Since the revolution of 1905-1907. did not solve the economic, political and class contradictions in the country, then it was the prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to carry out military tasks. Many factories stopped their work, the army felt the lack of equipment, weapons, food. The transport system of the country is absolutely not adapted to the military situation, agriculture has lost ground. Economic difficulties have increased Russia's foreign debt to enormous proportions.
Intending to extract the maximum benefits from the war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create unions and committees on questions of raw materials, fuel, food, and so on.
True to the principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik Party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was waged in the interests of the exploiting classes, its predatory, predatory nature. The party sought to direct the discontent of the masses into the channel of a revolutionary struggle for the collapse of the autocracy.
In August 1915, the "Progressive Bloc" was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to prevent the revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not ensure bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.
The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war sentiments, the plight of the workers and peasants, political lack of rights, the decline in the authority of the autocratic government and its inability to carry out reforms.
The driving force in the struggle was the working class, led by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers were the peasants, who demanded the redistribution of land. The Bolsheviks explained to the soldiers the goals and objectives of the struggle.
The main events of the February Revolution took place rapidly. For several days in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities there was a wave of strikes with the slogans "Down with the tsarist government!", "Down with the war!". On February 25, the political strike became general. Executions, arrests were not able to stop the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Government troops were put on alert, the city of Petrograd was turned into a military camp.
February 26, 1917 was the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, the soldiers of the Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volynsky regiments went over to the side of the workers. This decided the outcome of the struggle: on February 28, the government was overthrown.
The outstanding significance of the February Revolution is that it was the first people's revolution in history of the era of imperialism, which ended in victory.
During the February Revolution of 1917, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated.
Dual power arose in Russia, which was a kind of result of the February Revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as an organ of people's power, on the other hand, the Provisional Government is an organ of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. In organizational matters, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish autocracy.
The provisional government pursued an anti-people, imperialist policy: the land issue was not resolved, factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were in dire need, and there was not enough fuel for rail transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened the economic and political problems.
Russia after the February Revolution experienced an acute political crisis. Therefore, the need was ripe for the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one, which was supposed to bring the proletariat to power.
One of the consequences of the February Revolution is the October Revolution under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!".
February to October
The February Revolution ended with the victory of the rebels. The monarchy was overthrown, the old state system was destroyed. Power passed to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet.
Now, questions about the future structure of the state have been added to the problems of the war and the well-being of the working and peasant class.
The period from February to October is usually divided into two stages:
The promises of the Provisional Government made on March 3 (political freedom, amnesty, abolition of the death penalty, prohibition of discrimination) were not fulfilled. The government, on the contrary, preferred to maintain and strengthen its power on the ground. Solutions to urgent problems were delayed. This led to a crisis in April 1917.
P.N. Milyukov made an appeal to the allies that Russia intended to wage the war to a victorious end. This "note" aroused dissatisfaction among the people, exhausted by the war, who were waiting and wanting action on the part of the authorities to solve internal problems. The rebels demanded the withdrawal of the country from the war and the transfer of power to the Soviets. As a result, Milyukov and Guchkov were removed, and on May 6 a new government was created.
The 1st coalition promised to quickly find a peaceful way out of the war for Russia, to deal with the agrarian issue and take production under its control. But the failure at the front caused a new surge of popular unrest, lowered the reputation of the 1st coalition and again raised the authority of the Soviets. In order to reduce the influence of the opposition, the Provisional Government disarmed the demonstrators and returned brutal discipline to the army. From that moment on, the Soviets were removed from power, the government of the country was completely in the hands of the Provisional Government.
On July 24, the 2nd coalition was created, headed by General Kornilov. After an unsuccessful attempt to find a common language between the political forces at the State Conference, Kornilov began an attempt to establish a military dictatorship. The general's troops were stopped, and the balance of power changed again: the size of the Bolshevik party grew rapidly, and their plans became more and more radical.
To pacify the revolutionary moods, they formed the 3rd coalition, proclaimed Russia a republic (September 1), convened the All-Russian Democratic Conference (September 14). But all these actions were not effective, and the authority of the government more and more converged to "no". The Bolsheviks began to prepare for the seizure of power.
