Russian-Dagestan-Kalmyk relations in the 17th century.

Based on the materials of Kumyk-Kalmyk contacts.

The question of the relationship of the political units of Dagestan with the Kalmyks, in particular, with the Kalmyk Khanate, in the 15th century. refers to the "blank spots" of the history of Dagestan, since it was not considered at all in medieval studies. Only M.M. Batmaev, in his dissertation, mentions the campaign of Russian troops and Kalmyks against Budai Shamkhal in 1686. He also points out: "The relations of the Kalmyk Khanate with the peoples of the North Caucasus and Central Asia were sporadic, limited to the sphere of trade interests, and were sometimes interrupted by mutual attacks. The tsarist government often relied on the Kalmyks to change the situation in their favor in these areas with their help. However, in support of these provisions, M.M. Batmaev does not provide source material of the 17th century. in relation to Dagestan (with the only exception mentioned above. - A.Sh.).

Information about the Dagestan-Kalmyk contacts of the 17th century. are contained mainly in the Russian archives: the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (hereinafter - WG ADA) - f.119 "Kalmyk Affairs", the Archive of St. Petersburg OII RAS - f.178 "Astrakhan Order Chamber", etc. However, they are quite fragmentary in nature, which predetermined the structure of this article. Note that these materials are of Russian origin and are largely related to Russia's policy in Dagestan, so we consider Dagestan-Kalmyk relations in the context of the latter.

The advance of the Oirats (Kalmyks. - A.Sh.) from western Mongolia to the west led their nomadic pastures to the 40s. 17th century in the Volga region. At the end of 1643 - beginning of 1644. Significant detachments of Kalmyks under the command of taishas (princes) Urlyuk, Dayan-Erki and Lauzan crossed the Volga and advanced to the southwest. The main forces of the Kalmyks broke into the territory of Kabarda and were defeated there by the Small Nogai (the same as the Kaziev ulus - Nogai nomad camps in the steppes of the central and western parts of the North Caucasus).

A smaller part of them, led by Dayan-Erki, together with the Nogais subordinate to the Kalmyks, unsuccessfully attacked the Russian Terek fortress on January 4, 1644, retreated from it on the same day, crossed the Terek to the southern "kumyk" his side. Here the Kalmyks moved to Baraguny ( Kumyk fief- ed.), however, having stumbled upon the nomad camps of the Great Nogai Murza (the so-called Nogai nomad camps of the Great Nogai Horde, which had lost its unified statehood by the middle of the 17th century, under the blows of the Kalmyks repeatedly retreated to the North Caucasus and Dagestan - A. Sh.) Karasain Ishterekov, attacked and "pogromized" them. Other Nogai murzas, Yanmamet and Kudenet, took refuge in Endirey. Near Endirey, the Dayan-Erki detachment took the fight with the Nogais and Endireys and "having been hurt" (having fought. - A.Sh.), retreated to the interfluve of the Terek and Aksai. Around January 20, 1644, the Kalmyks crossed to the left bank of the Terek and left for the Volga region.

On July 10, 1644, the bridles of the Kabardian prince Budachey Sunchaleevich informed the Terek governors that, according to rumors "from many foreigners", the ruler of the Endirean principality Kazanalp and the Kabardian murza Uruskhan Yansokhov were negotiating with the Kalmyk ambassador in Endirey, and allegedly Kazanalp agreed with the Murzas of Malaya Kabarda Kazy Mudarov, Kelmamet Ibakov, kozlar (an influential bridle - A.Sh.) Sozoruka Anzorov to send U. Yansokhov with the Kalmyk ambassador to the taishas. On July 19, 1644, the Terek Cossacks reported in Terki that they had heard from local Uzdens in Baraguny about the arrival of the Kalmyk ambassador in Andirey. On the same day, the bridle of the serviceman of the Terek Kabardian prince Mutsal Cherkassky confirmed the information about the emissary of the Kalmyks, giving the Terek voivodes the following information, Saltanaley Aksakkelmametev, Murza of the Big Nogaevs, came to Kazanalp from the Kalmyk people, and "... does not know his name"; the purpose of his visit is to ensure that Kazanalp is "... in peace and in unity and friendship" with the Kalmyks and Saltanalei, concludes an alliance with them and consolidates it with an exchange of hostages; after the conclusion of the alliance, jointly attack the murzas of Big Kabarda Aleguk Sheganukov and Khodozhduk Kazyev, the possessions of the Kabardian murzas Budachey and Mutsal Cherkassky and the Nogais of the Small Horde, who are guilty of the death of Kazanalp's brother Aydemir-shamkhal, and "... now their Kalmyk people have been beaten"; if the prince of Endirey does not go with the Kalmyks to Bolshaya Kabarda, then at least let him not interfere with their campaign; the emissary, having been in Endirey, is now with the influential Nogai of the Great Horde "Kulai Batyr" and is waiting for U. Yansokhov to go "to the Kalmyks" with him.

Thus, the Kalmyk ambassador offered Kazanalp of Endyrei and, possibly, allied princes of Little Kabarda (K. Ibakov, K. Mudarov, etc.) a military alliance against a common enemy: the rulers of Big Kabarda and the Small Nogays, who defeated the united army of princes in 1641 Malaya Kabarda, Shamkhal Aydemir and Big Nogays, and the Kalmyks who defeated the Kalmyks in 1644, and the most influential Urlyuk-taisha and his three sons fell in battle.

The Russian government, undoubtedly, demanded from the Dagestan princes an answer about relations with the Kalmyk Khanate and forbade any contacts with the latter without its sanction. This is evidenced by: Surkhay-Shamkhal's letter dated 1645, in which he denies negotiations with the Kalmyks; a letter from Kazanalp of Endirey dated the same year, where he assures that he had no contacts with the Kalmyks, no, and will not be without a royal command, and if the ambassadors of the latter continue to appear in Endirey, he will hand them over to the Terek governors. If Surkhay-shamkhal can still be trusted in this matter, then Kazanalp, in the light of the above information, cannot. He justified himself before Moscow, of course, knowing that Urlyuk's campaign in the North Caucasus was undertaken without the sanction of Russia against the Kalmyks in 1644, military measures were taken by the Russian governors.

In 1648, A. Sheganukov and H. Kazyev complained about Kazanalp's contacts with the Kalmyks in a letter to the tsar, claiming that he had concluded an alliance with the Kalmyks, "ambassadors and messengers" referred to them.

A large set of information on the problem under study refers to 1658-1662. Their presence is explained by the strengthened Russian-Kalmyk relations (1657 is considered the year of the final entry of the Kalmyks into Russia, the year of the beginning of their regular military service on the calls of the Russian government), the stay of the Big Nogais in the territory of the Shamkhalate, primarily on the lands of the Endirei Principality, which was part of the latter and the desire of Russia, with the help of the Kalmyks, to return them under its direct control, etc.

On February 16, 1658, the bridle of one of the Endirean rulers, Chepolov, who had left for the royal service in the Terek city with a large number of subjects, informed the Astrakhan governors that Kazanalp of Endirey and Shamkhal Surkhay were going to attack Terki in the spring (probably because of Chepolov's "departure". - A.Sh.). The hostile intentions and military demonstrations of the above-mentioned rulers, who attracted Saltanash, Yamgurchey and other murzas of Bolshoi Nogaev, who roamed their lands, were reported in March 1658 by the Terek governor to Astrakhan, from where reinforcements were sent to Terki - 120 archers and soldiers.

On March 28, the Astrakhan governors received a letter from the Terek from the Kabardian princes Kasai and Saltanash Cherkassky with confirmation of the hostile intentions of the Shamkhalians and the following advice: send messengers from Astrakhan to the Kalmyk Daichin-taisha and other taishas, ​​since they are subjects of the king, so that Daichin send troops against Shamkhalians and Nogais of the Great Horde and "... with those Kalmyk news to the Kumyk and Nagai people, threaten and incite and prevent their arrival near the Terek city."

The Astrakhan governors immediately ordered their Terek colleague to spread a rumor in the Terek city about the impending campaign of the Kalmyks against the Dagestanis ( Kumyks- ed.) to scare them and "reassure" the Tertsians. The result was not slow to tell: on April 12, 1658, the "fish industrialist" I. Savelyev, who arrived from Terka, informed the governors in Astrakhan that Kazanalp and Shamkhal Surkhay, having learned about the arrival of reinforcements in the Terek fortress and the threat of an attack by the Kalmyks, sent messengers three times to the Terek governor with a request not to wage war against them, including with the help of the Kalmyks, and promised to give hostages, send ambassadors to Moscow, etc. . Nevertheless, the Astrakhan governors, on the orders of the tsar, sent two messengers to taisha Daichin Urlyukov with a letter of the following content: it is known about attacks on the Kalmyk possessions of the "Kumyk people" Surkhay-shamkhal, Kazanalp and Big Nogai and similar actions against the Russians; therefore, the voevodas warned the Dagestanis and Nogai Murzas in writing that if they "didn't go away", then they would be attacked by the tsarist troops and Kalmyks; let Daichin send his ambassadors to Shamkhal and Kaznalp with the same threat, and if this does not have an effect, then let Daichin be ready to send his Kalmyks and Nogais subject to him together with the Russians against the Shamkhalians and Big Nogais.

