the Union of Salvation (1816). He created the council of the Welfare Union in the city of Tulchin (1818), ensured that its members adopted the republican program and agreed with the need to kill the tsar, and then with the demand to destroy the entire imperial family.

Pestel created and headed the Southern Society of the Decembrists (1821) and tried to merge it with the Northern Society based on his Russkaya Pravda program. In this document, he insisted on the release of peasants with land, the restriction of landownership and the formation of two funds from confiscated land: for distribution to peasant communities and for sale or lease by the state.

Pestel dreamed of destroying the estates in Russia and giving the right to vote to all men from the age of 20 to elect the supreme legislative, executive and control bodies. He believed that elections should take place when the Provisional Government, which had dictatorial rights, had completed its revolutionary work.

On December 13, 1825, Pestel was arrested on a denunciation and was unable to take part in the uprising on Senate Square.

Together with other Decembrists sentenced to death, he was executed on July 25, 1826 in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Nikita Mikhailovich Muravyov(1795 - 1843) - Decembrist, one of the most important ideologists of the movement.

Nikita was born into a noble family in St. Petersburg. The first education in the biography of N. Muravyov was received at home. Then he entered Moscow University, after which he began working as a registrar in the Department of the Ministry of Justice.

1812 in the biography of N.M. Muravyov is marked by joining the army. Already in 1813 he became an ensign. Nikita Muraviev took part in the battles near Dresden, Hamburg, fought against Napoleon. Since 1817 he was a Freemason, was a member of the Lodge of the Three Virtues. In 1820, he retired at the request, then began to serve in the Guards General Staff.

Muraviev contributed to the formation of the Union of Salvation, the Union of Prosperity. Being a zealous activist, at one of the meetings in 1820 he expressed the idea of ​​establishing a republican form of government through an armed uprising.

In 1821 for N.M. Muravyov in his biography, another important event took place - he organized the Northern Society. In the same year, the activist developed his own version of the Constitution, but after criticism from fellow thinkers, he corrected some points.

Despite the fact that Muravyov left Petersburg in December 1825, he was arrested on December 20 because he was considered involved in the work of a secret society. December 26 placed in the Peter and Paul Fortress, sentenced to 20 years hard labor. However, later the term was changed, shortened to 15 years. In December 1826, Muravyov arrived in Siberia. Nikita's wife, Alexandra Chernysheva, went with her husband. In 1836 he arrived in Irkutsk, died there, in the Irkutsk province in 1843.

Emperor Nicholas 1 was born on June 25 (July 6), 1796. He was the third son Paul 1 and Maria Feodorovna. He received a good education, but did not recognize the humanities. He was versed in the art of war and fortification. He was good at engineering. However, despite this, the king was not loved in the army. Cruel corporal punishment and coldness led to the fact that the nickname of Nicholas 1 "Nikolai Palkin" was fixed among the soldiers.

In 1817 Nicholas married the Prussian princess Frederica Louise Charlotte Wilhelmina.

Alexandra Feodorovna, wife of Nicholas 1, with amazing beauty, became the mother of the future emperor Alexandra 2.

Nicholas 1 ascended the throne after the death of his elder brother Alexander 1. Constantine, the second pretender to the throne, renounced his rights during the life of his older brother. Nicholas 1 did not know about this and at first swore allegiance to Constantine. This short period would later be called the Interregnum. Although the manifesto on the accession to the throne of Nicholas 1 was issued on December 13 (25), 1825, legally the reign of Nicholas 1 began on November 19 (December 1). And the first day was clouded Decembrist uprising on Senate Square, which was suppressed, and the leaders were executed in 1826. But Tsar Nicholas 1 saw the need to reform the social system. He decided to give the country clear laws, while relying on bureaucracy, since trust in the nobility was undermined.

The domestic policy of Nicholas 1 was characterized by extreme conservatism. The slightest manifestations of free thought were suppressed. He defended autocracy with all his might. The secret office under the leadership of Benckendorff was engaged in political investigation. After the release of the censorship charter in 1826, all printed publications with the slightest political overtones were banned. Russia under Nicholas 1 quite strongly resembled the country of the era Arakcheeva.

The reforms of Nicholas 1 were limited. Legislation has been streamlined. Under the direction of Speransky The publication of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire began. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants. Peasants were allotted land when they moved to uninhabited areas, first-aid posts were built in the villages, and innovations in agricultural technology were introduced. But the introduction of innovations took place by force and caused sharp discontent. In 1839 - 1843. a financial reform was also carried out, which established the ratio between the silver ruble and banknotes. But the question of serfdom remained unresolved.

