Abkhaz language family. Abkhaz-Adyghe languages

ABKHAZO-ADYGE LANGUAGES (North-West Caucasian languages), the western branch of the North Caucasian languages. Distributed in Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia, Abkhazia, as well as in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Israel, USA (see Abkhaz-Adygs). The number of speakers of the Abkhaz-Adyghe language in the Russian Federation is 764.5 thousand people. The Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are divided into the Abkhaz-Abaza (Abkhazian and Abaza languages) and Adyghe (Adyghe and Kabardino-Circassian languages) groups; an intermediate position between them is occupied by the Ubykh language.

The phonetic structure of the Abkhaz-Adyghe language is characterized by the extreme poverty of vowels and the richness of consonants (up to 80 phonemes), including labialized, palatalized, noisy laterals (l-l-lI), whistling-hissing (zh-sh-shI), uvular. The stops are characterized by a three-membered system of a deaf aspirated, voiced and abortive (type b-p-pI). Ablaut is functioning.

Morphologically, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are classified as agglutinative languages. Nominal morphology is relatively simple compared to verbal. Names distinguish categories of possessiveness, certainty-uncertainty, number. In the Abkhaz-Abaza languages there is no category of case, in the Adyghe there are absolutive (nominative), ergative, instrumental and transformative cases. In the Abkhaz-Abaza languages, the grammatical category of the class of a person and a thing (non-human) is presented (see Nominal classes), the class of a person is divided into subclasses of men and women: the middle Abkhaz "uara" 'you' (about a man) - "bara" 'you' ( about a woman).

In the whole group, dynamic and static, finite and infinite verbs, local and directional preverbs are distinguished (see Affix). The personal affixes of the subject and object (direct and indirect) are included in the verb, have a strict arrangement depending on the transitivity-intransitivity of the verb. The verb also includes indicators of causative, conjunction, compatibility, version, negation, affirmation, temporal and modal indicators, etc. In general, the verb is extremely complex, often the verb form includes 10 or more morphemes, which determines the polysynthetic structure of the Abkhaz-Adyghe language. Adverbs, postpositions, conjunctions and particles are by origin associated with significant parts of speech. There are no prepositions, their role is played by postpositions, the latter are especially diverse in the Abkhazian and Abaza languages, where the absence of cases is compensated by a developed postpositional system.

Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are languages of the ergative system; middle Adyghe "Ar ashch ezhe" 'He is waiting for him' (nominative construction) - 'Ash ar esche' 'He leads him' (ergative construction). The functions of subordinate clauses are performed by verb forms, including circumstances, affixes in the meanings 'where', 'when', 'where', 'why', 'from where'; middle Abkhazian “d-a-khy-gylaz” ‘where he stood’, ‘d-a-kh-neiz’ ‘where he came’.

Basic word order: subject + object + predicate. Word order is especially important in the Abkhaz and Abaza languages, where there is no case category.

The borrowed vocabulary is dominated by Russianisms (and words borrowed through the Russian language); there are also many Arabisms, Farsisms and Turkisms.

With the exception of the unwritten Ubykh language, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are young written.

The study of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages began at the end of the 18th century (I. A. Guldenshtedt, P. K. Uslar, L. Ya. Lyulye, I. Gratsilevsky, Sh. B. Nogmov, later L. G. Lopatinsky, Kazi Atazhukin); a significant contribution to the study of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages was made by N.S. Trubetskoy, D.A. Ashkhamaf, N. F. Yakovlev, G. V. Rogava, K. V. Lomtatidze, Z. I. Kerasheva and others.

Lit .: Rogava G.V. Abkhazian-Adyghe languages // Languages of the peoples of the USSR. M., 1967. T. 4; Balkarov B.Kh. Introduction to the Abkhaz-Adyghe linguistics. Nalchik, 1979; Kumakhov M. A., Shatrov A. K. Abkhazian-Adyghe languages // Languages of Asia and Africa. M., 1979. T. 3; Chi rikba V. A. Common West Caucasian: the reconstruction of its phonological system and parts of its lexicon and morphology. Leiden, 1996; Shagirov A.K. Abkhaz-Adyghe languages//Languages of the world. Caucasian languages. M., 1999.