In September 1658 and later, the Astrakhan governors sent messengers to Saltanash and Yamgurchey, who roamed with their uluses on the Kumyk plane, with an appeal to return to Astrakhan. On December 30, 1658, the Nogai rulers told one of the messengers that they were afraid to roam near Astrakhan because of the Kalmyks.

In November and December 1660, Russia encouraged the Kalmyks to attack the Crimea. Big Nogai were among the targets of the attack. The Kalmyks raided Dagestan and drove off 2000 horses from the Nogai Murzas Saltanash, Yamgurchey and Karakasai, who roamed near Tarki and Endirey. The blow was taken, no doubt, with the aim of returning the Nogais to Astrakhan. On December 29, 1660, the envoy of Daichin and his son Monchak (Puntsuk) informed the Astrakhan governors about the thoughts of the taishas about the possibility of the Saltanash uluses to roam with them. In April 1661, a report was received in Astrakhan about the consultations of the murzas of Saltanash and Karakasai with Kazanalp of Endirey about the possibility of them leaving Dagestan and about the desire of the Nogai murza Islam Chubarmametev, who roamed in Northern Dagestan, to leave to roam "in the Kalmyks".

On August 8, 1661, the service prince of Kabardian K.M. arrived in Astrakhan. Cherkassky with 1000 Kalmyk warriors and reported that the taishas Daichin, Monchak and Manzhik gave him this detachment to go to the Terek and convince the Big Nogais to roam under the rule of the king near the Terek city or near Astrakhan, or together with the Kalmyks, since the latter are also subjects of the king; Cherkassky also reported that the Nogai Murzas Islam Chubarmametev and Sain Yashterekov had already expressed their desire to roam with the Kalmyks.

August 13 K.M. Cherkassky with his detachment set out from Astrakhan to the Terek fortress in order to "persuade" the Nogais to roam near Astrakhan and give hostages to it and prevent them from leaving for the Crimea.

August 16 Astrakhan Governor G.S. Cherkassky received news that the shamkhal and "all the Kumyk people" wanted to kill Yamgurchey-Murza, "... take the evo's uluses" because he is supposedly a subject of the tsar and wants a shamkhal under an agreement with K.M. Cherkassky "visit a Kalmyk".

August 28, 1661 the envoy of "Daichinov's related person" Esen-Tarkhan arrived from the detachment of K.M. Cherkassky from the Terek to Astrakhan with the message: Karakasai and Saltanash left the territory of the Tersko-Sulak interfluve and went to roam "in the Kalmyk uluses" with 5000 of their "ulus people". On September 8, Astrakhan learned that these Nogai Murzas were already wandering in the "Mochaki" (lower reaches of the Volga. - A.Sh.). km Cherkassky was still with the troops on the Terek with the aim of transferring the Bolshoi Nogays remaining in Dagestan to the left bank of the Terek and further to the north, and "... for the time being de Yamgurcheyi, other murzas with their ulus people will cross to this side of the Terek River, so that they Kumyk people didn’t fight and what bad things they didn’t do for those de murzas from the Kumyk people, Kaspulat of Murza Cherkasskaya became an outpost with all military people and protects them.

On October 6, 1661, news was received in Astrakhan: K.M. Cherkassky negotiated with Kazanalp of the Endyrean and took an oath from him that: Shamkhal, Kazanalp and Chepolov of the Endyrean would be "serfs" of the tsar and give back Russian citizens, guns and property captured by the shamkhal.

Thus, with the support of the Kalmyks, Russia managed to force the Nogais to partially leave Dagestan and regulate relations with the Shamkhal princes.

On December 28, 1661, the envoys of Daichin - Uvashakashka Tuluev and Monchaka Zorgul Zarituev announced in Astrakhan that they were sent to Dagestan to Shamkhal Surkhay and Kazanalp and other "Kumyk owners" with the fact that: taishas became subjects of the tsar and carry out military service to him; let the Dagestan princes also faithfully serve Russia, otherwise the Kalmyks will attack them.

In December 1661, G.S. Cherkassky learned that the ambassador of taisha Yalba (Daichin's grandson) was in Krasny Yar, who wanted to go through Astrakhan to Tarki to Shamkhal Surkhay in order to wed Shamkhal's daughter to Yalba.

In March 1662, Daichin's envoy Alybai Tarkhan reported in Astrakhan: 2 months ago, on behalf of Daichin and Monchak, he went to Kazanalp so that the Dagestan princes were "in peace and unity" with the Kalmyks; Kazanalp declared at the talks that he was ready to be an ally of the taishas and would send his ambassadors "separately" to the taishas Daichin, Monchak, Yalba and Darya in the spring; Kazanalp proposed a project for a defensive military alliance, when the Dagestanis with the Kalmyks are "peaceful in everything": "... and who will teach them to go to war with Kalmyk taishas and they will teach them de Kumyk owners to help their people give, and they would de Kalmyk taishas to them , the Kumyk owners were against the fact that they gave people to help ".

Relations between the Kalmyks and the Shamkhal rulers escalated in the early 1970s. XVII century: On February 27, 1673, the ruler of the Kalmyk Khanate, Ayuka, declared at a meeting with the Astrakhan governors: "Kumyk owners" were guilty before the tsar and the Kalmyks would go to war against them for this. Russia was really in conflict with the Shamkhalians at that time: on May 22, 1673, Shamkhal Budai, Chepolov of Endirey and Nogay Karakasai-Murza attacked the city of Terek, however, without success.

In August 1673 K.M. Cherkassky and Ayuka Khan went "... to the service of the great sovereign", on a campaign against Chepolov and Karakasai; the campaign was successful: among the Endyreans and Nogais "... many people were beaten and animal herds were driven away." The blow had an effect: the Endyrean princes swore an oath to the king "in eternal servility." On December 18, 1674, a letter came to Moscow from the Endyrean rulers Chepolov and Alibek with the following content: they swore allegiance to the tsar, and the Kalmyks attacked them - "they are fighting incessantly"; the princes of Endirey asked the king to reconcile them with the Kalmyks, so that the latter would not attack them in the future. The appeal was met kindly: on March 12, 1675, the tsar ordered to send a letter to K.M. Cherkassky with an order to reconcile Chepolov and other Endirean rulers with the Kalmyks, and also send a letter to Ayuka: let him forbid the Kalmyks to attack Chepolov and Alibek.

In March 1681, Ayuka Khan took the oath to the tsar and at the same time asked that the Astrakhan voivode, who came to him from Dagestan, Alibek, the “brother” of Budai Shamkhal, give a fur coat as a gift, but was refused, since the royal salary, “a fur coat and a hat ", Alibek received at one time when he was sworn in on the Terek.

On February 22, 1682, the Terek interpreter S. Dmitriev advised using the Ayuka Kalmyks to escort the Imeretian king Archil to the city of Terek in order to eliminate the danger from Shamkhal Budai, since "the Shevkalov people are afraid of the Kalmyks" and Ayuka roams 2 days away from Terka.

During the aggravation of Russian-Kalmyk relations, in 1682, the Kalmyks came to the Terek channel "Kizlar", brought with them "many Russian yasyr" (captives. - A.Sh.) and came into contact with Budai-shamkhal and Chepolov.

On September 25, 1685, the Astrakhan governors decided to give a cash salary to 913 archers sent to the Terek fortress for an annual service, and "... that dacha for their current services" - they were ordered to go on a campaign against Shamkhal Budai together with Ayuka.

On December 21, 1685, a letter arrived in Astrakhan from Ayuki Khan: he sent a messenger to Budai-shamkhal with an order to serve the kings (young Ivan and Peter), like the former shamkhals, and the kings would "compass" him; Budai-shamkhal told the messenger that he was ready to give the kings an oath and serve them, if he was "favoured", like the former shamkhals. On December 24, 1685, the Astrakhan governors, having read the letter, sent a messenger to Ayuka with an order to speak to him "... about Shevkal's case against the previous parcels." Apparently, the campaign against the shamkhal did not take place (considering the above-mentioned Ayuka's embassy to the shamkhal and the lack of information about the campaign and its results in the sources). In 1686, there was a letter from the Astrakhan governor to Shamkhal: he sent his representatives to Astrakhan and the governors, before the royal decree, agreed with them to live with the Shamkhal in "friendship" and trade, which the Russian side does, while the subjects of Budai-Shamkhal plundered the Russian trade ship bound for Iran.

