Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin (April 2, 1862, Dresden, Saxony - September 5, 1911, Kyiv) - statesman of the Russian Empire. Over the years, he held the posts of district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, governor of Grodno and Saratov, minister of the interior, and prime minister.

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was born on April 14, 1862 in Dresden.
Peter spent his childhood until 1869 at the Serednikovo estate in the Moscow province, then at the Kolnoberge estate in the Kovno province. His family traveled to Switzerland, and when it came time to send children to the gymnasium, Arkady Dmitrievich bought a house in Vilna. In 1874, 12-year-old Peter was enrolled in the second grade of the Vilna gymnasium, where he studied until the sixth grade. In September 1879, the 9th Army Corps under the command of Father Pyotr Stolypin was returned from Bulgaria to the city of Orel, and Peter and his brother Alexander were transferred to the Oryol Men's Gymnasium, where Peter was enrolled in the seventh grade. According to B. Fedorov, Peter "stands out among the gymnasium students with his prudence and character."

On June 3, 1881, 19-year-old Pyotr graduated from the Oryol gymnasium, received a matriculation certificate, and left for St. Petersburg, where on August 31 he entered the natural department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the St. Petersburg Imperial University, where he received the nickname "master Pierre" for barely noticeable , but an indestructible touch of aristocracy. Among other students, Pierre Stolypin stood out for his high growth, brilliant abilities in all disciplines studied, and great diligence. When he was in his second year, a month before his wedding, his brother Mikhail died in a duel with Prince Shakhovsky. After the funeral, Peter shot himself with his brother's killer and was wounded in his right hand. The death of Mikhail cast a shadow on the reputation of his bride Olga Neidgardt, and Peter offered the girl a hand and a heart. At that time, he was only 21 years old, but the girl’s father remarked: “Youth is a flaw that is being corrected every day.”
Peter's marriage turned out to be happy, although it aroused surprise among those around him - a married student was such a rarity that people from other faculties came to see Pyotr Stolypin. The presence of a wife did not affect Peter's academic success. His final exam in chemistry was taken by Dmitri Mendeleev, who, listening to Stolypin's brilliant answer, got carried away and forgot that he was taking the exam. Questions from Mendeleev followed one after another, and soon the exam turned into a scholarly debate. However, Mendeleev soon drew attention to the taken aback commission and said: “My God, what am I? Well, that's enough, five, five, great!

After graduating from the university, Pyotr Stolypin entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Then his daughter Maria was born. Public service did not bring much joy to Stolypin, service in the Foreign Ministry was replaced by work in the Ministry of State Property, then again Stolypin returned to the Foreign Ministry. Routine work exhausted him, but in 1889 Stolypin was appointed marshal of the nobility in one of the districts of the Kovno province, and his family moved to Kolnoberge, where Pyotr Arkadievich willingly set to work, and soon brought the county to an exemplary state. The subject of his special concern was the Agricultural Society, which took control and guardianship of the entire local economic life. The main tasks of the society were to educate the peasants and increase the productivity of their farms. The main attention was paid to the introduction of advanced farming methods and new varieties of grain crops. While serving as marshal of the nobility, Stolypin got acquainted with local needs, gained administrative experience, and his zeal in the service was marked by new ranks and awards. In 1890 he was appointed an honorary justice of the peace, titular councilor, in 1891 he was promoted to collegiate assessor, in 1893 he was awarded the first Order of St. in collegiate, and in 1901 - and state councilors. In addition to the affairs of the county, Stolypin took care of his estate in Colnoberge, where he studied agriculture and the problems of the peasantry.
Within ten happy years, four girls were added to the Stolypin family. Daughters adored their father - in winter he played snowballs with them, in summer he rode a boat, and composed stories for them. In mid-May 1902, Stolypin took his family "on the water" to the small German town of Elster. In her memoirs, the eldest daughter Maria described this time as one of the happiest in the life of the Stolypin family. But soon the family idyll ended. From the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. von Plehve, who replaced D.S. Sipyagin, who was killed by the revolutionaries, Stolypin received a telegram demanding to come to St. Petersburg. Three days later, the reason for the call became known - on May 30, 1902, Stolypin was appointed governor of Grodno. This initiative came from Plehve, who headed for the replacement of governorships by local landowners. On June 21, Stolypin arrived in Grodno and assumed the duties of governor. There were some features in the administration of the province: the governor was controlled by the governor-general of Vilna, and the national composition of the province was heterogeneous (Jews prevailed in large cities; the aristocracy was mainly represented by Poles, and the peasantry by Belarusians).

On the initiative of Stolypin, a Jewish two-class public school, a vocational school, and a special type of women's parish school were opened in Grodno, in which, in addition to general subjects, drawing, drawing and needlework were taught. On the second day of work, he closed the Polish Club, where "insurgent moods" dominated. Having settled into the position of governor, Stolypin began to carry out reforms that included the resettlement of peasants on farms, the elimination of striped crops, the introduction of artificial fertilizers, improved agricultural implements, multi-field crop rotations, land reclamation, the development of cooperation and the agricultural education of peasants. The innovations carried out provoked criticism from large landowners. At one of the meetings, Prince Svyatopolk-Chetvertinsky said: “We need human labor power, we need physical labor and the ability to do it, and not education. Education should be available to the well-to-do classes, but not to the masses…” Stolypin answered him: “It is impossible to be afraid of literacy and enlightenment, to be afraid of the world. The education of the people, rightly and wisely arranged, will never lead to anarchy.
Work in Grodno completely satisfied Stolypin, but soon the Minister of the Interior Plehve made an offer to Stolypin to take the post of governor of the Saratov province. Stolypin did not want to move to Saratov, but Plehve explained: “Your personal and family circumstances do not interest me, and they cannot be taken into account. I consider you suitable for such a difficult province and expect from you any business considerations, but not weighing family interests. By the time of his appointment as governor, the Saratov province was considered prosperous and wealthy. 150 thousand inhabitants lived in Saratov, there was a developed industry - in the city there were 150 plants and factories, 11 banks, 16 thousand houses, almost 3 thousand shops and shops. In addition, the Saratov province included the large cities of Tsaritsyn (now Volgograd) and Kamyshin, several lines of the Ryazan-Ural railway. The appointment of Stolypin as the Saratov governor was a promotion and testified to the recognition of his merits.