On October 24, the main places in the city were occupied (telegraph, railway stations, bridges, etc.). By evening, the government was occupied in the Winter Palace, and the next day the ministers were arrested.
On October 25, the II Congress of Soviets was opened, at which they adopted the Decree on Peace (conclusion of peace on any terms) and the Decree on Land (recognition of land and its subsoil as the property of the people, prohibition of its lease and the use of hired labor)
October Revolution of 1917 in Russia
Causes of the October Revolution of 1917:
war weariness;
industry and agriculture of the country were on the verge of complete collapse;
catastrophic financial crisis;
the unresolved agrarian question and the impoverishment of the peasants;
delaying socio-economic reforms;
the contradictions of the dual power became a prerequisite for a change of power.
On July 3, 1917, unrest broke out in Petrograd demanding the overthrow of the Provisional Government. Counter-revolutionary units, by government decree, used weapons to suppress the peaceful demonstration. Arrests began, the death penalty was restored.
The dual power ended with the victory of the bourgeoisie. The events of July 3-5 showed that the bourgeois Provisional Government did not intend to fulfill the demands of the working people, and it became clear to the Bolsheviks that it was no longer possible to seize power by peaceful means.
At the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), which took place from July 26 to August 3, 1917, the party took a guide to the socialist revolution through an armed uprising.
At the August State Conference in Moscow, the bourgeoisie intended to announce L.G. Kornilov as a military dictator and time the dispersal of the Soviets to coincide with this event. But the active revolutionary uprising frustrated the plans of the bourgeoisie. Then Kornilov on August 23 moved troops to Petrograd.
The Bolsheviks, carrying out a great agitation work among the working masses and soldiers, explained the meaning of the conspiracy and created revolutionary centers for the struggle against the Kornilov region. The rebellion was suppressed, and the people finally realized that the Bolshevik Party is the only party that defends the interests of the working people.
In mid-September, V.I. Lenin worked out a plan for an armed uprising and ways to carry it out. The main goal of the October Revolution was the conquest of power by the Soviets.
On October 12, the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) was created - a center for preparing an armed uprising. Zinoviev and Kamenev, opponents of the socialist revolution, gave the terms of the uprising to the Provisional Government.
The uprising began on the night of October 24, the day the II Congress of Soviets opened. The government immediately succeeded in isolating it from the armed units loyal to it.
October 25 V.I. Lenin arrived at Smolny and personally led the uprising in Petrograd. During the October Revolution, the most important objects such as bridges, telegraph, government offices were seized.
On the morning of October 25, 1917, the Military Revolutionary Committee announced the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. On October 26, the Winter Palace was captured and members of the Provisional Government were arrested.
The October Revolution in Russia took place with the full support of the masses of the people. The alliance between the working class and the peasantry, the defection of the armed army to the side of the revolution, and the weakness of the bourgeoisie determined the results of the October Revolution of 1917.
On October 25 and 26, 1917, the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets was held, at which the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) was elected and the first Soviet government, the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), was formed. V.I. was elected Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. Lenin. He put forward two Decrees: the "Decree on Peace", which called on the warring countries to stop hostilities, and the "Decree on Land", expressing the interests of the peasants.
The adopted Decrees contributed to the victory of Soviet power in the regions of the country.
On November 3, 1917, with the capture of the Kremlin, Soviet power also won in Moscow. Further, Soviet power was proclaimed in Belarus, Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia, in the Crimea, in the North Caucasus, in Central Asia. The revolutionary struggle in Transcaucasia dragged on until the end of the civil war (1920-1921), which was a consequence of the October Revolution of 1917.
The Great October Socialist Revolution divided the world into two camps - capitalist and socialist.
The February Revolution had a bourgeois-democratic character and had sad consequences for Russia. What exactly - we will understand in this article.
Causes of the revolution
The First World War became a litmus test of the unresolved problems of Russian society. By 1917, various political meetings, as well as anti-monarchist and anti-war speeches, became more frequent in the country.
At the front, there was a crisis in the army, in which there were 13 million peasants. On the front line, there were cases of fraternization with enemy soldiers, desertion. Revolutionary sentiments grew among the masses of soldiers.
The loss of many European territories created the threat of starvation in the Russian Empire in large cities due to disruptions in food supplies and the orientation of industry towards war.