On January 27, 1687 in Astrakhan they learned the answer: the shamkhal would free the Russians captured on the ship "with the knowledge of Ayukaya taishi", but he would not return the goods! .

In May 1687, the Astrakhan governors sent a letter to Ayuka: they had previously written to him to demand that the shamkhal release the Russians he had detained, and Ayuka’s representative Tarba told the governors in Astrakhan: the shamkhal would give them back when he received the royal salary. The governors sarcastically declared that, as they thought, they should ask for a salary, showing their service to the kings; let Ayuka again turn to the shamkhal with a demand to hand over the Russian subjects, then the latter will "... receive royal favor." Shamkhal behaved so independently in relation to Moscow, in particular, because he was on good terms with Ayuka-Khan.

A sharp contrast against this background is the conflict between the Kalmyks and the princes of Endirey and the position of Russia towards him. In 1686, Ayuka wrote to Moscow: "people" of Endireev's Chepolov and Alibek killed "brother Ayukaev" and 7 more Kalmyks; he asks the kings to give him an auxiliary detachment for a campaign against Endyrei. Information about the murder of brother Ayuki at the instigation of the Endireys is confirmed by the Kumyk historical work "Tarihi Endirey". The Kalmyk historical chronicle says that Ayuka Khan forgave "... Murtazalia, who killed Evo, Ayuki Khan, the younger brother." In this regard, it is appropriate to recall Chepolov's younger brother and Alibek Murtuzali. It is possible to interpret the data of the chronicle about Murtuzali not as a performer, but as an instigator.

Russia denied Ayuka Khan military support against Endirey, since his princes have "... allegiance to the kings and serve faithfully." In 1687, the Kalmyk embassy, ​​headed by Erden, again asked Moscow for troops against the Endyreans, but was refused with the same motivation.

Ayuka made a trip to Northern Dagestan on his own. On October 19, 1686, a royal letter was sent to the governors of Astrakhan: the kings order Ayuke Khan "taken full of both horses and animals, that he took Ayukai from Chepolov and Alibek by war, to give the last Nogai Karakasai and Chin Yashterekov", whom "... he , Ayukai, took from Chepolov's possessions, he was ordered to send Ayukai to Astrakhan with all their taken people and their belongings to roam and ordered to Astrakhan ". On October 29, I. Kashkarin was sent to Ayuka from Astrakhan to demand what was ordered in a letter and oblige Ayuka not to attack Endirey without a royal order. On November 27, Kalmyk messengers delivered Ayuka's letter to the Astrakhan governors: I will let Karakasai and Chin go to Astrakhan if they themselves want; as for Chepolov, he is in contact with Crimea hostile to Russia; if Chepolov gives Ayuka "my people", then the latter will be with him "in peace". In 1686, Chepolov, in a letter to the Astrakhan governor I. F. Volynsky, categorically denied the Kalmyk accusations against him of having contacts with the Crimea.

In December 1692, the envoy of Ayuki reported in Astrakhan: the Kalmyk Khan, "serving" the kings, was ready to attack the Don Cossacks-schismatics, who settled in the Shamkhal possessions on Agrakhan (a branch of the Sulak River. - A.Sh.), together with the royal troops ; Ayuka promised to write to the shamkhal to give a new hostage to Terki, and if the shamkhal does not do this, Ayuka will fight him. On May 4, 1693, the Yaik Cossacks (ataman O. Vasiliev and others) reported to Simbirsk according to the words of Ayuka’s envoys: the Kalmyks went to “war” against Chepolov’s possession and “... they ruined them all and took them into their possession, and now they people are in their ulusehs and wander with them together. The Bashkirs who fled shortly after that from the Kalmyks to the Cossacks confirmed the information. The blow of the Kalmyks, as it turned out, fell on the Baragun possession in northern Dagestan; justifying himself to Moscow in this action, Ayuka Khan stated that he did not know that the Baragunsky Kuchuk-Murza was a Russian subject, so he "fought" him. The Kalmyks, according to Ayuka, handed over the prisoners to Kuchuk. On March 28, 1694, Ayuka wrote in his letter that Kuchuk of Baragunsky took with him "... eight hundred yurts of people, drove away from us and leaned on Terki" to the king "... into eternal servility".

In 1694, G. Ayuka sent two envoys to Little Kabarda with a hundred soldiers, together with the Astrakhan envoy K. Panov, to accompany the Imereti king Archil to the city of Terek and prevent its capture by Budai Shamkhal. The envoys of Ayuki and Panov, having visited the Enderei Murtuzali-Murza, found out from the latter the details of the Shamkhal's attempt to capture Archil and returned to Astrakhan.

In 1694-95. an event occurred that complicated relations between the Kalmyks and Budai Shamkhal. On January 20, 1695, the Nogai (Edisan) Shidyak-Murza Shatemirev son of Tinbaev, subject to Ayuka, told the Astrakhan governors: Nogai (Malibash) Murzas Shidyak Urakov and Kaspulat Kasaev, who roamed under the rule of the Kalmyks, went to Shamkhal and planned to migrate to him, but Ayuka sent 500 soldiers on the above-mentioned Murz and did not allow them to escape; because of this incident, Ayuka "... Shevkala is very angry with him and if the great sovereigns will order him to fight, Ayuka will give troops to help the sovereign in many numbers."

In 1697, the Astrakhan governors turned to Ayuka so that he went under Azov against the Turks and Crimeans 3000 soldiers, and to the Terek city "... for fear of the arrival of the thief and traitor of Tarkovsky Budai Shevkala ( a detachment of Tarkov Kumyks fought near Azov in alliance with the Crimeans against Peter I- ed.) "and 2000 Crimeans Kalmyks. On March 24, 1697, Ayuka's answer was received in Astrakhan: he would send an army under Azov, but he would not leave his people near Terka, since the shamkhal would not attack the Terek fortress, he himself allegedly fears the attack of the royal troops and Kalmyks.

At the end of the seventeenth century a conflict arose between the Russian government and Murtuzali of Endirey, who took under his protection the fugitive Don Cossacks, led by ataman K. Ivanov. In 1700, Ayuka's son Chakdorzhab acted against Murtuzali and the Russian fugitives, but without much success. In 1701 Moscow demanded that Ayuki and other taishas send more troops against Endirey.

In the second half of the XVII century. The Kalmyk Khanate was the most powerful military-political unit of the Ciscaucasia and the North Caucasus. Dagestan feudal lords (Shamkhals, Endyrean princes), who owned flat lands in Northern Dagestan, were forced to reckon with the Kalmyks, at least periodically pay off their raids. At the same time, the Dagestanis (Kumyks) and Kalmyks exchanged ambassadors, negotiated offensive (1644) and defensive (1662) alliances, there were at least plans for matrimonial relations. An important role in the Kalmyk-Dagestan relations was played by the Russian state, which initially demanded that the Dagestanis not contact the Kalmyks without its sanction, and from the end of the 50s. 17th century began to use the "Kalmyk factor" in their own interests in the Caucasus as a whole and in Dagestan, in particular. For various political purposes (preventing a possible attack by the Kumyks on the Terek city - 1658; the return of the Big Nogais to Astrakhan - 1661-62; punishing recalcitrant vassals and forcing them to loyalty - 1673, etc.) Moscow used the threat Kalmyk attacks or their army. At the same time, Kalmyk taishas did not forget about their interests (for example, in relation to the Nogais), did not always follow the orders of the Russian government (1685 - on a campaign against Shamkhal; 1697 - on the concentration of troops near the Terek fortress), sometimes mediated in Russian-Dagestan relations. Russia demanded that the Kalmyks not attack their Dagestan subjects (1674), refused military assistance to the Kalmyk Khanate against the Endyrean princes loyal to her in 1686-87.

Based on the above, we allowed ourselves to disagree with the opinion of M.M. Batmaev about the sporadic nature and limitations of Dagestan-Kalmyk contacts. Further research in the archives will undoubtedly replenish the source base of the problem and make it possible to supplement and clarify the integrated picture of Russian-Dagestan-Kalmyk relations.