The foreign policy of Nicholas 1 pursued the same goals as the domestic policy. During the reign of Nicholas 1, Russia fought the revolution not only within the country, but also outside it. In 1826 - 1828. As a result of the Russian-Iranian war, Armenia was annexed to the territory of the country. Nicholas 1 condemned the revolutionary processes in Europe. In 1849 he sent Paskevich's army to crush the Hungarian revolution. In 1853 Russia entered into Crimean War. But, following the results of the Peace of Paris, concluded in 1856, the country lost the right to have a fleet and fortresses on the Black Sea, lost South Moldavia. The failure undermined the king's health. Nicholas 1 died on March 2 (February 18), 1855 in St. Petersburg, and his son, Alexander 2, ascended the throne.

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky (1772-1839) - Russian political and public figure, author of numerous theoretical works on jurisprudence and law, lawmaker and reformer. He worked during the reign of Alexander 1 and Nicholas 1, was a member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and was the tutor of the heir to the throne, Alexander Nikolaevich. Major transformations in the Russian Empire and the idea of ​​the first constitution are associated with the name of Speransky.

Brief biography of Speransky

Speransky was born in the Vladimir province in the family of a church clerk. From an early age he learned to read and, together with his grandfather Vasily, constantly attended church and read sacred books.

In 1780 he entered the Vladimir Seminary, where he very soon became one of the best students thanks to his intelligence and ability to think analytically. After graduating from the seminary, Speransky continued his education and became a student at the same seminary, and then at the Alexander Nevsky Seminary in St. Petersburg. After graduating from the latter, Speransky remains to teach.

In 1795 Speransky's social and political career began. He enters the post of secretary of Prince Kurakin. Speransky quickly advanced in the service and by 1801 he reached the rank of real state councilor. In 1806, he met Alexander 1 and very quickly entered the location of the emperor. Thanks to his intelligence and excellent service, in 1810 Speransky became secretary of state - the second person after the sovereign. Speransky begins an active political and reformist activity.

In 1812-1816, Speransky was in disgrace because of the reforms he carried out, which affected the interests of too many people. However, already in 1819 he became the governor-general of Siberia, and in 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg.

After the death of Alexander 1 and the accession to the throne of Nicholas 1, Speransky regains the trust of the authorities and receives the post of educator of the future Tsar Alexander 2. Also at this time, the Higher School of Law was established, in which Speransky actively worked.

In 1839 Speransky dies of a cold.

Speransky's political reforms

Speransky is best known for his extensive reforms. He was a supporter of the constitutional order, however, he believed that Russia was not yet ready to say goodbye to the monarchy, so it was necessary to gradually transform the political system, change the management system and introduce new norms and legislative acts. By order of Alexander 1, Speransky developed an extensive program of reforms that were supposed to bring the country out of the crisis and transform the state.

The program included:

• Equalization of all estates before the law;
• Reducing the costs of all government departments;
• Establishing strict control over the spending of public funds;
• The division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, the change in the functions of ministries;
• Creation of new, more advanced judicial bodies, as well as the creation of new legislation;
• Introduction of a new tax system and transformations in the domestic economy and trade.

In general, Speransky wanted to create a more democratic system with a monarch at the head, where every person, regardless of his origin, had equal rights and could count on the protection of his rights in court. Speransky wanted to create a full-fledged legal state in Russia.

Unfortunately, not all the reforms proposed by Speransky were implemented. In many ways, the failure of his program was influenced by the fear of Alexander 1 before such major transformations and the dissatisfaction of the nobility, which had influence on the king.

The results of Speransky's activities

Despite the fact that not all of the plans were implemented, some of the projects drawn up by Speransky were nevertheless brought to life.

Thanks to Speransky, we managed to achieve:

• The growth of the country's economy, as well as the growth of the economic attractiveness of the Russian Empire in the eyes of foreign investors, which made it possible to create a more powerful foreign trade;
• Modernization of the public administration system. The army of officials began to function more efficiently for less public funds;
• Create a powerful infrastructure in the domestic economy, which allowed it to develop faster and self-regulate more effectively
• Create a stronger legal system. Under the leadership of Speransky, the Complete Collection of the Laws of the Russian Empire was published in 45 volumes - a document containing all the laws and acts issued since the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich.

In addition, Speransky was a brilliant lawyer and lawmaker, and the theoretical principles of management that he described over the period of his activity formed the basis of modern law.