Stolypin launched a real modernization in the province: a new women's gymnasium, an eye clinic, a city hospital and several doss houses were built in Saratov. These "stalls" were quite consistent with the current hotels in two or three stars - they even had a rare sewage system at that time. The main streets of the city were paved, and gas lamps were installed on them. In 1905, telephones were planned for the city, but due to the outbreak of the first Russian revolution, reforms in the province were suspended.
Stolypin took the beginning of the Russo-Japanese war critically. According to his daughter's memoirs, in the family circle he said: “How can a peasant joyfully go into battle, defending some rented land in unknown lands? A sad and difficult war is not brightened up by a sacrificial impulse. After the defeat in the war with Japan, the Russian Empire was overwhelmed by revolutionary events. When restoring order, Stolypin showed rare courage and fearlessness, which was noted by witnesses of that time. He, unarmed and without any guard, entered the center of the raging crowds. This had such an effect on the people that the passions subsided by themselves. Stolypin's contemporary V.B. Lopukhin described one of the episodes of the revolutionary events of that time: “The episode when Stolypin, in the relatively modest role of the Saratov governor at a time when governors were shot like partridges, crashes into a rebellious crowd is quite well known. A man with clearly aggressive intentions, with murder in his eyes, steps on him. Stolypin throws into his hands a uniform coat taken off his shoulders with an order given in the way that only self-confident fearlessness can command: "Hold." The stunned presumptive "murderer" automatically picks up the governor's coat. His hands are busy. He is paralyzed. And already the thought is far from the massacre. Stolypin calmly delivers a speech to the crowd mesmerized by his courage. And he and she peacefully disperse.

After the Bloody Sunday that happened on January 9, 1905, Pyotr Stolypin had to solve the difficult task of preventing mass bloodshed. The Socialist-Revolutionaries sentenced him to death, since in their understanding Stolypin created the image of "the damned tsar's satrap with a human face", but what is much worse, with intelligence and decency. Saratov terrorists tried to carry out the sentence - in the city center on Theater Square, a bomb was thrown at Pyotr Arkadyevich. Three people were killed, but Stolypin was only slightly injured by shrapnel. A month later, when the rally was dispersed, a suicide bomber came out of the crowd and, approaching almost close, pointed a revolver at the governor's chest. “Well, shoot,” Stolypin said with a smile, after which the attacker lowered his weapon.
By February 1906, relative order was restored in the province, after which Pyotr Arkadyevich was summoned to St. Petersburg and received an offer from Nicholas II to take the post of Minister of the Interior. Stolypin agreed, and wrote to his wife: “Olya! my priceless treasure, yesterday my fate was decided! His wife gathered the children and came to St. Petersburg to share all the upcoming trials with her husband. In July 1906, the First State Duma was dissolved by the emperor, and Stolypin became chairman of the Council of Ministers, retaining the position of minister of the interior. Upon taking office as prime minister, Stolypin insisted on the resignation of the chief administrator of land management and agriculture, A.S. Stishinsky, and the chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod, A.A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov, while maintaining the rest of the composition of the previous cabinet of I.L. Goremykin.

Immediately after his appointment, Stolypin began negotiations on inviting popular parliamentary and public figures belonging to the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Union of October 17 to the new cabinet. Ministerial posts were originally offered to D.N. Shipov, Prince G.E. Lvov, Count P.A. Heiden, N.N. Lvov and A.I. Guchkov. In the course of further negotiations, the candidacies of A.F. Koni and Prince E.N. Trubetskoy were also considered. Public figures, confident that the future Second Duma would be able to force the government to create a cabinet responsible to the Duma, had no interest in acting as crown ministers in a mixed public-bureaucratic cabinet; the possibility of entering the government, they furnished such conditions that obviously could not be accepted by Stolypin. By the end of July, the negotiations completely failed, and since this was the third unsuccessful attempt to attract public figures to the government (the first attempt was made by S.Yu. Witte in October 1905, immediately after the publication of the October Manifesto, the second - by Stolypin himself in June 1906, before dissolution of the First Duma), Stolypin became completely disillusioned with the idea of ​​a public cabinet and subsequently headed a bureaucratic government.
Court circles treated Stolypin as an intriguer and upstart, and the revolutionaries declared the elimination of Stolypin a top priority. In such an environment, Stolypin worked hard, he usually worked until four in the morning, and at nine in the morning his new working day began. “Every day is like the last,” Peter admitted in a conversation with his younger brother, and added that in the evening he thanks God for being still alive. “I’m not afraid of death - this is a retribution for beliefs. To have time to do more ... Time is short, very little.

According to a contemporary, the Third Duma was "the creation of Stolypin." Stolypin's relationship with the Third Duma was a complex mutual compromise. Although notoriously pro-government parties (Octobrists and Nationalists) were in the majority, these parties were not puppet parties; cooperation with them required certain concessions from the government. In general, Stolypin was forced to exchange the general support of the government's course by the parliament for giving friendly parties the opportunity to prove themselves: to drag out the discussion of important bills for many years, to make numerous but insignificant changes, and so on. The most negative result was the smoldering conflict between the Duma and the State Council - the majority of the Duma deliberately edited the most important laws in such a way that the more conservative State Council then rejected them. The general political situation in the Duma turned out to be such that the government was afraid to introduce to the Duma all laws related to civil and religious equality (especially with the legal status of Jews), since a heated discussion of such topics could force the government to dissolve the Duma. Stolypin was unable to reach an understanding with the Duma on the fundamentally important issue of reforming local government; the entire package of government bills on this topic was stuck in parliament forever. At the same time, government budget projects have always been supported by the Duma.
About the work of the State Duma, and about the decisions taken by it, Stolypin spoke very condescendingly: “You have neither the strength, nor the means, nor the power to lead it beyond these walls, to put it into practice, knowing that this is a brilliant, but ostentatious demonstration,” - or: "This is a smooth road and the procession along it is almost solemn under universal approval and applause, but the road, unfortunately, in this case leads nowhere."