Used materials:

• 1. Batmaev M.M. Political and economic situation of the Kalmyk Khanate within Russia in the late 17th - early 18th centuries. Diss. K.I.N. M., 1976.
• 2. Essays on the history of the Kalmyk ASSR. pre-October period. M., 1967.
• 3. RGADA. F.115. OP.l. 1644. D.1.
• 4. RGADA. F.115. OP.l. 1645.D.1.
• 5. Kabardino-Russian relations: in the XVI-XVIII centuries. T.l. XVI-XVII centuries. M., 1957. \"
• 6. Russian-Dagestan relations in the 17th - first quarter of the 18th centuries. Documents and materials. Makhachkala, 1958.
• 7. Novoselsky A.A. The struggle of the Muscovite state with the Tatars in the first half of the 17th century. M.-L., 1948.
• 8. RGADA. F.115. OP.l. 1648. D. 3.
• 9. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. Op.l. D.3131.
• 10. RGADA. F.119. OP. l. 1658. D. l
• 11. Archive of SPbOII RAS. F. 178. 1. Op 1. D.3173.
• 12. RGADA. F.119. Op.1.1659.D.1.
• 13. RGADA. F.119. Op.1. 1661. D.1.
• 14. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. D.3725.
• 15. RGADA. F.112. Op. l. 1661. D.1.
• 16. RGADA. F.119. OP. l. 1662.D.l.
• 17. RGADA. F.119. OP.1. 1672 KN.2.
• 18. RGADA.F.119.0p.l.1675.D.4.
• 19. RGADA. F.119. OP. l. 1681. D.1.
• 20. RGADA. F.110. OP. l. 1682. D.2.
• 21. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178.D.9116.
• 22. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178.d.9797.
• 23. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. D.9914.
• 24. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. D. 10330.
• 25. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. D. 10691.
• 26. RGADA. F.11.9. Op.1. 1688. D.9.
• 27. Shikhsaidov A.R., Aitberov M.T., Orazaev G.-M.R. Dagestan historical writings. M., 1993.
• 28. Gaban Sharab. The Legend of the Oirats // Kalmyk historical and literary monuments in Russian translation. Elista, 1969.
• 29. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178.OP.1. D.13363.
• 30. RGADA. F.119. Op. 1. 1687. D.Z.
• 31. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. OP.1. D.I0255.
• 32. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178.OP.1. D.10307.
• 33. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178.OP.1. D.9932. .
• 34. RGADA. F.l19. OP.1. 1692. d.1.
• 35. RGADA. F.l19. Op.l. 169З D.2..
• 36. RGADA. F.l19. OP.1. 1694, D.l.
• 37. Acts of history. T.5. SPb., 1842.
• 38. Archive of SPBOII RAS. F. 178. Op.1. D. 12831.
• 39. WG ADA. F. 119. OP. l. D. 1697.
• 40. RGADA. F.111. Op. l. 1700. D.11.
• 41. RGADA. F.l19. Op. l. 1701. D.l.
• 42. RGADA. F.111. Op.1. 1701. D. 5.

Ethnic composition of the Don, Orenburg and Terek Kalmyks

1. The Orenburg Kalmyks were formed on the basis of the Stavropol baptized Kalmyks. For the baptized grandson of Ayuki Khan - Peter Taishin and his wife Anna, a town was built - Stavropol-on the Volga. They took with them subjects who wished to accept Christianity with them. Petr Taishin owned an ulus, consisting mainly of tsatans and part of kerets, since his father, Chakdorjap, owned all kerets and akha-tsatans. Then a certain number of people from the Erketenevsky ulus, who converted to Christianity, joined them. Anna Taishina was the sister of Derbetovsky Laban-Donduk, therefore her brother Chidan also left Derbetov with her, who took the name of Nikita Derbetev by baptism, who also took his subjects - Derbetov. Thus, the first envoys of Stavropol consisted of Torgouts and Derbets. In the 50s of the 18th century, Kalmyks of various ethnic groups came from Dzungaria, who were collectively called Zungars, many of them were baptized and themselves went to Stavropol to the baptized Kalmyks, as it turned out according to many documents, there were many Zungars from previous generations of baptized. Above, we talked about the Sheareng noyon group. In his letters, as well as in the letters of his brothers and relatives, much was said about the fact that their relatives with their people live in Stavropol and converted to Christianity. They had accurate information about all groups.

In different years, new groups from different uluses and clans joined those baptized Kalmyks. Sufficiently extensive, documented information about baptized Kalmyks is contained in the fundamental study of Archimandrite Guriy, so we confine ourselves to these remarks.

2) The Terek Kalmyks were mainly from Akha-Tsatans. After the death of the owner of the ulus Yandyk, not wanting to remain subordinate to his wife Bityuka, they migrated to the Terek with their zaisang and adopted Christianity there.

3) Don Kalmyks. The social history of the Don Kalmyks has been studied both in pre-revolutionary and modern scientific literature. Despite the presence of special studies, the ethnic history of this large group of Kalmyks has not yet received objective and factual coverage. All researchers referred to the archives of Novocherkassk, Rostov-on-Don and others, meanwhile, enough factual material is available in the National Archives of Kalmykia. The problems of the ethnic history of the Don Kalmyks require special study, so we will confine ourselves to referring to the available publications. N. Sh. Tashninov, in a special article on the Don Kalmyks, pointed out the presence of the known 13 Kalmyk hundreds in the Sal steppes, which were located in the following composition:

"1. Tsevdnyakinskaya hundred - on the right side of the Bolshoy Gashun beam and on the left side of the Dzhurak-Sala River, households - 672, population - 2545, of which: men - 1263, women - 1282.

2. Burulskaya hundred - on the Gashun beam, households - 185, population - 805, of which: men - 381, women - 424.

3. Belyaevskaya Hundred - on the left side of the Dzhurak-Sala River, yards - 230, population - 708, of which men - 335, women - 373.

4. Potapovskaya hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, yards - 228, population - 670, of which men - 334, women - 336.

5. Erketenevskaya Hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, households - 281, population - 608, men - 312, women - 296.

6. Chonosovskaya hundred - on the Gashun beam, households - 361, population 1371, men - 699, women - 672.

7. Bembedyakinskaya hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, households - 583, population - 1898, men - 964, women - 934.

8. Gelengekinskaya hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, households - 542, population - 2002, men - 936, women - 1066.

9. Zyungar hundred - on the left side of the Bolshaya Kuberla river, households - 633, population - 2403, men - 1200, women - 1203.

10. Kebut hundred - on the right side of the Kuberla River, households - 547, population - 2016, men - 950, women - 1066.

11. Bokshrakinsky hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, households - 591, population - 2471, men - 1251, women - 1220.

12. Batlaevskaya hundred - on the left side of the Sal River, households - 283, population - 1068, men - 518, women - 550.

13. Iki-burulskaya hundred - along the Elmut gully, on the right side of the Manych River, households - 565, population - 2515, men - 1290, women - 1225.

The total population in all 13 hundred Don Kalmyks in 1859 was 21,069 people.

According to the ethnic composition, according to the assumptions of K. P. Shovunov, Burulskaya, Bembedyakinskaya, Chonosovskaya, Kebyutskaya, Iki-Burulskaya - consist of Derbet groups; Erketenevskaya, Bokshrakinskaya, Bagutovskaya (Batlaevskaya) - from Torgoutovskaya; Belyaevskaya, Baldyrskaya (Potapovskaya) - from Chuguevsky; Kharkiv (Tsevdnyakinskaya) and Ryntsanovskaya - from Zyungar.

C.-D. Nominkhanov, the author of a special article "On the Ethnic Composition of the Don Kalmyks", published in 1969, wrote that "the tribal system among the Don Kalmyks has long lost its socio-political significance. We can only talk about its individual remnants that have been preserved in the everyday life of the population. To they should include the names of the bones of a long-passed stage in the life of the people that have survived to this day. And he listed representatives of which bones (yasan) are found among the population of each of the 13 villages. As a result of his research, the scientist came to the conclusion that "the Don Kalmyks in terms of their ethnic composition represent a conglomerate of numerous Mongo-Lo-Oirat tribal groups", noting that "in the new place, the former groupings of the Don Kalmyks are broken, but blood kinship - yasan terel, as before, is observed to this day."

To this information about the ethnic composition of the Don Kalmyks, I would like to add two documents related to the name of the Gelengyakinskaya hundred (Gelingyakinskaya, Gelengekinskaya).

The Administration of the Kalmyk People received a document from the "Kalmyks of the Yandykovsky ulus of the Keretov (Gelingyakinov, also) family, the former aimag of the zaisang, Olzete Samtanov

Petition

About 50 years ago, we Kalmyks, under the unofficial name of the Gelingyakinsky clan, constituted a separate aimag, ruled by our own zaisang, but about 40 years ago, our aimag, after the termination of the genus of our zaisangs, passed into the possession of the zaisangs under the unofficial name of Gendinyakinsky, from the Kalmyks of Gelingyakinsky and Gendinyakinsky One aimak was formed under the official name - the Keret clan, the Samtanov aimak, which now consists of 385 salary wagons, of which 120 wagons are Kalmyks of the Gelingyak family, and the remaining 265 wagons are Kalmyks of the Gendinyakin family. The fact that we Kalmyks of the Gelingyakin family used to form a separate aimak is also confirmed by the fact that the places of nomads and all our lands are separate from the place of nomads and lands of the Gendinyakin family, and at the same time we are separated from them by two other aimags: the former zaisanga aimag The Boskhaev Keret family and the Shebener family, as well as some of our khuruls, located: our khurul is in the center of our Kalmyks, and the khurul of the Gendinyakins is in the center of their Kalmyks. From the joining of our two aimaks into one, to us, the petitioners, there was nothing but harm, because in all the affairs of public and individual persons, the zaisangs stood for their native aimak Kalmyks, and the latter, under the influence of their zaisangs, and exceeding us in the number of their wagons , have always had an overwhelming influence on us, always taxing us when laying out any money collections more than their own, and in the performance of various public duties in kind they took people and horses from us more than from their own ... ".