In the environment of Nicholas there were no strong personalities who could solve the accumulated problems, and the authority of the tsar in front of the people fell lower and lower every day.
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Results of the February Revolution
The historical significance of the Second Russian Revolution is to provide Russia with the opportunity to follow a democratic path of development. The main result of the February Revolution of 1917 was the abdication of Nicholas II and the coming to power of the bourgeois-democratic Provisional Government chaired by G.E. Lvov.
Another result of the February Revolution was the proclamation of broad political rights and freedoms. The interim government almost immediately abolished national, class and religious restrictions, military courts were abolished at the front and the death penalty was abolished, an eight-hour working day was declared on the territory of Russia. Russia was proclaimed a republic.
Rice. 1. Meeting of the Provisional Government.
After the overthrow of the monarchy, the new government granted amnesty to all political prisoners. Freedom was given to many revolutionaries and socialists, who used, among other things, illegal methods of struggle against tsarist power.
The proletariat was given the opportunity to re-create democratic labor organizations that had been banned during the war years. Trade unions and factory committees began to appear in the country.
Having become an ordinary citizen of Russia, Nicholas II asked the Provisional Government for permission to leave Petrograd and move to Murmansk with his family in order to emigrate from there to Great Britain, however, the temporary workers decided to play it safe and took the former emperor under arrest and ordered him to be in Tsarskoye Selo.
Rice. 2. Portrait of Nicholas II.
Solving many socio-economic issues, the Provisional Government left the decision political problems for the post-war period. As a result, a dual power was formed in Russia, splitting Russian society into two opposing camps - monarchists and their opponents.
The promise of the Provisional Government to resolve the main social issues at the end of the war was left unresolved, including the land issue.
The February revolution did not give Russia a solution to the sore socio-political problems, which gave rise to an even greater economic and political crisis.
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The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution in a row (the first took place in 1905, the third in October 1917). The February Revolution began a great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite was completely replaced in RussiaCauses of the February Revolution
- The unfortunate participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, the disorganization of life in the rear
- The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which degenerated into unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
- Corruption at all levels of government
- Economic difficulties
- Ideological decomposition of the masses, who ceased to believe in the king, and the church, and local leaders
- Dissatisfaction with the policy of the tsar by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives
“... For several days now we have been living on a volcano ... There was no bread in Petrograd - the transport was very disordered due to unusual snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war ... There were street riots ... But it was, of course, not in bread… That was the last straw… The fact was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities… And not even that… The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves… There was no , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of former rulers came to naught .. "
(Vas. Shulgin "Days")
The course of the February Revolution
- February 21 - Bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed bakery shops
- February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!", "Bread!"
- February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises went on strike, students
- February 25 - Already 305 thousand people were on strike, 421 factories were standing. Employees and artisans joined the workers. The troops refused to disperse the protesters
- February 26 - Continued riots. Decomposition in the troops. The inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
postponed the start of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution - February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored division revolted. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
appointed a Provisional Committee "to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and persons." - On February 28, at night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
- On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Naval Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
- March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow revolted, the tsar's close associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an "English queen".
- March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded renunciation.
"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability under the circumstances of the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (the king of Romania was actually commander-in-chief, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gen. Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke in favor of the abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the throne. (Vas. Shulgin "Days")
- On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.
- March 4 - The Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in the newspapers.
“The man rushed to us - Darlings! - He shouted and grabbed my hand - Did you hear? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone warmly and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one in the morning when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, there was a booming and short strike of the cathedral bell. Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. Doors in many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the side of the station, a solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew (K. Paustovsky "Restless Youth")
Soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. February 23, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)
A general strike began in Petrograd, in which about 215,000 workers took part. The spontaneous movement covers the whole city, students join it. The police are unable to "stop the movement and the gathering of people." City authorities throw forces to strengthen the protection of government buildings, post office, telegraph and bridges. Mass rallies continue throughout the day.
From the diary of Nicholas II.“At 10½ I went to the report, which ended at 12 o'clock. Before breakfast they brought me a military cross on behalf of the Belgian king. The weather was bad - a blizzard. I took a short walk in the garden. I read and wrote. Yesterday Olga and Alexei got measles, and today Tatyana (the children of the tsar. - RBC) followed suit.