Stolypin created the prerequisites for the release of the mighty economic potential of the Russian people, who before that had no prospects for changing their own situation. It was Stolypin who laid the foundation for the development of territories that had been empty before, and created the prerequisites for the most powerful development of Russian society. The transformations conceived by Stolypin covered almost all spheres of public life - they were revolutionary in essence, and implied cardinal changes on the scale of the vast Russian Empire. Was Russian society ready for this? Yes and no. But the need for change was dictated by life itself. Stolypin was called to a big political life to bring the country out of the internal political and economic impasse. At the time of Stolypin's appointment as Minister of the Interior, Russia stood on the brink of an abyss, and real will and determination were needed to save the Russian Empire.
Of all the politicians of the early 20th century, it was in Stolypin that there was a harmonious combination of the most valuable qualities for a statesman: a clear understanding of the tasks of the moment and a strikingly clear vision of the historical perspective, coexisting with an iron will to accomplish what was planned. Many of Stolypin's reforms were prepared by his predecessors. The need for reforms was recognized even by S.Yu. Witte, but he did not have the strength and courage that Stolypin possessed. Long before Witte and Stolypin, Niccolò Machiavelli wrote: “There is no business that would be more difficult to organize, more dangerous to conduct, and more doubtful of success than replacing the old order with a new one.” Witte knew about this, and it stopped him. Stolypin also knew about this, but did not stop - an unbearable burden turned out to be on his shoulder.
Stolypin spoke about the need for public education and the creation of a rule of law state, pointed out the need to protect the rights of workers, convinced the deputies of the urgent need to rearm the army and navy, the need to lay new railways and reform self-government, planned and carried out resettlement, and also called for the "destruction of » communities. Some time later, Stolypin's plans for resettlement in Siberia, brought to life by the urgent needs of the country, were implemented by the Bolsheviks, which was later written in V. Kabanov's monograph "Was there a collapse of the Stolypin reform?"
Stolypin based his state activity on the principle expressed by the founder of the state school, Boris Chicherin: "Liberal reforms and strong power." He officially announced the course of reforms: freedom of religion, inviolability of the person and civil equality in the sense of "eliminating restrictions and restrictions on certain groups of the population", the transformation of local courts, the reform of secondary and higher education, the police reform, the transformation of the Zemstvo, income tax and measures of exclusive protection of the state order. Realizing that the government's reliance only on punitive measures was a sure sign of its impotence, Stolypin focused not on finding the instigators of the revolution, but on developing reforms that, in his opinion, could resolve the main issues that caused the revolution. He tried to establish a dialogue with representatives of opposition political forces, although at the same time he did not avoid violent, punitive actions, which allowed observers to assess his political course as a policy of "carrot and stick."

On August 12, 1906, the Maximalist Socialist-Revolutionaries attempted to assassinate Stolypin, as a result of which 27 people who were in the reception of the government dacha, and both terrorists, died. Of the 32 wounded, 6 died of wounds the next day. A wall with a balcony collapsed from the explosion. Stolypin's daughter and son were seriously injured by the rubble, although he himself was not hurt.
Shortly after this assassination attempt, Stolypin achieved an emergency order under Article 87 of the Basic State Laws for the introduction of a decree on the establishment of courts-martial, according to which the proceedings were completed within 48 hours, and the sentence, sanctioned by the commander of the military district, was executed within 24 hours. Stolypin considered these measures justified in order to preserve public safety, believing that violence must be met with force. He argued that one must be able to distinguish blood on the hands of a doctor from blood on the hands of an executioner, and emphasized that the death penalty can only be applied to murderers, categorically opposing the introduction of a hostage system. In fact, after the introduction of these measures, mass lawlessness was committed, a state of emergency was introduced in most of the country's territory, and executions of innocent people were not uncommon. Judges who delivered too “soft” sentences were fired from their jobs. If until the autumn of 1906 the empire executed an average of 9 people a year, then from August 1906 to April 1907, 1102 death sentences were pronounced by military courts. Such statistics gave Stolypin a reputation as a brutal politician. It should also be noted that Stolypin managed to carry out almost all of his main reforms not through discussion in the State Duma, knowing that the projects he submitted would not receive approval there, but according to Article 87 of the Fundamental State Laws - in an emergency, during the "interduum". And although Stolypin tried to prove the expediency of this practice, arguing that a similar article exists in the legislation of many European states, and the adoption of the law by the State Duma is difficult and takes a lot of time, which made it difficult to make urgent decisions, the new prime minister too often resorted to help "Emergency Legislation".

Stolypin was the only minister of the tsarist government who was not afraid to speak in the State Duma with answers to a variety of deputy requests. He was a good speaker, decently kept on the podium, meanwhile, sometimes the audience was so hostile to him that because of the noise in the hall, Stolypin could not start his speech for 10-15 minutes. And when he managed to start talking, the hall of the Tauride Palace began to resemble a theater: the deputies "on the right" gave a storm of applause and shouted "bravo", and the deputies "on the left" stamped their feet and made noise. Stolypin's speech could have sounded harsh enough. For example, speaking in the Duma on the question of measures to combat revolutionary terrorism, Stolypin said: “The government will welcome any open exposure of any disorder ... but the government should treat attacks that lead to the creation of a mood in an atmosphere in which an open performance. These attacks are calculated to cause paralysis in the government, in power, and will, and thoughts, they all boil down to two words addressed to power: "Hands up." To these two words, gentlemen, the government, with complete calm, with the consciousness of its rightness, can only answer with two words: "You will not intimidate."

The most noticeable trace in the history of Russia was left by the famous agrarian reforms of Stolypin. The agrarian crisis at the beginning of the 20th century and peasant uprisings on the eve and during the first Russian revolution declared the urgency of solving the agrarian question. At the same time, there was no agreement among various political forces on how to achieve this goal; moreover, their views often turned out to be diametrically opposed. Stolypin supported the position outlined in the 19th century by Valuev, Baryatinsky, and at the beginning of the 20th century by Witte on granting the right to peasants to leave the community. He was convinced that “you can’t love someone else’s on a par with your own and you can’t court, improve land that is in temporary use, on a par with your own land. The artificial castration of our peasantry in this respect, the destruction of its innate sense of property, leads to many evil things, most importantly, to poverty. And poverty, to me, is the worst of slavery. It is ridiculous to talk to these people about freedom and freedoms.” On November 9, 1906, by an emergency decree, the peasants left the community. As a law, he began to act, having gone through a discussion in the III State Duma, only from June 14, 1910. Stolypin was not a supporter of the violent destruction of the community. He never demanded a general unification of the forms of land use and land tenure. Explaining the position of the government on the agrarian issue in the State Duma on May 10, 1907, he emphasized: “Let this property be common where the community has not yet become obsolete, let it be household where the community is no longer vital, but let it be strong, let hereditary." Violent measures were supposed in those cases when the community prevented the exit of the peasants, which was very common. The exit of the peasants from the community was implied in two stages: first, the cross-strip strengthening of allotments, and then the exit to cuts and farms. The family form of ownership of the land was removed, the allotment became not the collective property of the family, but the property of the landowner. Redemption payments for land were canceled, peasants were exempted from forced crop rotation in order to prevent excessive concentration of land in one hand and land speculation. The sale of land to non-peasants and the purchase within one county of more than 6 shower allotments, determined by the reform of 1861, were also prohibited. In different provinces, this allotment ranged from 12 to 18 acres. Since July 1912, the issuance of loans secured by collateral for the purchase of land by peasants was allowed, various forms of credit were introduced - agricultural, mortgage, land management, meliorative. However, not all ideas were ideally implemented in practice. The voluntariness of the exit of peasants from the community was not observed everywhere. Since the forced allocation of land from the community could be carried out at the request of at least one peasant during the general redistribution, and the period from redistribution to redistribution was 12 years, in 1909 the Ministry of the Interior issued a circular in which forced land allocations were allowed. Thus, the implementation of economic reforms was supported by administrative measures. The career of local governors and zemstvo chiefs largely depended on the implementation of the Decree of November 9, 1906, which pushed them to numerous abuses. The country lacked land surveyors capable of handling the amount of work required.
Stolypin did not support the idea of ​​leasing relations in agriculture, believing that temporary ownership of land would lead to its rapid depletion. An important part of Stolypin's agrarian legislation was the activity of the Peasant Bank, which bought up land and then resold it to the peasants on preferential terms, with part of these expenses financed by the state.
Stolypin paid special attention to the eastern part of the Russian Empire. In his speech of March 31, 1908 in the State Duma, devoted to the question of the expediency of building the Amur railway, he said: “Our eagle, the legacy of Byzantium, is a double-headed eagle. Of course, one-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off our Russian eagle one head facing the east, you will not turn it into a one-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed.” In 1910, Stolypin, together with the chief administrator of agriculture and land management, Krivoshein, made an inspection trip to Western Siberia and the Volga region.
Stolypin's policy regarding Siberia was to encourage the resettlement of peasants from the European part of Russia to its uninhabited expanses. This resettlement was part of the agrarian reform. One of the ways to allocate land to the government chose the path of resettlement policy in Siberia. By decree of March 10, 1906, everyone who wished, without restrictions, was granted the right to resettlement.
For immigrants in 1910, special railway cars were created. They differed from ordinary ones in that one part of them, the entire width of the wagon, was intended for peasant livestock and implements. Later, under Soviet rule, bars were placed in these cars, the cars themselves began to be used for the forced expulsion of kulaks and other "counter-revolutionary elements" to Siberia and Central Asia. Over time, they were completely repurposed for the transport of prisoners.