As a result of this petition, the "Case on the separation of the Kalmyks of Keretov (Gelingyakinov) of the Yandyko-Mochazhny ulus into an independent society" was instituted. The trustee of the ulus Myasnikov wrote in his report to the Administration of the Kalmyk people: “According to the order of June 17 of this year, presenting at the same time the petition of the Kalmyks of the Yandykovsky ulus of the Keretov (Gelingyakinov, also) kind, along with the protocol of June 30, the report of the assistant trustee Myasnikov from On July 30, I have the honor to inform the UKN that the Kalmyks of the Yandykovsky ulus, the Gelingyakinsky and Gendinyakinsky clans used to be special aimaks, united into one society about 50 years ago.The Kalmyks of these two clans, both before they were united into one, and at present, roam separately - each aimak with its tribal khuruls is 20 versts from each other.But in the ulus administration there is no case about the union of the Kalmyks of these two clans of one aimak.The motives stated by the Gelingyakins in the petition are all correct: they really consist of 3 khotons recorded in the family lists of the 1876 census separately under the Nos. 12, 13 and 14 khotons and which roam all together on 4 mounds standing next to each other: under the names and 2 hillocks "Basta" and 2 hillocks "Ova", and on these same hillocks there are their public stocks, especially from those of the Gendinyakins. In view of this, and also due to the difference in the characters of the Kalmyks of these two clans, as stated in the above-mentioned report of the assistant trustee, who can adversely affect their life together, I find the petition of the Kalmyks of the Yandykovsky ulus, the Gelingyakinsky-Keretov clan to separate them among 120 wagons into a special society and the establishment of them of special seniority worthy of respect.

From the relationships between these clans that have developed in this way, it is quite possible to assume a connection between the Gelingyakin clan of the Yandykovsky ulus and the Gelengekin hundred of Don Kalmyks.

Such situations in the 17th-18th centuries led to the migration of certain clans to other regions, quite complete documents have been preserved about this.

Information about the number of khuruls and the number of clergy in the Kalmyk steppe in 1907.

Since the 17th century, the Kalmyks have taken an active part in the history of Russia. Experienced warriors, they reliably guarded the southern borders of the state. The Kalmyks, however, continued to roam. Sometimes not willingly.

"Call me Arslan"

Lev Gumilyov said: “Kalmyks are my favorite people. Don't call me Leo, call me Arslan." "Arsalan" in Kalmyk - Lev.

Kalmyks (Oirats) - immigrants from the Dzungar Khanate, began to populate the territories between the Don and the Volga at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 17th centuries. Subsequently, they founded the Kalmyk Khanate on these lands.

The Kalmyks themselves call themselves "halmg". This word goes back to the Turkic “remnant”, or “breakaway”, since the Kalmyks were that part of the Oirats that did not accept Islam.

The migration of Kalmyks to the current territory of Russia was associated with internecine conflicts in Dzungaria, as well as with a shortage of pastures.

Their advance to the lower Volga was fraught with a number of difficulties. They had to resist the Kazakhs, Nogais and Bashkirs.

In 1608 - 1609, the Kalmyks for the first time took the oath of allegiance to the Russian Tsar.

"Zakha ulus"

The tsarist government officially allowed the Kalmyks to roam the Volga in the second half of the 40s of the 17th century, nicknamed "rebellious" in Russian history. The tense foreign policy relations with the Crimean Khanate, the Turks and Poland posed a real threat to Russia. The southern underbelly of the state needed irregular border troops. This role was assumed by the Kalmyks.

The Russian word "outback" is derived from the Kalmyk "zakha ulus", which means "border" or "distant" people.

The then ruler of the Kalmyks, taisha Daichin, declared that he was always "ready to beat the sovereign's disobedient." The Kalmyk Khanate at that time was a powerful force in the amount of 70-75 thousand cavalry soldiers, while the Russian army in those years consisted of 100-130 thousand people.

Some historians even erect the Russian battle cry "Hurrah!" to the Kalmyk "uralan", which translates as "forward!"

Thus, the Kalmyks could not only reliably protect the southern borders of Russia, but also send part of their soldiers to the West. The writer Murad Aji noted that "Moscow fought in the Steppe with the hands of the Kalmyks."

Warriors of the "white king"

The role of the Kalmyks in Russia's foreign military policy in the 17th century is difficult to overestimate. Kalmyks, along with the Cossacks, participated in the Crimean and Azov campaigns of the Russian army, in 1663 the Kalmyk ruler Monchak sent his troops to Ukraine to fight the army of the hetman of the right-bank Ukraine, Petro Doroshenko. Two years later, the 17,000-strong Kalmyk army again marched on Ukraine, participated in the battles near Belaya Tserkov, Kalmyks defended the interests of the Russian tsar in Ukraine in 1666.

In 1697, before the "Great Embassy", Peter I assigned the responsibility for protecting the southern borders of Russia to the Kalmyk Khan Ayuk, later the Kalmyks took part in the suppression of the Astrakhan rebellion (1705-1706), the Bulavin uprising (1708) and the Bashkir uprising of 1705-1711 years.

Internecine strife, exodus and end of the Kalmyk Khanate

In the first third of the 18th century, internecine strife began in the Kalmyk Khanate, in which the Russian government directly intervened. The situation was aggravated by the colonization of the Kalmyk lands by Russian landowners and peasants. The cold winter of 1767-1768, the reduction of pasture land and the ban on the free sale of bread by the Kalmyks led to mass starvation and loss of livestock.

Among the Kalymks, the idea of ​​returning to Dzungaria, which at that time was under the rule of the Manchu Qing Empire, became popular.

On January 5, 1771, the Kalmyk feudal lords raised the uluses that roamed along the left bank of the Volga. An exodus began, which turned into a real tragedy for the Kalmyks. They lost about 100,000 men and almost all their livestock.

In October 1771, Catherine II liquidated the Kalmyk Khanate. The title "khan" and "viceroy of the khanate" were abolished. Small groups of Kalmyks became part of the Ural, Orenburg and Terek Cossack troops. At the end of the 18th century, the Kalmyks who lived on the Don were enrolled in the Cossack class of the Don Army Region.

Heroism and disgrace

Despite the difficulties of relations with the Russian authorities, the Kalmyks continued to provide significant support to the Russian army in wars, both with weapons and personal courage, and with horses and cattle.

Kalmyks distinguished themselves in the Patriotic War of 1812. Three Kalmyk regiments, numbering more than three and a half thousand people, took part in the fight against the Napoleonic army. For the battle of Borodino alone, more than 260 Kalmyks were awarded the highest orders of Russia.

During the First World War, the tsarist government carried out repeated requisitions of livestock, mobilization of horses and the involvement of "foreigners" in "work on the construction of defensive structures."

Until now, the topic of cooperation between the Kalmyks and the Wehrmacht is problematic in historiography. We are talking about the Kalmyk cavalry corps. Its existence is difficult to deny, but if you look at the numbers, you can’t say that the transition of the Kalmyks to the side of the Third Reich was massive.

The Kalmyk cavalry corps consisted of 3,500 Kalmyks, while during the war years the Soviet Union mobilized and sent to the ranks of the army about 30,000 Kalmyks. Every third of those called to the front died.

Thirty thousand soldiers and officers of the Kalmyks is 21.4% of the number of Kalmyks before the war. Almost the entire male population of active age fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War as part of the Red Army.

Due to cooperation with the Reich, the Kalmyks were deported in 1943-1944. The following fact can testify to how serious the ostracism was in relation to them.

In 1949, during the celebration of the 150th anniversary of Pushkin, Konstantin Simonov made a report on his life and work on the radio. When reading the "Monument" Simonov stopped reading at the place when he should have said: "And a Kalmyk friend of the steppes." The Kalmyks were rehabilitated only in 1957.

ny constitutional law "On the procedure for admission to the Russian Federation and the formation of a new subject of the Russian Federation as part of it" dated December 17, 2001 // Collection of Legislation of the Russian Federation. 2001. No. 52. Art. 4916.

24. Federal Law “On the Names of Geographical Objects” dated December 18, 1997 No. 152-FZ // Collection of Legislation of the Russian Federation. 1997. No. 51. Art. 5718.

25. Federal Law “On Amendments to the Federal Law “On the Names of Geographical Objects”” dated October 27, 2008 No. 191-FZ // Collection of Legislation of the Russian Federation. 2008. No. 44. Art. 4997.