The army and police set up outposts on all the main bridges in the morning, but crowds of protesters moved into the center of Petrograd right on the ice of the Neva. The number of strikers exceeded 300 thousand people. Mass rallies were held on Nevsky Prospekt, calls for the overthrow of the tsar and the government were added to the demands for bread.
Clashes continued between the protesters and the police, who had to open fire on the crowd several times. By evening, the unrest in the capital was reported to Nicholas II, who demanded that the city authorities decisively stop them. During the night, police arrested dozens of people.
From the diary of Nicholas II.“I got up late. The report lasted an hour and a half. At 2½ I drove into the monastery and venerated the icon of the Mother of God. Made a walk along the highway to Orsha. At 6 o'clock I went to the vigil. I've been busy all evening."
Demonstration at the Petrograd Arsenal. February 25, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)
The protesters continued to gather in the center of Petrograd, despite the drawn bridges. The clashes with the army and police became more and more violent, the crowds could only be dispersed after they opened fire, and the death toll was already in the hundreds. Pogroms broke out in some areas. Chairman of the State Duma Mikhail Rodzianko sent a telegram to the tsar, in which he called what was happening in the city anarchy, but did not receive any answer from him.
Later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Nikolai Golitsyn announced the suspension of the work of both houses of parliament - the State Council and the State Duma - until April. Rodzianko sent another telegram to the tsar demanding that the decree be immediately suspended and a new government formed, but he also received no answer.
From the diary of Nicholas II."At 10 o'clock. went to dinner. The report ended on time. A lot of people had breakfast and all cash foreigners. I wrote to Alix (Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. - RBC) and drove along the Bobruisk highway to the chapel, where I took a walk. The weather was clear and frosty. After tea, I read and received Senator Tregubov until dinner. I played dominoes in the evening.
The training team of the reserve battalion of the Life Guards of the Volyn Infantry Regiment mutinied - the soldiers killed their commander and freed those arrested from the guardhouse, along the way joining several neighboring units to their ranks. Armed soldiers linked up with the striking workers, after which they seized some of the weapons from the workshops of the Gun Factory. An armed uprising began in the capital.
The rebels managed to get to the Finland Station, on the square in front of which numerous new rallies began. Several tens of thousands of soldiers joined the crowd of protesters, the total number of demonstrators exceeded 400 thousand people (with a population of Petrograd of 2.3 million people). Prisons were liberated throughout the city, including Kresty, from which several Mensheviks were released, who declared that the main task of the rebels was to restore the work of the State Duma.
The rebellious soldiers of the Volynsky regiment go with banners to the Tauride Palace. February 27, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)
In the afternoon, the protesters gathered at the Taurida Palace, where the State Duma met. The deputies decided to formally submit to the dissolution order, but continued their work under the guise of a "private meeting". As a result, a new body of power was formed - the Provisional Committee, which, in fact, became the center of the protest movement. In parallel, representatives of the leftist parties created an alternative governing body - the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrosoviet.
Toward evening, the government gathered for its last meeting and sent a telegram to Nicholas II, in which it said that it was no longer able to cope with the situation that had arisen, proposed to dissolve itself and appoint a person enjoying general confidence as chairman. The tsar ordered troops to be sent to Petrograd and refused to accept the resignation of the government, which dispersed without waiting for the monarch's answer. Nicholas II decided to personally arrive in the capital, while the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced that he was taking power in the city into his own hands.
From the diary of Nicholas II.“Unrest broke out in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. It's a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news! Was not long at the report. In the afternoon I took a walk along the highway to Orsha. The weather was sunny. After dinner, I decided to go to Tsarskoye Selo as soon as possible and at one in the morning I got on the train.
The city authorities inform Nicholas II that almost all the military who were in the city went over to the side of the protesters. During the day, armed workers and soldiers captured the Peter and Paul Fortress, having at their disposal all of its artillery. The revolutionaries forced the head of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General Khabalov, to leave the Admiralty. He complied with the instructions, withdrawing the remnants of the troops loyal to him to the Winter Palace, which was also soon occupied by the rebels.
On the morning of the same day, former Interior Minister Alexander Protopopov was arrested in the Tauride Palace. The rebels actually took control of the situation in the city. There were almost no forces left in the capital ready to carry out the orders of the king.