The Adygs are an ethnic community that currently includes the Adyghes, Kabardians, Circassians and Shapsugs. The number of the Adyghe population of the Russian Federation is 559.7 thousand people. Adygs live, moreover, in many countries of the world, mainly in the Near and Middle East, where they are usually called Circassians. Here, the Adyghe peoples are compactly settled and include Tayuke Abkhazians, Abaza, Ossetians and other people from the North Caucasus. The total number of Circassians is over 1 million people. They are all Sunni Muslims by religion. Languages - Adyghe and Kabardino-Circassian. According to other classifications, one Adyghe language is distinguished, including the Western Adyghe dialect group (Adyghe language with dialects) and the Eastern Adyghe group (dialects of the Kabardino-Circassian language).

Kabardians (self-designation Adyge; 386.1 thousand people) live in Kabardino-Balkaria (363.5 thousand people), as well as in the Krasnodar and Stavropol Territories and North Ossetia. The total number within the former USSR is about 391 thousand people. The Kabardian language is divided into dialects: Big Kabarda (its Baksan dialect formed into

the basis of the literary Kabardino-Circassian language), Mozdok, Besleney and Kuban (the dialect of Kabardians living in Adygea); the Little Kabardian dialect is also distinguished as part of the Bolshaya Kabarda dialect. The Kabardians are Sunni Muslims, but the Mozdok group of people are mostly Orthodox Christians.

Adyghes (self-name Adyge; 122.9 thousand people) live in Adygea (95.4 thousand), as well as in neighboring regions of the Krasnodar Territory (20.8 thousand people). Some of the Adyghes live in Turkey and other countries of the Middle East. Until the beginning of the 20th century. There were the following sub-ethnic groups: Abadzekhs, Besleneevs, Bzhedugs, Zhaneevs, Ege-Rukhaevs, Mamkhegs, Makhoshevs, Natukhais, Temirgoevs, Khatukaevs, Shapsugs, Khakuchis. The Western Adyghe dialect group includes four dialects: Timirgoevsky (which is the basis of the Adyghe literary language), Abadzekh, Bzhedug and, the most peculiar, Shapsug.

Circassians (self-designation Adyghe; 50.8 thousand people) live in 17 villages of Karachay-Cherkessia (40.2 thousand people), as well as in the countries of South-West Asia and North Africa, where they moved in the second half of the 19th century. The Circassians have a common literary language with the Kabardians.

Shapsugs are currently distinguished as an independent people. In 1992, a decision was made to create the Shapsugsky national region. The current number of Shapsugs is about 10 thousand people. They live in the Tuapsip and Lazarevsky regions of the Krasnodar Territory and in small groups in Adygea.

Abkhazians (self-name Apsua; 7.3 thousand people) - the indigenous population of Abkhazia (93.3 thousand people). They also live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan and in some countries of Western Europe, the USA. Dialects of the Abkhaz language - ab-

Zhuisky and Bzybsky. Abkhaz believers are Orthodox Christians and Sunni Muslims.

Abazins (self-name Abaza; 33 thousand people) settled in Karachay-Cherkessia (27.5 thousand). They also live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon (about 10 thousand people). The total number is about 44 thousand people. The language, closely related to Abkhaz, has two dialects (corresponding to two sub-ethnic groups): Tapant (underlies the literary language) and Ashkhar. The Tapant dialect occupies a special place in the Abkhaz-Abaza linguistic community, while the Ashkhar dialect is close to the Abkhaz language. The Kabardino-Circassian language is also widespread.