26. Kulakova O. S. Commentary on the Federal Law “On the Names of Geographical Objects” dated December 18, 1997 No. 152-FZ. Access from the legal reference system "Consultant Plus".

BBK 63.3 (2Ros=Kalm)

ETHNIC GROUP OF MOZDOK “BAPTIZED KALMYKS”*

3. V. Kanukova, L. B. Gatsalova, E. B. Khubulova

The article analyzes the historical experience of the life arrangement of the Mozdok baptized Kalmyks ethnic group, the history of its formation and development in the late 18th - early 20th centuries. The description of the process of their integration into a new social, economic, political, legal and cultural space while maintaining ethnic identity and adherence to traditions is given.

Keywords: Kalmyks of the Mozdok Regiment, Terek Kalmyks, Kuma Kalmyks.

The article is dedicated to the anaysis of the historical experience of living of an ethnic group of the Mozhdok Kalmyks and the history of the formation and development in the end of the XVIIIth - beginning XXth century. The author gives a description of the process of their new social, economic, political, legal and cultural space with maintenance of ethnic identity and devotion to the traditions.

Keywords: Kalmyks of the Mozdok regiment, Tersky Kalmyks, Kumsky Kalmyks.

In the Caucasian policy of the Russian Empire, in order to optimize the integration processes, the method of settling among the indigenous population of other ethnic and other confessional groups was actively used. As a result, the North Caucasus was formed as a multi-ethnic region, where representatives of different cultures and civilizations actively interacted.

One of the first ethnic groups settled in the region was the ethnic group of baptized Mozdok (also called Terek) Kalmyks, from which the so-called. farm Kalmyks. The history of the life order of this group allows us to determine the features of the process of development of the national outskirts, complements the ideas about Russian policy in the North Caucasus and options for the adaptation process of ethnic minorities in a foreign cultural environment.

Once on the territory of Russia, the Kalmyks were involved in the most complex process of economic, cultural and socio-political adaptation. In the middle of the 17th century, having passed through the steppes of Central Kazakhstan, they approached the lower reaches of the Yaik and Volga and settled in the steppe zone, corresponding to their traditional system of life.

The Russian administration was interested in locating the Kalmyk nomad camps, which created a protective cordon against attacks from the south.

Therefore, the Kalmyks were endowed with state sparsely populated lands in the southeast and in the steppes of the Lower Volga.

The strengthening of statehood, the strengthening of various forms of dependence of ordinary Kalmyks led to an aggravation of social contradictions, which gave rise to such a form of resistance of subject people as flight from their owners. Kalmyks, like representatives of other peoples of the region, arbitrarily left their owners, migrated to the Urals, to the Don, to the lower reaches of the Volga, to the Terek. They adjoined the Cossack settlements, and the adoption of Christianity became the guarantor of their safety and protection from the persecution of the noyons.

In the middle of the XVIII century. part of the Kalmyks of the Yandykovsky ulus of the Akh-Tsatanov clan, as a result of internal contradictions and in order to free their zaisang from the power, migrated from their fellow tribesmen and began to develop the northwestern coast of the Caspian Sea, the interfluve of the Terek and Kuma. They managed to adapt to the new habitat, joined the Russian fisheries and engaged in non-traditional fishing for nomads. In 1764, the Kalmyks of this group, which consisted of 200 families, expressed a desire to accept the Christian faith, underwent the rite of baptism, after which they received the name of baptized Kalmyks.

* The study was carried out within the framework of the Program of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences “Fundamental Problems of the Spatial Development of the Russian Federation: Interdisciplinary Synthesis”.

Governor Ivan Varfolomeevich Yakobiy to relocate the baptized Kalmyks to the newly laid line along the Terek River and rank them in the Mozdok Cossack regiment. This action was considered by G. A. Potemkin as an important step in the process of integrating the Kalmyks into the Russian socio-cultural and legal space. As can be seen from the prescription, G. A. Potemkin counted on the fact that "the Kalmyks were Russians in the villages, they could learn the essence of the law and forget the nomadic life."

The order of G. A. Potemkin was not carried out. The Kalmyks were included in the Mozdok Cossack regiment, but were not included in the Cossack estate. The uncertainty of the status, which did not allow the Kalmyks to enjoy the benefits and advantages of the Cossacks, persisted for a long time. The Terek Cossacks clearly did not force the process of rapprochement with both the nomads and the highlanders, which was complicated by the raids of both of them on the Cossack villages.

Thus, the group of baptized Kalmyks was cut off from the main ethnic mass, but did not adjoin the Russian settlements either. In addition, the Orthodox clergy limited their concern for the new flock to the rite of baptism, leaving them "without care and edification in the truths of the Christian faith." It is not surprising that most of the Kalmyks remained nomads and Buddhists by religion.

The uncertainty of the position of the Kalmyks and a certain ambivalence in Russia's policy are obviously explained by its lack of interest in the transition of the Kalmyks to a settled way of life, which would weaken the defense of the southern borders. The liberation of the steppe zone could provoke other nomads to raids.

In addition, the colonization movement of Russian and Ukrainian peasants to the North Caucasus, to the lower reaches of the Volga, limited plans to allocate land to the Kalmyks.

Period 1777-1833 can be called "dark" in the history of baptized Kalmyks, since little information about their life has been preserved in the archives. In 1833, the Kalmyks petitioned the first ataman of the former Caucasian Line Cossack Army, Major General Pyotr Sergeevich Verzilin, in which he pointed out the lack of land for nomads and grazing, the need to rent land at high prices. 1833 went down in the history of the region as a particularly difficult, "hungry" year. Obviously, therefore, the Kalmyks were forced to remind themselves. The petition indicated their number - 400 wagons (families), a total of 950 people. Other information is also given - 1,950 people, as well as 2,091 people.

P. S. Verzilin was sympathetic to the position of the Kalmyks and turned to Lieutenant General Ivan Aleksandrovich Velyaminov, who commanded the troops at that time, with a request to allocate them land between the Madzharskaya and Gaidukskaya salt outposts, in the interfluve of the Kuma and Gaiduk. General I. A. Velyaminov made a request to the Commission to allocate lands to the Cossack regiments settled on the Caucasian line about the possibility of satisfying the request of the Kalmyks.

It turned out that the lands that the baptized Kalmyks asked for were within the boundaries of the Astrakhan province, among other lands granted to the Kalmyk people by the tsarist authorities. Neither the Commission, nor the Caucasian Treasury Chamber could dispose of these plots. It also turned out that according to the project of a general delimitation along the Caucasian line, the Kalmyks were assigned state-owned empty land in the Pyatigorsk district, between the rivers Tomuzlova and Karamyk, where it was planned to establish new state-owned settlements. In addition, according to the instructions given in the leadership of the Commission, it was recommended not to allocate lands to the baptized Kalmyks under the Cossack regiments.

General P. S. Verzilin, presenting these circumstances to the discretion of the corps commander on March 1, 1834, expressed the opinion that in order to successfully adapt the Kalmyks to a new way of life, they should have been settled dispersedly in different villages of the Mozdok regiment, which would have prevented their "habitual pranks”, i.e. raids on the villages. I. A. Velyaminov agreed with the last proposal.

The Sovereign Emperor supported this idea, but warned that the action should in no way infringe on the interests of either the Cossacks or the Kalmyks, and also requested a detailed plan for this event, indicating specific places and numbers of settlers. In response, I. A. Velyaminov compiled a detailed report in which he described the details of the proposed resettlement of a group of Kalmyks. Having found out that the Mozdok Cossack regiment did not have enough land, he proposed to settle Kalmyks in the Caucasian, Kuban and Stavropol regiments, which had more fertile and numerous lands. The general also planned to build inexpensive raw brick houses for the Kalmyks, one for each family, entrusting this function to the regimental commanders. To reward the Cossacks for assistance in construction, it was proposed to allocate 200 rubles for each resettled family. According to the calculations of General I. A. Velyaminov, the resettlement of the Kalmyks could be completed by the winter of 1838.

The plans of I. A. Velyaminov were approved, however, despite this, the Kalmyks remained in

indefinite position. Obviously, this was due to the increased migration flow from the internal provinces of Russia and Ukraine. Major General Pavel Ivanovich Petrov, Chief of Staff of the Caucasian Line Troops, reported that it was not possible to determine places for Kalmyks to settle until the process of their resettlement in the Caucasian regiments was completed.

Joseph Bentkovsky wrote that the reason was far-fetched, the vast majority of the settlers had already settled in places specially designated for them by this time. However, the colonization movement really infringed on the economic interests of the Kalmyk nomad camps.

By this time, the strength of the Mozdok regiment was only 6,867 people, of which 1,029 were baptized Kalmyks. It was decided to add another 35 families of Kalmyks (183 people) to the Mozdok regiment, of which 10 families each in the villages of Naurskaya, Ishcherskaya and Galyugaevskaya, and 5 families in Stoderevskaya. In addition, it was ordered to settle the Kalmyks in the Volga, Khopersky, Gorsky, Stavropol, Kuban and Caucasian regiments.