Nicholas II (Photo: RIA Novosti)
Meanwhile, Nicholas II left Mogilev early in the morning for Tsarskoye Selo, where Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was at that time. While in Orsha, he received a telegram from members of the Provisional Committee, who informed him of the critical situation in the capital, which drove the masses to despair and forced the troops to join them. The tsar was asked to "resolutely change domestic policy" and approve the composition of the new cabinet of ministers.
By this time, the Provisional Committee had managed to send out a message throughout the country that it was taking full control of the entire railway network in the empire. The head of the tsarist military headquarters, General Mikhail Alekseev, who was originally going to take over this control, abandoned his decision. Moreover, he changed the rhetoric in his messages to other commanders-in-chief, moving away from describing the chaos and anarchy in the capital. In his message to General Nikolai Ivanov, who was sent by the tsar with assembled units to suppress the uprising in Petrograd, he said that the Provisional Committee managed to take the situation in the capital under control. Having received the letter, Ivanov decided not to send troops into the city until the situation became completely clear.
From the diary of Nicholas II.“I went to bed at 3 o’clock, because I spoke for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I am sending to Petrograd with troops to restore order. Slept until 10 o'clock. We left Mogilev at 5 o'clock. morning. The weather was frosty and sunny. In the afternoon we passed Vyazma, Rzhev, and Likhoslavl - at 9 o'clock.
The train of Nicholas II never managed to get to Tsarskoye Selo - in the Malaya Vishera area, the tsar was informed that the neighboring stations were in the hands of the rebels. The emperor turned the train around and went to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. The new authorities unsuccessfully tried several times to block Nikolai's train to prevent him from rejoining the army.
Nevertheless, the tsar managed to get to Pskov, where he received a telegram from Alekseev. He informed Nikolai about the riots that had begun in Moscow, but urged him to avoid a forceful solution to the problem and, as soon as possible, "put a person whom Russia would trust at the head of the government and instruct him to form a cabinet." Ruzsky, Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front, made similar proposals in a personal conversation with the tsar.
Nikolay to the last refused to establish a government responsible to the Duma, not wanting to become a constitutional monarch and be responsible for decisions that he could not influence. However, towards the end of the day, another telegram arrived from Alekseev containing a draft of a proposed manifesto for the establishment of a responsible government. Having lost the support of his own chief of staff, Nikolai sends a telegram to General Ivanov and asks him to abandon the armed suppression of the rebellion and stop the advance of troops to Petrograd.
Nicholas II (right in the foreground) and Mikhail Alekseev (left in the foreground). 1915 (Photo: RIA Novosti)
Meanwhile, in the capital, the Provisional Committee and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet had already begun to discuss the composition of the new government. The parties agreed that a Provisional Government should be formed, which would announce a political amnesty, guarantee the population basic freedoms, and begin preparations for elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine how the new Russia would live.
That same night, the Petrograd Soviet, without any consent, issued its “Order No. 1”, in which it subjugated the army located in the capital and transferred all leadership in the military units to the soldiers' committees, depriving the officers of power. Dual power arose: de jure power was in the hands of the Provisional Committee, but de facto in Petrograd the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies became the main decision-making body.
From the diary of Nicholas II.“At night we turned back with M. Vishera, because Luban and Tosno turned out to be occupied by the rebels. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw Ruzsky. He, [commanders] Danilov and Savvich were having lunch. Gatchina and Luga also turned out to be busy. Shame and shame! It was not possible to reach Tsarskoye. Thoughts and feelings are always there! How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! Help us Lord!
In his telegram, Alekseev said that “it is necessary to save the army from collapse”, “the loss of every minute can be fatal for the existence of Russia” and that “the war can be continued to a victorious end only if the requirements for abdication from the throne are fulfilled” in favor of the son of Nikolai II. All the commanders of the fronts in their responses asked the king to abdicate in order to save the country.
In the afternoon, Nicholas II signed the abdication manifesto. A little later, representatives of the Provisional Committee Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin came to him, who told the tsar about the situation in the country and again asked him to transfer power to his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Nicholas informed them that he had already abdicated in favor of Tsarevich Alexei, but now, not wanting to lose contact with him, he was ready to abdicate in favor of Mikhail. Closer to midnight, the manifesto was handed over to the deputies.