Some researchers talk about a single Abkhaz-Abaza language and its dialects. An intermediate position between the Adyghe and Abkhaz-Abaza languages is now occupied by the almost dead Ubykh language. Only a few people remember him - the descendants of the Ubykh Ma-Khajirs living in Western Turkey. The Ubykhs who remained today are completely assimilated either by the Abkhazians or the Adyghe-Shapsugs.

Category :Languages of Eurasia North Caucasian superfamily (hypothesis) Compound File:Abxaz-Adyge-tree.PNG See also: Project:Linguistics

Abkhaz-Adyghe languages- one of the Caucasian language families, presumably included in the North Caucasian superfamily. Includes the Adyghe and Abkhaz-Abaza branches and the Ubykh language. The latter, genetically closer to the first branch, has experienced a significant influence of the second, so that in general it occupies an intermediate position between both.

Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are called differently Northwest Caucasian according to the place of its initial and main distribution - the North-Western Caucasus.

Distributed in Russia (in the North Caucasus), in Abkhazia and among the Middle Eastern diaspora (mainly in Turkey, Syria, Jordan). The total number of speakers of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages is approx. 1.1 million people, including in Russia - 764,660 people. (2002 census).

external relationship

The most popular and provable point of view is that the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages \u200b\u200bare related to the Nakh-Dagestan languages, with which they jointly form the North Caucasian family. According to an alternative point of view, the relationship with the Nakh-Dagestan languages is acquired due to their close proximity and is limited mainly to vocabulary, while there are significant differences at the level of morphology and phonetics.

There are also attempts to bring the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages closer to the long-extinct Hattian language of northeastern Anatolia (III-II millennium BC) - with little success, however, due to the paucity of materials of the latter.

Classification

Adyghe branch

The Adyghe (Circassian) group includes two closely related languages, which are sometimes considered dialects of a single Adyghe language. In particular, the self-names of both languages are the same - Adyghe (bze).

Adyghe language(Adygabze) - now common in the northern and northeastern regions of the Republic of Adygea and some mountain valleys along the Black Sea coast (Shapsug dialect). Up to 90% of the Western Circassians were involved in the Caucasian Muhajirism, and now they make up almost 80% of the Turkish Circassians. However, in the original lands of the Caucasus, the language was better preserved, and the language statistics are as follows: 129,419 people. in the Russian Federation (2002), approx. 160 thousand in Turkey and other diaspora countries.
Kabardino-Circassian language(Adygebze) is one of the official languages of Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia. In Russia, it is spoken by two main ethnic groups: Kabardians and Circassians, in total 587,547 people. The latter include the remnants of the Besleney people, whose dialect occupies an intermediate position between the Adyghe and Kabardino-Circassian languages. Many Kabardians live in the diaspora, where approx. 50 thousand still use their native language.

In the diaspora, all Circassians are called Circassians, and often this number also includes their kindred Ubykhs, Abkhazians and Abazins.

Abkhaz-Abaza branch

The Abkhaz-Abaza languages are also quite close to each other and include the following languages:

Abkhaz language(aҧsua byzshǝa, aҧsshǝa) is the official language of the Republic of Abkhazia (Apsny), a partially recognized state, where it is spoken by more than 90 thousand people. However, if in 1989 they made up only 17.8% of the population of Abkhazia, then after the Georgian-Abkhazian war (1992-93), in 1995 - more than half. The speakers of only two dialects (Abzhui and Bzyp) remained in the Caucasus, the speakers of others (Sadz and Akhchipsy) were deported to the Ottoman Empire.
Abaza language(abaza byzshva) is the official language of Karachay-Cherkessia, where it is spoken in the north of the republic. Three and a half auls speak the Ashkhar dialect, and about ten more speak Tapant. Before the Caucasian War, the Abaza inhabited almost the entire territory of modern Karachay-Cherkessia, except for Karachay in the extreme southeast and extreme northwest, which was inhabited by the Besleneyites; as well as most of the Mostovsky district of the Krasnodar Territory. In total, 38,247 people speak it in Russia.