Stolypin made it a rule for himself not to interfere in foreign policy. However, during the Bosnian Crisis of 1909, the prime minister's direct intervention was needed. The crisis threatened to escalate into a war involving the Balkan states, the Austro-Hungarian, German and Russian empires. The prime minister's position was that the country was not ready for war, and military conflict should be avoided by any means. Ultimately, the crisis ended in a moral defeat for Russia. June 4, 1909 Wilhelm II met with Nicholas II. During breakfast on the imperial yacht Shtandart, the Russian prime minister was on the right hand of the distinguished guest, and a detailed conversation took place between them. Subsequently, while in exile, Wilhelm II reflected on how right Stolypin was when he warned him about the inadmissibility of a war between Russia and Germany, and emphasized that the war would ultimately lead to the fact that the enemies of the monarchical system would take all measures to achieve revolution. Immediately after breakfast, the German Kaiser told Adjutant General I.L. Tatishchev that "if he had such a Minister as Stolypin, then Germany would rise to the greatest heights."

It should be noted that Stolypin never made statements that humiliated and insulted the national feelings of small peoples. By his deep convictions, he was a Russian patriot, he understood the need to develop national identity, dignity and unity of the nation. Very interesting is the thought of Pyotr Arkadyevich that “peoples sometimes forget about their national tasks; but such peoples perish, they turn into land, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger. However, the policy pursued by him did not at all contribute to the resolution of the national question. The last reform projects in his life were associated with strengthening finances by increasing direct and especially indirect taxes, raising the excise tax on alcoholic beverages, introducing a progressive tax and a turnover tax. For the first time, Stolypin raised the question of reforming industry - foreign loans were supposed to be used only for the exploration of the bowels of the earth, the construction of railways, and especially paved roads. The creation of seven new ministries was envisaged. The political course outlined by Stolypin caused sharp criticism of him from both left and right political forces. It is interesting that contemporaries tried to express his political creed in such mutually exclusive assessments as "conservative liberal" and "liberal conservative".

In 1908, Stolypin began to be sharply criticized in the media. Conservatives accused him of indecision and inactivity, liberals labeled him "all-Russian governor", accused him of "dictatorial tastes and habits", socialist parties sharply criticized domestic politics, called him "chief hangman" and "pogromist". Stolypin's relations with the tsar deteriorated sharply at this time. Many historians believe that Nicholas II feared the usurpation of power by the prime minister. Indeed, Pyotr Arkadyevich allowed himself to have his own opinion even in those cases when it diverged from the position of the king. He could make impartial remarks to Nicholas II, for example, that the role of Grigory Rasputin in the court should not be allowed to rise. Palace dignitaries weaved intrigues behind Stolypin's back, quarreling him with the empress, who believed that the tsar was in the shadow of an active prime minister. When Alexandra Fedorovna was informed that at dinner at Stolypin's wife the officers were armed, which was accepted only at the royal table, she said: "Well, there were still two queens, now there will be three." In March 1911, Stolypin submitted his resignation due to the fact that the State Council finally rejected the bills on the Western Zemstvos. The tsar, after a short hesitation, did not accept the resignation and went to meet the demands of his prime minister, but it became clear to everyone that Stolypin's political career was put to rest.

The results of Stolypin's reforms, their economic and political impact are usually determined on the basis of statistical data, but various historians interpret them differently: the liberal ones say that Stolypin simply did not have enough time, the Soviet ones - about the failure of the reforms. If we talk about the ultimate goals of the reforms, they were not achieved, and in this sense, the reforms failed. But private results are very tangible: thanks to a system of political, economic and financial measures carried out from 1906 to 1915, up to a quarter of households emerged from the community, providing up to half of the market grain and raising their efficiency with the help of agricultural machinery and fertilizers. But in the absence of a social basis for reforms, with the conservatism of both the landlord and small-peasant economy, and most importantly, in the absence of time, Stolypin did not manage to become the Russian Bismarck.

On September 1, 1911, during the stay of the royal family in Kyiv, Stolypin was mortally wounded in the local opera house by the son of the local owner of an apartment building, Dmitry Bogrov, who approached Stolypin and shot him twice. The first bullet hit Stolypin in the arm, the second - in the stomach, hitting the liver. After being wounded, Stolypin crossed the tsar, sank heavily into a chair and said: "Happy to die for the Tsar." The following days passed in alarm, the doctors hoped for Stolypin's recovery, but on September 4, Stolypin's condition deteriorated sharply, and at about 10 pm on September 5, 1911, he died.
Stolypin was buried in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra, because at one time he bequeathed to bury him where death would overtake him.

Stolypin Pyotr Arkadievich - a prominent statesman and major reformer of Russia, State Councilor, Minister of the Interior, Prime Minister.