Manifesto of Nicholas II on the abdication
In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the whole future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will finally be able to break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for our people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory, and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and lay down the supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our heritage to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to govern the affairs of state in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on the basis that they will establish, taking an inviolable 123 oath to that. In the name of our dearly beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obedience to the tsar in a difficult moment of national trials and to help him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state to the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia.
After that, Nikolai went back to Headquarters, having previously sent a telegram to Grand Duke Mikhail. “The events of recent days forced me to decide irrevocably on this extreme step. Forgive me if I upset you and that I did not have time to warn you. I remain forever faithful and devoted brother. I fervently pray to God to help you and your Motherland,” he wrote.
Michael, who did not have time to receive this telegram from his brother, also abdicated a day later. The Russian autocracy fell, all official power passed into the hands of the Provisional Government.
The editorial of the newspaper "Morning of Russia". March 2 (15), 1917 (Photo: Photo archive of M. Zolotarev)
From the diary of Nicholas II.“In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, because. the Social-Democratic Party represented by the workers' committee is fighting it. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky passed this conversation on to the headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. There were answers from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. Around treason, cowardice and deceit!
Russia in a nationwide crisis
The authority of the royal power was rapidly falling. To a large extent, this was facilitated by rumors about scandals at court, about Rasputin. Their plausibility was confirmed by the so-called “ ministerial leapfrog”: over the two years of the war, four chairmen of the Council of Ministers, six ministers of the interior were replaced. The population in the Russian Empire did not have time not only to get acquainted with the political program, but also to see the face of the next prime minister or minister.
As the monarchist wrote V.V. Shulgin about Russian prime ministers, "Goremykin cannot be the head of the government because of his staleness, his old age." In January 1916, Nicholas II appointed Stürmer, and V.V. Shulgin writes: “The fact is that Stürmer is a small, insignificant person, and Russia is waging a world war. The fact is that all the powers have mobilized their best forces, and we have a "Christmas grandfather" prime minister. And now the whole country is in a frenzy.”
Everyone felt the tragedy of the situation. Prices rose, food shortages began in the cities.
The war demanded colossal expenses. Budget expenditures in 1916 exceeded revenues by 76%. Taxes were drastically increased. The government also resorted to the issuance of internal loans, went to the mass issue of paper money without gold backing. This led to a fall in the value of the ruble, a disruption of the entire financial system in the state, and an extraordinary increase in the high cost.
Food difficulties that arose as a result of the general collapse of the economy forced the tsarist government in 1916 to introduce a compulsory grain allocation. But this attempt failed, as the landlords sabotaged the government's decrees, hid the bread in order to later sell it at a high price. The peasants also did not want to sell bread for depreciated paper money.
Since the autumn of 1916, food supplies to Petrograd alone accounted for only half of its needs. Due to the lack of fuel in Petrograd, already in December 1916, the work of about 80 enterprises was stopped.
The sharply aggravated food crisis in the fall of 1916, the worsening situation on the fronts, the fear that the workers would go on demonstrations, “are about to break out into the streets,” the government’s inability to lead the country out of the impasse — all this led to the raising of the question of the removal of Prime Minister Stürmer .
Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov saw the only way out of the situation in a palace coup. Together with a group of officers, he hatched plans for a dynastic coup (the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of the heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich).
Positions of the Kadet Party expressed by P.N. Milyukov, speaking in November 1916 in the IV State Duma with a sharp criticism of the economic and military policy of the government, accusing the tsarina's entourage of preparing a separate treaty with Germany and provocatively pushing the masses to revolutionary actions. He repeatedly repeated the question: "What is it - stupidity or treason?". And in response, the deputies shouted: "stupidity", "treason", accompanying the speaker's speech with constant applause. This speech, of course, was forbidden for publication, but, having been illegally reproduced, it became famous at the front and in the rear.
The most vivid description of the political situation in Russia on the eve of the impending national catastrophe was given by one of the leaders of the Cadets, V.I. Maklakov. He compared Russia to “a car speeding along a steep and narrow road. The driver can’t drive because he doesn’t own the car at all on the slopes, or he is tired and no longer understands what he is doing.”