Genetically, the Abkhaz-Abaza languages are close enough to each other to be considered dialects of the same language. At the same time, the Ashkhar dialect of the Abaza is closer to the Abkhaz than to the Tapant dialect. Conventionally, this is shown in the diagram above.

Ubykh branch

The fate of the last Abkhaz-Adyghe language - Ubykh(a-t°axə) turned out to be more sad. The Ubykhs lived along the Black Sea coast between the Sadz and Shapsugs - where the resort town of Sochi is now located. Being active participants in the Caucasian War, they were completely evicted after the defeat of the highlanders. In the Ottoman Empire, they settled together with the Adygs and subsequently switched to their language: the last native speaker of the Ubykh language, Tevfik Esench, died in the village of Hadzhiosman (on the coast of the Sea of Marmara in Turkey) on October 7, 1992. However, the Ubykhs themselves are still alive, and there are about 10,000 of them in Turkey. There is a movement to restore the language and even to develop its literary form. Ubykhsky is considered one of the champions in terms of sound diversity: according to experts, there are up to 80 consonant phonemes in it.

Story

The interstriped distribution of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages over a rather vast territory is explained by historical facts, in particular, by the migrations of their speakers. Little is known about their life in ancient times. The most likely ancestors of the Abkhaz-Adygs were the Meots, common in ancient times in the northwestern Caucasus. After the crushing campaigns of the Huns and Goths-Tetraxites, the Meotian tribes were pushed back to the mountainous regions of the Trans-Kuban region, and the very name of the Meotians completely disappeared. It was replaced by the names of Zikhs and Kasogs ( porridge) are the names of large local tribes. It is possible that the Taurians, a tribe that lived in the Crimea in the era of Greek colonization, also belonged to the Abkhaz-Adyghe peoples.

The devastating invasions of the Tatar-Mongols in the 13th and hordes of Tamerlane in the 14th centuries, after which the Adyghe tribes took refuge in inaccessible mountain valleys, became another blow to the entire North Caucasus. The ancestors of the Abkhazians, Abazins and Ubykhs lived on the other side of the Caucasus Range along the coast of the Black Sea. But there was little space in the mountains, and as soon as it became calmer around, part of the Adyghes moved to the east (c. XIII-XIV centuries), laying the foundation for the Kabardian ethnos. Groups of Abaza began to move to the liberated lands from the south, because of the Caucasus Range - at first tapanta(which means in translation "inhabitants of the plain"), and then ashkaraua(= "highlanders") who occupied the territory of modern Karachay-Cherkessia. Later, already in the 18th century, part of the Kabardians returned back and settled in the north of modern Karachay-Cherkessia, receiving the name "fugitive" Kabardians. Already in Soviet times, the ethnonym “Circassians” was assigned to them, which before that meant all the Adyghes in general.

In the second half of the 19th century, all the Abkhaz-Adyghe peoples, to one degree or another, experienced another great disaster - the so-called. Muhajirism, or the resettlement of a significant part of them within the Ottoman Empire. Having ended the Caucasian War with considerable difficulty in 1864, the Russian government understood: to leave the highlanders in the mountains - to lay a time bomb. And it gave them an ultimatum: either move to the plain, or leave Russia. The first was chosen by those who had already been under Russian influence for a long time: the majority of Kabardians, the northern part of the western Circassians, part of the Abazins and Abkhazians. Those who lived closer to the sea and were influenced by the Porte went into exile. As a result, there were no Natukhaevs, Khatukaevs, Egerukais, Mamkhegs, Makhoshevs, Abadzekhs (1 aul remained), Shapsugs, Sadzes, Ubykhs, Besleneevs (4 auls), mountain (pshu, dal, tsebelda) and Gum Abkhazians in the Caucasus. The mountainous strip of the northwestern Caucasus was completely depopulated and subsequently settled by people from other regions of Russia and the Ottoman Empire (Armenians, Greeks), and the deserted regions of Abkhazia were also populated by Mingrelians, Svans and Georgians.