In October 1837, the emperor visited the Caucasus, after which personnel changes followed. Instead of General I. A. Velyaminov, Lieutenant General Pavel Khristoforovich Grabbe was appointed. The new leadership has developed the following agreement on the resettlement of Kalmyks:

“1) In the first case, divide the Kalmyks into regiments and villages, as mentioned above; leave, however, the freedom of the regimental commanders to make a change at the nearest discretion in their placement in the villages, as the need indicates.

2) In the spring of 1839, Kalmyks assigned to regiments according to this division can be accepted by regimental commanders according to lists, through sent officers, at the assembly place in the Mozdok regiment and under the cover of deliberate commands delivered to the regiments, where their division into villages will follow.

3) Upon arrival at the regiments and division into villages, leave the Kalmyks for ordinary life in wagons and accustom them to settled life gradually, without any coercion, in order to avert escapes and mortality, for for Kalmyks who are not familiar with settled life, the house at first will be worse than jail time. But those who would like to immediately accept permanent residence, allow them, by making them an allowance from the villages during the construction of houses, with a payment from the treasury of 200 rubles. for every.

4) In the first year after the resettlement of the Kalmyks, do not use any service, but allow only, if one of them wishes, appointment for

grazing stanitsa herds and cattle on a voluntary condition with them; in the second year, it will be possible to use them, if possible, to carry out some stanitsa duties, and after three years they have become better acquainted with the Russian language and, if they are sufficient as far as their condition, are recorded as serving Cossacks.

5) At the very beginning, after the resettlement, regimental commanders are obliged to use Kalmyk as much as possible together with the Cossacks, so that they learn the Russian language, which they do not know, and thus bring them closer to settled life and to the concepts of the Christian faith.

It would seem that a certain, thoroughly thought-out vector has been developed in the policy of the Russian government, aimed at gradual adaptation to new conditions and not devoid of concern for citizens. Everything was taken into account, except for the opinion of the Kalmyks and Cossacks themselves.

In September 1838, the Kalmyks sent a delegation of 14 people to Stavropol, who asked to be left in their inhabited places, motivating the request by the fact that the transition from nomadic to settled life, climate change and the use of fresh water threaten people's health and lead to the death of livestock. The Kalmyks recalled that from the time they were assigned to the Mozdok regiment, they annually contributed money from their livestock instead of all duties to the regimental sum: 15 kopecks from cattle, 25 kopecks from a horse, 5 kopecks from a ram, 5 kopecks from a camel - 35 kop. In addition, they kept a guard of 50 people at the Madjar salt outpost.

The nature of the correspondence suggests that the high authorities were not aware of the contribution of the Kalmyks to the economic development of the regiment and accepted this information with satisfaction.

The military leadership, in turn, did not want to cede their lands. The regimental commanders confirmed that the collection of money had indeed been carried out since 1822 by order of the former commander of the regiment, Colonel P. Kh. Petrov, on the grounds that the Kalmyks, although they were assigned to the regiment, did not serve on a par with the Cossacks. At the same time, the Cossack commanders tried to neutralize the role of the Kalmyks and claimed that only in cases of extreme necessity they were involved in escorting and harvesting hay.

Taking into account the above circumstances, the emperor decided to leave the Kalmyks (952 people) supposed to be settled in the villages of the Caucasian linear Cossack army with the Mozdok Cossack regiment on the condition that they continue to guard in the Madzharskaya and Gaydukovskaya salt outposts, to contribute annually instead of duties to the regimental amount for grazing cattle and helping the Cossacks.

Prince Mikhail Semenovich Vorontsov proposed that the baptized Kalmyks be included in the Stavropol province, with the exception of a special group that separated from the rest - the "farm Kalmyks". He proposed to leave this group with the Mozdok regiment, believing that in the future they could join the Cossack service, send their children to be raised in a regimental school, and join the Christian parish life.

There were other considerations as well. Count Pavel Dmitrievich Kiselev spoke out against the expulsion of the Kalmyks from the Mozdok regiment and considered it impossible to accept them under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of State Property. General Nikolai Andreevich Read, who was temporarily acting as viceroy, proposed to settle them in the Gorkobalkovskiye plots in the Stavropol province.

As a result, the final decision was made to introduce the baptized Kalmyks roaming between the Kuma and Gaiduk rivers into the Stavropol province, and to classify the group of “khutor baptized Kalmyks” as part of the Mozdok regiment, i.e., the proposal of Prince M. S. Vorontsov was accepted.

In the XIX and early XX centuries. Farm Kalmyks continued to roam near the villages and farms of the Mozdok Regiment, often settling in the village of Naurskaya. According to the materials of the first General Census of the Russian Empire in 1897, there were 3,595 Kalmyks in the Terek region.

Baptized Kalmyks did not join the Christian parish life, remained adherents of traditional religious beliefs, at the end of the 19th century. contained khuruls - Buddhist monasteries. The missionary activity of Orthodox priests in the conditions of a semi-nomadic way of life was not successful.

In the opinion of the neighboring peoples, the Kalmyks of the farmsteads were considered “hard-working, honest people, and in their morality standing far above the Astrakhan Kalmyks; in extremely rare cases, they are caught in thefts and even less often in robberies.

In addition, they are noted for their adaptation to the new economic environment, engaging in non-traditional economic activities - fishing, annual salt mining in the Madzhar and Haiduk salt lakes, as well as sheep trade at the fair in the village of Naurskaya. Noticeable changes were observed in the material culture of this group: along with the wagons, dugouts appeared - ground adobe houses; carts, factory fabrics for making clothes, new types of dishes, etc. began to be used.

The problem of the administrative-territorial arrangement of the Mozdok Kalmyks was discussed with varying degrees of intensity until the October Revolution, but no specific measures were taken.

During this time, the Mozdok Kalmyks developed their own system of life, fully adapted to the socio-economic state of the host society. Despite their status uncertainty, they had their niche in the life of the Mozdok Regiment: an armed guard for the protection of salt lakes, escort of postal and passenger transport, hay harvesting for horses of artillery units, contributions to regimental sums from the total number of livestock that were used to repair the park, maintenance of the regimental infirmary and other needs.

In the course of successful adaptation and establishing interaction with a foreign ethnic environment, a group of khutor Kalmyks retained their ethno-cultural identity and self-consciousness, which allowed them to enter the structure of the Terek region as an independent community.

At present, the Kalmyks are also part of the ethnic composition of the republics of the North Caucasus. 148 Kalmyks live in the Chechen Republic, 105 in Dagestan, 98 in Ingushetia, 88 in Ossetia; they also live in Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia.

Within the framework of the Program of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences “Fundamental problems of the spatial development of the Russian Federation: interdisciplinary synthesis”, the project “Modernization, demographic and migration processes in the North Caucasus: historical experience and current state” is being implemented, during which among the Kalmyks living in North Ossetia and Kabardino -Balkaria, a survey was conducted. Most of the respondents confirmed our assumptions that they are descendants of Mozdok baptized Kalmyks and link their past with the village of Naurskaya.

Comparative analysis of statistical data for 1989 and 2002 in both republics shows the stability of the number of Kalmyks, among them there is no tendency to outflow, unlike some other diaspora and ethnic groups of the North Caucasus.

Thus, the historical experience of the life arrangement of the ethnic group of Mozdok baptized Kalmyks demonstrates an interesting option for their integration into a new social, economic, political, legal and cultural space while maintaining ethnic identity and adherence to traditions.

LIST OF SOURCES AND LITERATURE

1. Bentkovsky I. Materials for the history of the colonization of the North Caucasus. Mozdok so-called baptized Kalmyks // Stavropol provincial journals, 1880. No. 35. P. 1-2; No. 38. S. 1-2; No. 42. S. 1-2.

2. Essays on the history of the Kalmyk ASSR. pre-October period. M.: Nauka, 1967. 477 p.

3. Gubanov G. Essay on the life of the Kalmyks on the Terek // Sat. materials for describing the areas and tribes of the Caucasus. Issue. 29. Tiflis, 1901, pp. 123-154.

4. Surovitsky. Baptized Kalmyks in the Terek Region // Proceedings of the Stavropol Scientific Archival Commission. Issue. I. Stavropol, 1911. S. 1-5.

5. The first general census of the population of the Russian Empire in 1897. Terek region. Tiflis, 1905. T. 68.

6. Shovunov K. P. Kalmyks as part of the Russian Cossacks (second half of the 18th-19th centuries): Abstract of the thesis. ... Dr. ist. Sciences. Rostov-on-Don: RGU, 1994. 43 p.

7. Population by nationality and proficiency in Russian by subjects of the Russian Federation // All-Russian population census of 2002. Q^b: http://www.perepis2002.ru/wheex.YtWhe=6 (date of access: 01.09.2009).