Biography

Childhood

Father, Arkady Dmitrievich, after participating in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, was appointed governor of the Balkans (Eastern Rumelia). Mother, Natalya Mikhailovna (nee - Gorchakova), was from the oldest family of Rurikovich. Being in the last month of pregnancy, she went to relatives in Dresden, where she gave birth to Peter. His childhood was spent in the Serednikovo estate and the Kolnoberge estate.

Education

From 1874 to 1879, Peter studied at the Vilna Gymnasium (modern Vilnius), from 1879 to 1881 - at the Oryol Gymnasium. Already in the years of study, he stood out among his peers with prudence, seriousness and a strong character. After high school, he graduated from the Imperial University (Physics and Mathematics) in St. Petersburg.

Career

Documents about the beginning of the career of the great reformer have not been preserved. Information on this subject is very contradictory: some claim that after university Stolypin worked in the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Industry, others immediately call the Ministry of Internal Affairs. However, it is known for certain that in two years Stolypin immediately overcame 5 steps of the bureaucratic ladder: 1886 - the rank of collegiate secretary (corresponding to the X class of the table of ranks), 1887 - assistant clerk (VII class), 1888 - the title of chamber junker (V class ).

In 1889, Stolypin was appointed marshal of the nobility in Koven (modern Kaunas) and chairman of the court of conciliators. In this position, Pyotr Arkadyevich is actively engaged in the development of agriculture and continues to move up the career ladder: one after another, promotions, titles and awards pour in on him.

In 1902, on the initiative of Plehve, Stolypin was appointed governor of Grodno. In Grodno, Stolypin carried out educational and agricultural reforms, but did not have time to turn around, as he was sent as governor to Saratov.

In 1906, by telegram, Stolypin was summoned to an appointment with the emperor, who offered him the dangerous post of Minister of the Interior. At that time, both previous ministers were killed by revolutionaries, Stolypin himself had already been the victim of assassination attempts 4 times, so it is quite clear that Pyotr Arkadyevich tried to refuse such royal favor. Nicholas II had no choice but to simply order. In the same year, he concurrently became prime minister.

Suffrage reforms

It was Stolypin who had to restrain the aggression of the First State Duma and participate in its dissolution. He did not have a relationship with the Second Duma, after the dissolution of which Stolypin carried out a number of reforms in the electoral system of the Russian Empire. The III Duma was already convened in accordance with the reforms carried out and was the brainchild of Stolypin, but in this way he could completely control it.

Law on courts-martial

For the rigidity of this law, adopted by Stolypin in 1907, the reformer was criticized, but he was forced to somehow stop the wave of bloody terror that swept the country in the early years of the 20th century: prominent statesmen, governors and ordinary people died at the hands of terrorists. According to this law, the offender was tried within 24 hours immediately after the commission of the crime at the same place where he was caught, and the sentence was carried out immediately within 24 hours.

Autonomy of Finland

The Principality of Finland was considered a special territory of the Russian Empire, which had its own autonomy. Stolypin carried out a number of decisive measures and achieved the limitation of this autonomy: since 1908, all the affairs of Finland were decided only through the Ministry of the Interior.

agrarian reform

Stolypin began to carry it out almost immediately. The main goal of the reform was the introduction of private ownership of land among the peasants and the settlement of free lands in Siberia, where entire wagons with peasants went. The reform promised excellent results, but the untimely death of Stolypin interrupted its course.

In 1911, just before his death, Stolypin managed to organize zemstvos in the western provinces.

Personal life

The personal life of the great reformer was very interesting. Having tragic origins, his marriage was long and happy. Peter's older brother, Mikhail, died in a duel, but before his death he bequeathed his bride, Olga Borisovna Neidgardt, to his younger brother. She was the great-great-granddaughter of Suvorov and at that time was at the court of the Empress as a maid of honor.

So Olga became the wife of Stolypin. There is no information about scandals and betrayals in the Stolypin family, so we can assume that the family life of the great politician was a success. The marriage produced 5 girls and 1 boy.

Death

In September 1811, Stolypin was with the emperor in Kyiv, where he was mortally wounded by the revolutionary Bogrov, who shot him twice at point blank range. The great reformer was buried in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra.

The main achievements of Stolypin

• The revolution of 1905-1907 was suppressed, and the Second State Duma was dissolved, thanks to Stolypin.
• Author of the agrarian reform (Stolypin). It envisaged the establishment of peasant private ownership of land.
• He passed a law on courts-martial, which toughened punishments for serious crimes.
• Established zemstvos in the western provinces.

Important dates in Stolypin's biography

• 1862 - birth
• 1874–1879 - Vilna Gymnasium
• 1879–1881 - Oryol Gymnasium
• 1881–1885 - studying at St. Petersburg University
• 1889–1902 - county marshal of the nobility in the Coven
• 1893 - Order of St. Anne
• 1901 - state councilor
• 1902 - Governor of Grodno
• 1906 Minister of the Interior, Prime Minister, Agrarian Reform
• 1907 Courts-Martial Act
• 1908 - limitation of the autonomy of the Principality of Finland
• 1911 - establishment of zemstvos in the western provinces, death

• Stolypin owns the famous phrase "They need great upheavals - we need great Russia."
• Stolypin was a second cousin of the great poet of the 19th century, M. Yu. Lermontov.
• While studying at the Imperial University of St. Petersburg, Stolypin was lucky enough to become a student of D. I. Mendeleev himself.
• Stolypin had poor control of his right hand. There is evidence that he shot himself in a duel with Shakhovsky, the murderer of his brother, who wounded Peter in the right hand.
• Historians count 11 assassination attempts that were made on the great reformer.
• In 1906, an explosion was organized on Aptekarsky Island, in the minister's mansion: dozens of people who found themselves in the house were killed. Stolypin's daughter, Natalia, was severely injured in her legs and could not walk for a long time. Son Arkady received bruises. Their nanny died in front of their eyes.

The name of Stolypin is associated with a number of transformations that have changed the life of our country. These are the agrarian reform, the strengthening of the Russian army and navy, the development of Siberia and the settlement of the vast eastern part of the Russian Empire. Stolypin considered his most important tasks to be the fight against separatism and the revolutionary movement that was corroding Russia. The methods used to accomplish these tasks were often cruel and uncompromising in nature (“Stolypin's tie”, “Stolypin's wagon”).