In January 1917, under pressure from public opinion, Nicholas II dismissed Stürmer, replacing him with the liberal Prince Golitsyn. But this action could not change anything.
February 1917
1917 began in Petrograd with new workers' speeches. The total number of strikers in January 1917 already amounted to more than 350 thousand. For the first time during the war years, defense plants (Obukhov and Arsenal) went on strike. From mid-February, revolutionary actions did not stop: strikes were replaced by rallies, rallies - demonstrations.
On February 9, Chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko came to Tsarskoye Selo with a report on the state of the country. “The revolution will sweep you away,” he said to Nicholas II. "Well, God willing," was the emperor's reply. “God does not give anything, you and your government ruined everything, a revolution is inevitable,” M.V. Rodzianko.
Two weeks later, on February 23, unrest began in Petrograd, on February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general, the soldiers began to go over to the side of the demonstrators, and on February 26-27, the autocracy no longer controlled the situation in the capital.
As V.V. wrote Shulgin, “in the whole huge city it was impossible to find a hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities.”
On February 27-28, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed. (Reader T7 No. 13) It was made up of socialists, the majority - Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The Menshevik N.S. became the chairman of the Executive Committee of the Soviet. Chkheidze, and his deputies - A.F. Kerensky, one of the most radical orators of the Fourth Duma, and M.I. Skobelev.
Almost simultaneously with the formation of the Soviet, the State Duma, at an unofficial meeting (on February 26, it was dissolved by decree of the tsar for two months), created, as a governing body of the country, a “Provisional Committee for the Restoration of Order and for Relations with Persons and Institutions.”
The two authorities, born of the revolution, were on the verge of conflict, but, in the name of maintaining unity in the struggle against tsarism, they agreed to a mutual compromise. With the approval of the Executive Committee of the Council, the Duma Provisional Committee formed the Provisional Government on March 1.
The Bolsheviks demanded that a government be formed only from representatives of the parties included in the council. But the Board rejected this proposal. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who were members of the Executive Committee, had a fundamentally different point of view than the Bolsheviks on the composition of the government. They believed that after the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, power should be formed by the bourgeoisie under the control of the Soviet. The leadership of the Council refused to participate in the government. The support of the Provisional Government by the Executive Committee was accompanied by the main condition - the government would pursue a democratic program approved and supported by the Soviet.
By the evening of March 2, the composition of the government was determined. Prince G.E. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior. Lvov, cadet, minister of foreign affairs - leader of the cadet party P.N. Milyukov, Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, cadet, military and naval minister - A.I. Konovalov, Octobrist, A.F. Kerensky (representative of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet) took over as Minister of Justice. Thus, the composition of the government was mainly Kadet.
Informed of these events, Nicholas II received a proposal to abdicate in favor of the brother of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and on March 2 he handed over the text of the abdication to two emissaries of the Duma, Guchkov and Shulgin, who arrived in Pskov, where the emperor was. (Reader T 7 No. 14) (Reader T7 No. 15) But this step was already too late: Michael, in turn, abdicated the throne. The monarchy in Russia fell.
In fact, a dual power has developed in the country - the Provisional Government as an organ of bourgeois power and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies as an organ of the working people.
The political situation in Russia (February - October 1917)
"Dual power" (February - June 1917)
The provisional government did not set itself the goal of carrying out a revolutionary change in the economic and social order. As the representatives of the government themselves stated, all the main issues of the state structure will be decided by constituent Assembly, but for now it is “temporarily”, it is necessary to maintain order in the country and, most importantly, win the war. There was no talk of reforms.
After the collapse of the monarchy, for the first time in Russian history, the possibility of coming to power opened up for all political classes, parties and their political leaders. Between February and October 1917, more than 50 political parties fought for it. A particularly prominent role in politics after February 1917 was played by the Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and Bolsheviks. What were their goals and tactics?
Central location in cadet program occupied the idea of Europeanization of Russia through the creation of a strong state power. They assigned the leading role in this process to the bourgeoisie. The continuation of the war, according to the Cadets, could unite both the conservatives and the liberals, the State Duma and the commanders in chief. The Cadets saw the unity of these forces as the main condition for the development of the revolution.
Mensheviks considered the February Revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.
Similar were the views on the nature and tasks of the revolution among right SRs(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentiev), as well as the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions - V. Chernov.