However, the new homeland turned out to be not very friendly: thousands of Muhajirs, often placed in desert places, died of hunger and disease. The fate of the native language was even less prosperous. By direct and indirect methods, the Turkish government has been pushing out any minority languages, and only recently, in an effort to meet European standards, Turkey has made some indulgences. However, even now none of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages has an official status in Turkey, is not taught at school, and in fact has no written language. Official statistics speak of a little more than 100 thousand native speakers of the Adyghe language (there it is considered as one language) and 12 thousand speakers of Abkhazian, while there are more than half a million ethnic Adyghes and Abkhaz-Abaza, and the number of people, one way or another who are descendants of the Muhajirs, reaches several million.

grammatical characteristic

Typologically, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are quite close to each other. The most striking features of their grammar are the following:

extremely poor vocalism with very rich consonantism. There are three basic vowel phonemes /a, ə, ɨ/ (a, e, s) in the Adyghe languages, and only two - /a, ɨ/ (a, s) in Ubykh, Abkhaz and Abaza. At the same time, in live pronunciation, each of these phonemes has several pronunciation allophones (variants), depending on the surrounding consonants, which is partially transmitted orthographically.

The number of consonants varies from 45 in Kabardian to 80 in Ubykh. Such a huge number is explained by the fact that in these languages there are several additional articulations added to the main set of consonants. Thus, in Ubykh there are “only” 44 main consonants, many of which can be pharyngealized, palatalized (“softened”) and labialized (“rounded”). As a result, a set of 80 phonemes is obtained. In addition to the usual for the Caucasus aruptive (pӀ, tӀ, kӀ, tӀ), lateral (lӀ, lъ), uvular (хъ, къ, гъ) and pharyngeal (Ӏ, хь) consonants, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages contain such rare sounds as alveo-palatal (“lisping”) (shb, schӀ, zhb) and abortive spirants (fӀ, shӀ, schӀ). For such a large number of consonants, of course, there are not enough letters of the Russian alphabet (which these languages use). Different languages solve this problem in different ways: the Abkhazian went along the path of using additional letters by modifying existing ones and adding new ones, and the rest - more common for the Caucasus - by using special additional characters ъ, ь, , у. Correspondence between letters and phonemes for consonants in the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages, see the article about the graphics of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages.

In morphology, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages are distinguished by rich verbal inflection, or polysyntheticism. A large number of prefixes and suffixes with a certain meaning and a fixed place can be attached to one verbal root, as a result of which a whole sentence can be transmitted in one word. With the help of conciliatory verbal affixes for the subject, object and indirect object, direction, place, version (if the action is performed for someone), coercion, negation, transitivity, time and some other meanings can be expressed. For example, in the Adyghe language such words are possible as p-f-e-s-tyg "it-for. you-to-him-I-gave", u-ky-s-f-e-plyyg "you-for. me -looked-at.him”, sy-b-de-kao-n-ep “I-for.you-won’t-marry”; in the Abaza d-i-ba-ztIxIva "although-he-he-he-saw"; abh. i-sy-z-i-ly-rҩit "for. me-she-made-him-to-write".

Syntactically, the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages belong to the languages of the ergative system: cf. Adyghe “Ar ash ezhe” ‘He is waiting for him’ (nominal design) - “Ash ar yetche” ‘He leads him’ (ergat design). The functions of subordinate clauses are performed by verb forms, including adverbial affixes in the meanings 'where', 'when', 'where', 'why', 'from where'; cf. abh. “d-ahh-gylaz” ‘where he stood’, ‘d-ahh-neiz’ ‘where he came’. Basic