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was born in 1862 into a hereditary noble family. His father Arkady Dmitrievich was a military man, so the family had to move many times: 1869 - Moscow, 1874 - Vilna, and in 1879 - Orel. In 1881, after graduating from the gymnasium, Pyotr Stolypin entered the natural department of the Physics and Mathematics Faculty of St. Petersburg University. Stolypin the student was distinguished by zeal and diligence, and his knowledge was so deep that even with the great Russian chemist D.I. Mendeleev during the exam, he managed to start a theoretical dispute that went far beyond the curriculum. Stolypin was interested in the economic development of Russia and in 1884 he prepared a dissertation on tobacco crops in southern Russia.

From 1889 to 1902, Stolypin was the district marshal of the nobility in Kovno, where he was actively involved in enlightenment and education of the peasants, as well as organizing the improvement of their economic life. During this time, Stolypin received the necessary knowledge and experience in the management of agriculture. The energetic actions of the marshal of the district nobility are noticed by the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve. Stolypin becomes governor in Grodno.

In his new position, Pyotr Arkadyevich contributes to the development of farming and raising the educational level of the peasantry. Many contemporaries did not understand the aspirations of the governor and even condemned him. The elite was especially irritated by Stolypin's tolerant attitude towards the Jewish diaspora.

In 1903, Stolypin was transferred to the Saratov province. Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 he took it extremely negatively, emphasizing the unwillingness of the Russian soldier to fight in a foreign land for interests alien to him. The riots that began in 1905, which grew into the revolution of 1905-1907, Stolypin meets openly and boldly. He speaks to the protesters without fear of falling victim to the crowd, harshly suppresses speeches and illegal actions on the part of any political force. The vigorous activity of the Saratov governor attracted the attention of Emperor Nicholas II, who in 1906 appointed Stolypin the Minister of the Interior of the empire, and after the dissolution of the First State Duma, the Prime Minister.

The appointment of Stolypin was directly related to the decrease in the number of terrorist acts and criminal activity. Harsh measures were taken. Instead of little effective military courts, which tried cases of crimes against the state order, on March 17, 1907, courts-martial were introduced. They considered cases within 48 hours, and the sentence was carried out in less than a day after its announcement. As a result, the wave of the revolutionary movement subsided, and stability was restored in the country.

Stolypin spoke as unambiguously as he acted. His expressions have become classic. “They need great upheavals, we need a great Russia!” "For persons in power, there is no greater sin than the cowardly evasion of responsibility." “Peoples sometimes forget about their national tasks; but such peoples perish, they turn into land, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger. "Give the State twenty years of peace, internal and external, and you will not recognize today's Russia."

However, Stolypin's views on certain issues, especially in the field of national politics, provoked criticism, both from the “right” and from the “left”. From 1905 to 1911, 11 attempts were made on Stolypin. In 1911, the anarchist terrorist Dmitry Bogrov shot Stolypin twice in the Kiev theater, the wounds were fatal. The murder of Stolypin caused a wide reaction, national contradictions escalated, the country lost a man who sincerely and devotedly served not his personal interests, but the whole society and the whole state.

Silver coin of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation dedicated to the 150th anniversary of the birth of P.A. Stolypin

“They need great upheavals, we need Great Russia” (P.A. Stolypin).

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin - outstanding statesman of the Russian Empire.

He held the posts of district leader of the nobility in Kovno, governor of the Grodno and Saratov provinces, minister of the interior, and prime minister.

As prime minister, he passed a number of bills that went down in history as Stolypin agrarian reform. The main content of the reform was the introduction of private peasant land ownership.

On the initiative of Stolypin were introduced courts-martial tougher penalties for serious crimes.

With him was introduced Zemstvo law in the Western provinces, which limited the Poles, on his initiative the autonomy of the Grand Duchy of Finland was also limited, the electoral legislation was changed and the Second Duma was dissolved, which put an end to the revolution of 1905-1907.

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin

Biography of P.A. Stolypin

Childhood and youth

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was born on April 2, 1862 in Dresden, where his mother was visiting, where he was baptized in the Orthodox Church. He spent his childhood first in the Serednikovo estate in the Moscow province, and then in the Kolnoberge estate in the Kovno province. Stolypin was a second cousin of M.Yu. Lermontov.

Family coat of arms of the Stolypins

Stolypin studied at the Vilna, and then together with his brother at the Oryol gymnasium, after which he entered the natural department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the St. Petersburg Imperial University. During the training of Stolypin, one of the teachers of the university was the famous Russian scientist D. I. Mendeleev.

After graduating from the university, a young official in the service of the Department of Agriculture made a brilliant career, but soon moved to serve in the Ministry of the Interior. In 1889, he was appointed marshal of the nobility in the Kovno district and chairman of the Kovno court of conciliators.

To Kovno

Now it is the city of Kaunas. Stolypin served in Kovno for about 13 years - from 1889 to 1902. This time was the most peaceful in his life. Here he was engaged in the Agricultural Society, under whose tutelage was the entire local economic life: the education of the peasants and the increase in the productivity of their farms, the introduction of advanced farming methods and new varieties of grain crops. He became intimately familiar with local needs and gained administrative experience.

For diligence in the service, he was marked by new ranks and awards: he was appointed an honorary justice of the peace, a titular adviser, and then promoted to collegiate assessors, awarded the first Order of St. Anna, in 1895 he was promoted to court councilors, in 1896 he received the court rank of chamberlain, promoted to collegiate, and in 1901 to state councilors.

During his life in Kovno, Stolypin had four daughters - Natalya, Elena, Olga and Alexandra.

In mid-May 1902, when Stolypin and his family were on vacation in Germany, he was urgently summoned to St. Petersburg. The reason was his appointment as Grodno governor.

In Grodno

P.A. Stolypin - Governor of Grodno

In June 1902, Stolypin assumed the duties of the governor of Grodno. It was a small city, the national composition of which (like the provinces) was heterogeneous (Jews predominated in large cities; the aristocracy was represented mainly by Poles, and the peasantry by Belarusians). On the initiative of Stolypin, a Jewish two-class public school, a vocational school, and a special type of women's parish school were opened in Grodno, in which, in addition to general subjects, drawing, drawing and needlework were taught.

On the second day of work, he closed the Polish Club, where "insurgent moods" dominated.

Having settled into the position of governor, Stolypin began to implement reforms that included:

• resettlement of peasants on farms (a separate peasant estate with a separate farm)
• the elimination of striped land (the location of land plots of one farm in strips interspersed with other people's plots. Striped land arose in Russia with regular redistribution of communal land)
• introduction of artificial fertilizers, improved agricultural implements, multi-field crop rotations, land reclamation
• development of cooperation (joint participation in labor processes)
• agricultural education of the peasants.

These innovations were criticized by large landowners. But Stolypin insisted on the need for knowledge for the people.