9. Ethnic composition of the population of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (according to the All-Union Population Census of 1989). Vladikavkaz, 1991.

BBK 63.3 (2Ros. Yaku)

YAKUTIA IN THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE NATIONAL-DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT OF THE SAKHA PEOPLE

V. I. Fedorov

The article covers the events that took place in Yakutia at the beginning of the 20th century, during the formation of the national democratic movement of the Sakha people. This movement gave dynamism to the development of socio-economic and socio-political processes that contributed to the awakening of the national consciousness of the people.

Key words: Yakutia, Sakha, national democratic movement.

The article deals with events in Yakutia in the beginning the XXth century during the formation of the national democratic movement of the Sakha people. This movement has given the dynamism to the development of the socioeconomic and sociopolitical processes promoted the awakening of the national consciousness of the people.

Keywords: Yakutia, Sakha, the national-democratic movement, the XXth century.

Many non-Russian peoples, being in co- At the beginning of the XX century. in the development of education in Yaku-

stave of the Russian Empire, did not have their own ties, especially secular ones, there is a noticeable dif-

national-state formations. Their history flowed into a single stream of the all-Russian historical space. However, occupying a large area of ​​compact residence, these peoples have preserved their traditional way of life, culture, language, historical and ethno-national features and values. All this fully applies to the Sakha people and other peoples who inhabited the Yakut region.

The events of the beginning of the 20th century, a significant historical period in the destinies of the peoples of Yakutia, gave dynamism to the development of socio-economic

and, especially, socio-political processes, contributed to the awakening of the public and national self-consciousness of peoples.

It was during this period that the initial stage of the formation of the first generation of the national intelligentsia, which became the generator of national ideas and the engine of social and political progress, was completed.

The Yakut Territory was the place of residence of political exiles, who played a big role in awakening the national identity of the peoples of the North. At one of the gatherings, the Yakuts decided to turn to the “father tsar” with a request to increase the number of exiled state criminals, because. they provide invaluable assistance in educating the people.

Namism. The network of elementary schools of the Ministry of Education in the region increased by 4.6 times compared to 1900 (up to 74). All this created good ground for raising the self-awareness of the Sakha people, its best representatives joined the ranks of fighters for a better lot for their people.

In relation to the peoples of the Lena Territory, the tsarist government pursued a colonial policy. They were conditionally called aliens. They were suppliers of furs, mammoth bones; livestock products - meat, butter, leather; fishing - salted fish. Foreigners were limited to a certain distance in their advancement through the territory of the region, they paid a tax characteristic only for them - yasak, which entered the office of His Majesty and was spent only on the appropriate command. Education of children in schools and office work in institutions were carried out in Russian. Foreigners were not allowed to work in state institutions, the region did not have the right to elect its representative to the State Duma, and was also deprived of the right to zemstvo self-government.

A significant impetus to the development of the national democratic movement of the Sakha people was given by the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. The consolidating and organizing force of the

March 7, 1269 Mongolian embassy to Japan. Khubilai sends an embassy with a letter like this: “Anointed by heaven, the Great Mongol Emperor sends a letter to the ruler of Japan. sought to challenge our supremacy, and now they give thanks for the ceasefire and for the rebirth of their country, which began with my ascension to the throne. We are like father and son. We think you already know this. Goryeo is my eastern domain. Japan was in alliance with Goryeo and sometimes China, since the founding of your country, however, Japan has not sent ambassadors since I took the throne. This is extremely frustrating. Therefore, we send a letter expressing our desires. all countries are members of the same family. Nobody is willing to take up arms." 1735 Donduk-Ombo was declared "the chief ruler of the Kalmyks." Officially declared Khan in 1737 as a result of the struggle for the throne with the heirs of his grandfather Ayuki and other pretenders. Ayuki's successor was considered to be his eldest son Chakdor-Jab. However, he died in February 1722 during the life of his father. During Ayuka's meeting with Peter I at the beginning of 1722 near Saratov, the khan asked the emperor to appoint another son, Tseren-Donduk, as his heir, to which consent was obtained. After the death of Ayuki, the eldest son of Chakdor-Jaba Dosang began to challenge the khan's throne. The Russian authorities put forward their own candidate - Dorzhi Nazarov, the youngest son of Ayuka. In turn, Ayuki's widow Darmabala nominated Ayuka's grandson Donduk-Ombo to the khan's throne. Fearing the strengthening of the Kalmyk Khanate and supporting civil strife in it, Astrakhan Governor Artemy Volynsky appointed Tseren-Donduk, unpopular among the people, as governor. In the Kalmyk Khanate, groups began to form that supported various contenders for the throne. Dissatisfied with the rule of the protege of the Russian government, Tseren-Donduk, gathered around Donduk-Ombo. On May 1, 1731, Astrakhan Governor Ivan Izmailov declared Tseren-Donduk Khan, which led to unrest among the Kalmyk nobility. On November 9, 1731, the brother of Tseren-Donduk Galdan-Danjin attacked Donduk-Ombo with two thousand soldiers. Having lost the battle, Galdan-Dandzhin fled to Tsaritsyn. The Russian government took the side of Tseren-Donduk. Donduk-Ombo, in order not to conflict with the Russian authorities, went to the Kuban, where he accepted the citizenship of the Porte. At this time, a conflict was brewing between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. The tsarist government, fearing the strengthening of Turkey's position in the North Caucasus, was forced to recognize Donduk-Ombo as the khan of the Kalmyks, who by this time had acquired a significant role among his people. On March 7, 1735, Donduk-Ombo was declared "the chief ruler of the Kalmyks." On November 14 of the same year, Donduk-Ombo, returning to the Volga, took an oath of allegiance to Russia. Having agreed with him, Russia used the Kalmyk troops in the war with Turkey in 1735-1739. On March 3, 1737, Donduk-Ombo was declared the Khan of the Kalmyk Khanate. His reign is characterized by autocracy - he pursued a policy of strict control, sometimes physically cracking down on his opponents. The number of Kalmyk troops under him reached 50,000 people. In the Kuban there were 30 thousand, on the Volga - 20 thousand, guarding the Kalmyk steppe from the raids of the Kazakhs. 1920 Parts of the Red Army entered Irkutsk. The gold reserves of the empire (2200 pounds = 35 tons 200 kg), captured by the White Guards in the summer of 1918 in Kazan, were returned to the Republic. The civil war began in 1918: the Siberian army needed weapons, ammunition, uniforms and food. That is why more and more lots of gold, platinum and jewelry were transported from Vladivostok through "Yokohama Bank" and "Chosen Bank" to foreign banks. The White movement in Siberia did not lack anything, while in the army of General Denikin in southern Russia, even officers fought in bast shoes ... In 1919, military happiness began to betray the White movement in Siberia, and its troops retreated to Baikal. Betrayed by the Siberian government and allies. In Irkutsk, the rearguard of the Czechoslovak Corps arrested Admiral Kolchak, who had already resigned as the Supreme Ruler of Siberia, and some members of the government. The Czechoslovaks also took under protection the remains of the gold reserves. On March 7, 1920, in Irkutsk, representatives of the Entente handed over 2,200 poods of gold and platinum to Sibrevkom. Atavin, head of the logistics of the Amur Front: “In the spring of 1920, a train of several wagons with gold and platinum arrived in Blagoveshchensk from Primorye. The valuable cargo that arrived was immediately sorted. Platinum, part of the gold and jewelry of the imperial family were sent by pack caravans by a circuitous route through Yakutia ( i.e. around Baikal) to Moscow. Chita was still in the hands of the Supreme Ruler of Siberia Ataman Semenov. Gold through the town of Sakhalyan located on the opposite bank of the Amur, and in the middle of summer 1920 through Harbin was transported to Chinese banks, where it turned into yens , Dollars And Bonds Of Korean "Chosen Bank". The Far Eastern Republic did not live in poverty With this money, the Far Eastern Republic was able, by the middle of 1920, to arm and maintain a 70,000-strong army. And after the events of April 4-5, take in more than 20,000 refugees from Nikolaevsk and Khabarovsk. This was the main part of Kolchak's gold. For the underground work of the communists, the supply of newly created partisan detachments and the provision of foreign intelligence residents of the GPU in the Far East: a few days before the April speech of the Japanese, employees of the Special Department of the Military Council of the Primorsky Region received 18,000,000 gold rubles from the treasury by order of the Primorsky office of the State Bank of Russia. For two weeks, from the bags with millions of the party, which were kept under the bed of the head of the financial department of the regional committee Elesh in the house on Semenovskaya, money was issued to the heads of departments and party committees. And only after the Antonov government came to power, the balance in the amount of 6,000,000 was deposited into a special account at the Chosen Bank branch, which was located on the street. Beijing. It was spent by GPU intelligence and agents of the Comintern, working in the Far East, China and Japan ...