480 rub. | 150 UAH | $7.5 ", MOUSEOFF, FGCOLOR, "#FFFFCC",BGCOLOR, "#393939");" onMouseOut="return nd();"> Thesis - 480 rubles, shipping 10 minutes 24 hours a day, seven days a week and holidays

240 rub. | 75 UAH | $3.75 ", MOUSEOFF, FGCOLOR, "#FFFFCC",BGCOLOR, "#393939");" onMouseOut="return nd();"> Abstract - 240 rubles, delivery 1-3 hours, from 10-19 (Moscow time), except Sunday

Khagasova Taisiya Khamzetkhanovna. Adyghe borrowings in Russian: Dis. ... cand. philol. Sciences: 10.02.02: Nalchik, 2004 169 p. RSL OD, 61:04-10/1658

Introduction

CHAPTER ONE Cultural-historical and socio-economic prerequisites for borrowing Adygisms by the Russian language 14

1. Reflection of Russian - Adyghe connections in folklore 14

2. Military - political and trade relations of the Circassians with Russia 17

3. Russian-Adyghe cultural and historical contacts 28

CHAPTER TWO Lexico - thematic classification of Adygisms in Russian 35

1. The problem of systematic vocabulary in modern linguistics 35

2. The lexico-thematic system is one of the ways to group the vocabulary of a language 42

3. Types of loans: 44

1. Borrowing 44

2. Exoticisms 47

3. Inclusions (barbarisms) 49

4. Lexico-thematic classification of Adygisms 51

CHAPTER THREE Mastering Adygisms in Russian 82

1. Features of the functioning of Adygisms in Russian-language works 82

2. Development of Adyghe borrowings in Russian lexicography and encyclopedic literature 97

3. The main aspects of the assimilation of Adyghe words in Russian 103

1. Graphical aspect (transformation) 105

2. Phonetic aspect (assimilation) 106

3. Word-building aspect (activity) 117

4. Morphological aspect (adaptation) 119

5. Semantic aspect (rethinking) sh

6. Lexical aspect (development) 125

7. Spelling of Adygisms in Russian 127

Conclusion 131

List of accepted abbreviations 136

Dictionary of Adygisms...139

Bibliography 155

Introduction to work

The study of the interaction of languages in a broad sense, going beyond the genetically related language family, is currently attracting the attention of linguists with renewed vigor. The increased interest in the issues of ancient historical contacts, in the problem of the substrate and mutual influence of languages of different systems is explained by the fact that the comparative-historical and comparative-typological study of related and unrelated languages opens up wide scope for general theoretical conclusions, and this, in combination with ethnographic findings, helps to a large extent to illuminate many aspects of the history of the languages of the peoples of Russia.

The scale of interaction between unrelated languages depends on the nature of the contacts between them, and they proceed differently in different tiers of the language. They proceed most intensively at the lexical and phonetic levels (Balkarov 1977: 70).

It is impossible to find at least one language that would not have borrowings. At the same time, their volume can reach very large sizes, as, for example, in English and Albanian, and be very limited, as in Irish (Akhunzyanov 1968: 215).

Borrowing is a universal linguistic phenomenon, which consists in the acceptance by one language of linguistic material from another language as a result of extralinguistic contacts between them, which differ in level and forms. The study of this process as a result of close contacts between peoples and their languages is important for solving a number of linguistic problems, as well as issues related to history, archeology, psychology and other sciences (Volodarskaya 2002: 96).

When studying this issue, it is necessary to clarify what should be understood as borrowing and what words can be attributed to their category. Naturally, the following questions are also connected with this: what varieties of borrowing exist in the language and can be distinguished, what are the reasons for this process, what is the expediency of using them. Therefore, this problem is one of the main aspects of both linguistic and sociological study of language.

With regard to words used in the Russian language and not belonging to its original vocabulary, the following designations are used in the scientific literature: “foreign words”, “foreign words”, “foreign borrowings”, “foreign borrowings”, “non-equivalent vocabulary”, “ exotic", "regional vocabulary". In a broad sense, the category of borrowed words includes both those that have not undergone changes, and those that have undergone significant changes and have entered the main vocabulary of the language (Lotte 1982: 9).