In Saratov

But soon the Minister of the Interior Plehve offered him a governor's post in Saratov. Despite Stolypin's reluctance to move to Saratov, Plehve insisted. At that time, the Saratov province was considered prosperous and rich. 150 thousand inhabitants lived in Saratov, there were 150 plants and factories, 11 banks, 16 thousand houses, almost 3 thousand shops and shops in the city. The Saratov province included the large cities of Tsaritsyn (now Volgograd) and Kamyshin.

After the defeat in the war with Japan, the Russian Empire was swept by a wave of revolution. Stolypin showed rare courage and fearlessness - he was unarmed and without any protection entered the center of the raging crowds. This had such an effect on the people that the passions subsided by themselves. Nicholas II twice expressed his personal gratitude to him for his diligence, and in April 1906 summoned Stolypin to Tsarskoye Selo and said that he closely followed his actions in Saratov and, considering them exceptionally outstanding, appointed him Minister of the Interior. Stolypin tried to refuse the appointment (by that time he had already survived four assassination attempts), but the emperor insisted.

Minister of Internal Affairs

He remained in this post until the end of his life (when appointed prime minister, he combined two posts).

Under the jurisdiction of the Minister of the Interior were:

• administration of postal and telegraph affairs
• state police
• jail, exile
• provincial and county administrations
• cooperation with zemstvos
• food business (providing the population with food in case of crop failure)
• fire Department
• insurance
• the medicine
• veterinary medicine
• local courts, etc.

The beginning of his work in a new post coincided with the beginning of the work of the First State Duma, which was mainly represented by the leftists, who from the very beginning of their work took a course towards confrontation with the authorities. There was a strong opposition between the executive and the legislature. After the dissolution of the First State Duma, Stolypin became the new prime minister (read more about the history of the State Duma on our website:). He also replaced I. L. Goremykin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. As prime minister, Stolypin acted with great energy. He was also a brilliant orator who knew how to convince and convince.

Stolypin's relations with the Second State Duma were tense. The Duma included more than a hundred representatives of parties that directly advocated the overthrow of the existing system - the RSDLP (later divided into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks) and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who repeatedly staged assassinations and assassinations of top officials of the Russian Empire. Polish deputies advocated the separation of Poland from the Russian Empire into a separate state. The two most numerous factions of the Cadets and the Trudoviks advocated the forced expropriation of land from the landlords with subsequent transfer to the peasants. Stolypin was the head of the police, so in 1907 he published in the Duma the “Government Report on a Conspiracy” discovered in the capital and aimed at committing terrorist acts against the emperor, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich and against himself. The government issued an ultimatum to the Duma, demanding that the parliamentary immunity of the alleged participants in the conspiracy be lifted, giving the Duma the shortest time to respond. The Duma did not immediately agree to the terms of the government and proceeded to the procedure for discussing the requirements, and then the tsar, without waiting for a final answer, dissolved the Duma on June 3. The act of June 3 formally violated the "Manifesto of October 17", in connection with which it was called the "June 3 coup".

The new electoral system, which was used in elections to the State Dumas of the III and IV convocations, increased the representation in the Duma of landowners and wealthy citizens, as well as the Russian population in relation to national minorities, which led to the formation of a pro-government majority in the III and IV Dumas. The "Octobrists" in the center ensured that Stolypin passed bills by entering into a coalition on various issues with either right or left members of parliament. At the same time, the less numerous All-Russian National Union party was distinguished by close personal ties with Stolypin.

The Third Duma was "the creation of Stolypin." Stolypin's relationship with the Third Duma was a complex mutual compromise. The general political situation in the Duma turned out to be such that the government was afraid to introduce to the Duma all laws related to civil and religious equality (especially with the legal status of Jews), since a heated discussion of such topics could force the government to dissolve the Duma. Stolypin was unable to reach an understanding with the Duma on the fundamentally important issue of reforming local government; the entire package of government bills on this topic was stuck in parliament forever. At the same time, government budget projects have always been supported by the Duma.

Law on courts-martial

The creation of this law was dictated by the conditions of revolutionary terror in the Russian Empire. Over the past few years, there have been many (tens of thousands) terrorist attacks with a total death toll of 9,000 people. Among them were both the highest officials of the state and ordinary policemen. Often the victims were random people. Several terrorist attacks were prevented personally against Stolypin and his family members, the revolutionaries sentenced to death by poisoning even Stolypin's only son, who was only 2 years old. He was killed by terrorists V. Plehve ...

Stolypin's dacha on Aptekarsky Island after the explosion

During the assassination attempt on Stolypin on August 12, 1906, two of Stolypin's children, Natalya (14 years old) and Arkady (3 years old), were also injured. At the time of the explosion, they, along with the nanny, were on the balcony and were thrown by the blast wave onto the pavement. Natalya's leg bones were crushed, she could not walk for several years, Arkady's injuries were not serious, but the children's nanny died. This attempt on Aptekarsky Island was carried out by the St. Petersburg organization of the Union of Socialist-Revolutionary Maximalists, which was formed in early 1906. The organizer was Mikhail Sokolov. August 12, Saturday, was Stolypin's reception day at the government dacha on Aptekarsky Island in St. Petersburg. Reception began at 14:00. At about half past three, a carriage drove up to the dacha, from which two people in gendarmerie uniforms got out with briefcases in their hands. In the first waiting room, the terrorists threw their briefcases to the next door and rushed away. There was an explosion of great force, more than 100 people were injured: 27 people died on the spot, 33 were seriously injured, many later died.

The prime minister himself and the visitors in his office received bruises (the door was torn off its hinges).

August 19 were introduced courts-martial to expedite the handling of terrorist cases. The trial took place within a day after the commission of the crime. The trial could last no more than two days, the sentence was carried out in 24 hours. The introduction of courts-martial was due to the fact that the military courts showed, in the opinion of the government, excessive leniency and dragged out the consideration of cases. Whereas in the military courts cases were tried in front of the accused, who could use the services of defense counsel and represent their witnesses, in the courts-martial the accused were deprived of all rights.

In his speech of March 13, 1907, before the deputies of the Second Duma, Stolypin justified the need for this law to work as follows: The state can, the state is obliged, when it is in danger, to adopt the most stringent, most exclusive laws in order to protect itself from disintegration.

Artist O. Leonov "Stolypin"

During the six years of the law (from 1906 to 1911), from 683 to 6 thousand people were executed by the verdicts of courts-martial, and 66 thousand were sentenced to hard labor. Most executions were carried out by hanging.