February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and the liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil accord, reconciliation of all strata of society, and, first of all, reconciliation of the supporters of war and revolution in order to implement a program of social reforms.
The position was different. left SRs, its leader M.A. Spiridonova who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of the political and social world revolution.
Bolsheviks
The Bolsheviks, the most radical party in Russia in 1917, viewed February as the first stage in the struggle for a socialist revolution. This position was formulated by V.I. Lenin in the "April Theses", where the slogans "No support for the Provisional Government" and "All power to the Soviets" were put forward.
The April Theses also formulated the party's economic platform: workers' control over social production and distribution of products, the unification of all banks into one nationwide bank and the establishment of control over it by the Soviets, the confiscation of landowners' land and the nationalization of all land in the country.
The relevance of the theses became more and more obvious as the crisis situations in the country grew in connection with the specific policy of the Provisional Government. The mood of the Provisional Government to continue the war, delaying the solution of social reforms, created a serious source of conflict development of the revolution.
First political crisis
During the 8 months that the Provisional Government was in power, it was repeatedly in a state of crisis. The first crisis broke out in April When the Provisional Government announced that Russia would continue the war on the side of the Entente, this caused a mass protest of the people. On April 18 (May 1), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, Milyukov, sent out a note to the Allied Powers, which confirmed that the Provisional Government would comply with all the treaties of the tsarist government and continue the war to a victorious end. The note aroused indignation among the general population. Over 100,000 people took to the streets of Petrograd demanding peace. The result of the crisis was the formation first coalition government, which consisted not only of bourgeois, but also of representatives of the socialist (Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries) parties.
Ministers P.N. Milyukov and A.I. Guchkov, the leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, A.F. Kerensky, I.G. Tsereteli, M.I. Skobelev.
The crisis of power was temporarily liquidated, but the causes of its occurrence were not eliminated.
Second political crisis
The offensive undertaken in June 1917 at the front also did not meet with the support of the masses, who more and more actively supported the slogans of the Bolsheviks about the seizure of power by the Soviets and an end to the war. It was already second political crisis Provisional government. Demonstrations under the slogans “Down with 10 capitalist ministers”, “Bread, peace, freedom”, “All power to the Soviets” were attended by workers and soldiers in Petrograd, Moscow, Tver, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and other cities.
Third political crisis
A few days later, a new (July) political crisis broke out in Petrograd in Russia. It was already third political crisis, which became a new stage on the way to a nationwide crisis. The reason was the unsuccessful offensive of the Russian troops at the front, the disbandment of the revolutionary military units. As a result, on July 2 (15), the Cadets withdrew from the Provisional Government.
By this time, the socio-economic situation, especially the food situation, had deteriorated sharply. Neither the creation of land committees, nor the introduction of a state monopoly on bread, nor the regulation of the food supply, nor even the meat distribution with a double increase in purchase prices for basic foodstuffs, could alleviate the difficult food situation. Import purchases of meat, fish, and other products did not help. About half a million prisoners of war, as well as soldiers from the rear garrisons, were sent to agricultural work. To forcibly confiscate grain, the government sent armed military detachments to the village. However, all the measures taken did not give the expected results. People stood in queues at night. For Russia, the summer and early autumn of 1917 were characterized by the collapse of the economy, closing enterprises, unemployment, and inflation. The differentiation of Russian society has sharply increased. On the problems of war, peace, power, bread, conflicting opinions clashed. There was only one unanimity: the war must be ended as soon as possible.
Under the circumstances, the Provisional Government failed to maintain the level of political dialogue and July 4 - 5, 1917. turned to violence against the workers' and soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. A peaceful demonstration in Petrograd was shot and dispersed by the armed forces of the Provisional Government. Following the execution and dispersal of a peaceful demonstration, a government order was issued to grant the Minister of War and the Minister of the Interior broad powers, giving them the right to ban meetings and congresses and to organize severe censorship.
The newspapers Trud and Pravda were banned; the editorial office of the Pravda newspaper was destroyed, and on July 7 an order was issued to arrest V.I. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev - leaders of the Bolsheviks. However, the leadership of the Soviets did not interfere with the actions of the government, fearing the increased political influence of the Bolsheviks on the masses.