Subsequently, Stolypin was sharply condemned for such harsh measures. The death penalty was rejected by many, and its use was directly associated with the policy pursued by Stolypin . The terms "rapid justice" and "Stolypin's reaction" came into use. Cadet F. I. Rodichev, during his speech in a fit of temper, made an insulting expression "Stolypin's tie", referring to executions. The prime minister challenged him to a duel. Rodichev publicly apologized, which was accepted. Despite this, the expression "Stolypin's tie" has become catchy. By these words was meant the noose of the gallows.

Many prominent people of that time spoke out against the courts-martial: Leo Tolstoy, Leonid Andreev, Alexander Blok, Ilya Repin. The law on courts-martial was not submitted by the government for approval to the Third Duma and automatically expired on April 20, 1907. But as a result of the measures taken, the revolutionary terror was suppressed. The state order in the country was preserved.

I. Repin "Portrait of Stolypin"

Russification of Finland

During Stolypin's premiership, the Grand Duchy of Finland was a special region of the Russian Empire. He pointed out the unacceptability of certain features of power in Finland (many revolutionaries and terrorists were hiding from justice there). In 1908, he ensured that Finnish cases affecting Russian interests were considered in the Council of Ministers.

Jewish question

In the Russian Empire of the times of Stolypin, the Jewish question was a problem of national importance. There were a number of restrictions for the Jews. In particular, outside the so-called Pale of Settlement, they were prohibited from permanent residence. Such inequality in relation to part of the population of the empire on religious grounds led to the fact that many young people who were infringed in their rights went to revolutionary parties. But the solution of this issue progressed with difficulty. Stolypin believed that Wraiths have legal rights to seek full equality.

Assassination attempts on Stolypin

From 1905 to 1911, 11 attempts were made on Stolypin, the last of which achieved its goal. The assassination attempts in the Saratov province were spontaneous, and then they became more organized. The bloodiest is the assassination attempt on Aptekarsky Island, which we have already talked about. Some attempts were uncovered in the process of their preparation. At the end of August 1911, Emperor Nicholas II with his family and associates, including Stolypin, were in Kyiv on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Alexander II. On September 14, 1911, the emperor and Stolypin attended the play "The Tale of Tsar Saltan" at the Kiev city theater. The head of the Kyiv security department had information that terrorists had arrived in the city with a specific purpose. The information was obtained from secret informant Dmitry Bogrov. It turned out that he was the one who planned the assassination. By pass, he went to the city opera house, during the second intermission he approached Stolypin and fired twice: the first bullet hit his arm, the second one hit his stomach, hitting his liver. After being wounded, Stolypin crossed the tsar, sank heavily into a chair and said: "Happy to die for the Tsar." Four days later, Stolypin's condition deteriorated sharply, and he died the next day. There is an opinion that shortly before his death, Stolypin said: "They will kill me, and the members of the guard will kill me."

In the first lines of Stolypin's opened will, it was written: "I want to be buried where they will kill me." Stolypin's instructions were carried out: Stolypin was buried in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra.

Conclusion

The assessment of Stolypin's activity is contradictory and ambiguous. Some single out only negative aspects in it, others consider him a "brilliant political figure", a person who could save Russia from future wars, defeats and revolutions. We would like to quote lines from the book by S. Rybas "Stolypin", which very accurately characterize the attitude of people towards historical figures: “... from this figure emanates the eternal tragedy of a Russian educated active person: in an extreme situation, when the traditional methods of government cease to work, he comes to the fore, when the situation stabilizes, he begins to annoy, and he is removed from the political arena. And then nobody is really interested in the person, the symbol remains.”

Pyotr Stolypin was born on April 1 (14), 1862 in Dresden. As a high school student, he stood out for his inquisitiveness, strong character and justice.

In 1881 he graduated from the gymnasium and left for St. Petersburg, where he entered the natural department of the physics and mathematics department. One of his teachers was D. I. Mendeleev.

He highly appreciated the abilities of the young man and gave him an “excellent” at the exam in chemistry.

Start of activity

Getting acquainted with a brief biography of Pyotr Arkadevich Stolypin , One cannot help but be surprised by the swiftness of his career.

In 1884, while continuing his studies, he entered the service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. A year later he received the rank of collegiate secretary. A year later, Stolypin became assistant clerk of the Department of Agricultural Industry and Agriculture.

In 1888, he received the title of chamber junker. In the autumn of the same year he was promoted to titular councilor. In March 1889 he received the position of marshal of the nobility.

Service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs

The beginning of the activity of Pyotr Arkadyevich coincided with the beginning of the work of the State Duma. It was mainly represented by liberals, constantly opposing the authorities. Stolypin's relationship with the deputies was complicated. Every time they tried to disrupt his performances. Stolypin was rescued only by the fact that he was a wonderful speaker.

Stolypin immediately reacted to revolutionary encroachments. He believed that order in Russia should be protected "fairly and firmly."

After the dissolution of the Duma and the government of I. L. Goremykin, Pyotr Arkadievich became the new prime minister.

agrarian reform

The beginning of the reform of the “peasant question” was preceded by the November decree of 1906. A wide range of measures was proclaimed to destroy the collective land ownership of an agricultural society and create a peasant class. The full owners of the land, according to this decree, were the peasants.

The decree stated that the one who owns the land on a communal right can at any time demand that certain sections of it be strengthened as personal property.

Evaluation of this Stolypin reform is difficult due to the fact that it was not fully implemented.

Foreign policy

With regard to foreign states, Stolypin tried to adhere to a policy of non-intervention. The exception was the Bosnian crisis, which threatens to escalate into a war with the Balkan countries, the Republic of Ingushetia, the German and Austro-Hungarian empires.

Pyotr Arkadievich believed that Russia should not interfere because of its unpreparedness for military action. The result of the crisis was the moral defeat of the Republic of Ingushetia. After that, at the insistence of the Prime Minister, the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, A.P. Izvolsky, was relieved of his post.

Kiev assassination and death

In the summer of 1911, Stolypin, together with Nicholas II, arrived in Kyiv. After the opening of the monument to Alexander II, the emperor and the prime minister went to the city opera house.

The attempt on the life of Pyotr Arkadyevich was carried out by a secret informant D. Bogrov. During the second intermission, he approached Stolypin and fired two shots at him.

The wound turned out to be fatal. Pyotr Arkadyevich passed away on September 5, 1911. On September 9, the body of the Prime Minister was buried with honors in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra.

Other biography options

• Stolypin predicted his death prophetically. Shortly before his death, he said that he would soon be killed, and that members of his guard would kill him.
• Kaiser Wilhelm II admired the personality of the Prime Minister. On June 4, 1909, Stolypin warned him about the inadmissibility of war between their countries. The Kaiser recognized his correctness, already being in exile.
• In total, 11 attempts were made on Stolypin.