The Russian language has had and continues to have a versatile and * beneficial influence on the development of the national languages of the Russian Federation, it absorbs and masters national means of expression, thereby enriching its vocabulary. V. V. Vinogradov noted that even in the most ancient period of the history of the Russian language, the ways of interaction of the Russian language with other languages were determined. At the same time, the Russian language perceived from them only the necessary words and expressions: “Throughout history, the Russian language, with extraordinary breadth and freedom, used the words and expressions of foreign languages, immersing them in the Russian national element and assimilating in it” (Vinogradov 1945: 123), -

Foreign vocabulary comes today through business, scientific, trade, cultural ties, fiction, the media, which today are an important source of borrowing (Krysin 2002: 27). In our country, one of the main conditions for this process is bilingualism, Russia is a multinational state. Bilingualism is a socio-linguistic and historical phenomenon resulting from the contacts of a multilingual population.

Within ethnically homogeneous communities of people, the communicative function is performed by the native language of this community. It acts as a universal means of expressing thoughts, exchanging accumulated experience. However, as production develops, people's contacts, especially in the conditions of a multinational state, are not limited to the framework of the socio-ethnic community to which they belong. The Russian language, functioning as a language of interethnic communication in parallel with national languages, actively interacts with them, enriches them and at the same time enriches itself, expanding its expressive means.

The words of one of the interacting languages penetrate into another language and gradually form in it, often quite a noticeable layer. However, not all vocabulary included in the language becomes its property. Some foreign words are acquired over time by the borrowing language, obeying the laws and rules of the adopting language, others for various reasons do not find distribution, are not absorbed by the language and gradually fall out.

In fact, the borrowing of words is one of the main ways of enriching and developing a language. It reflects all the historical vicissitudes that accompany the development of this people. Vocabulary usually reflects all major and sometimes minor events in the history of society, and it is possible to restore not only the history of the relationship of a particular people with other peoples, but also the nature of these relations. Therefore, borrowings from one language to another are often used as very valuable historical evidence.

As noted, the general problem of borrowing includes a complex set of questions, both linguistic and extralinguistic. The most relevant and important of them for our work are the following provisions: the reasons for borrowing are extra-linguistic, intra-linguistic; types and types of foreign words; aspects of the development of borrowings. Extralinguistic reasons include: 1) the cultural influence of one people on another; 2) availability of oral and written contacts; 3) increasing interest in learning a particular language; 4) the authority of the source language; 5) historically determined fascination of certain social strata with the culture of another country; 6) the conditions of the linguistic culture of the social strata that accept the new word. The intralinguistic reasons include: 1) the absence in the native language of an equivalent word for a new object or concept; 2) tendencies to use one borrowed word instead of a descriptive phrase; 3) the desire to increase and maintain the communicative clarity of lexical units, which is expressed in the elimination of polysemy or homonymy in the borrowing language; 4) the need to detail the corresponding meaning, to distinguish between some of its semantic shades, to convey the features of life, the customs of another people; 5) tendency to expressiveness, etc.

Foreign words in Russian can be divided into several groups: borrowed words, exotic vocabulary, foreign inclusions (Krysin 1968:43).

Borrowed words, which are facts of the language, most of which are lexicographically fixed,

Exotic vocabulary, which is defined as regional, is an open group of words. The vocabulary of such a plan does not belong, like borrowings, to the system of the language using them, does not function in it as units more or less firmly connected with the grammatical structure of this language. Exoticisms are used in the text of works of art to convey national color, culture, and the specifics of the vision of reality. However, this does not mean that there are no points of contact between borrowings and exotic vocabulary. The use of regionalisms is due to the fact that they are recognized forms of lexico-semantic expression of the most important concepts of modern culture of different peoples and serve as the basis for borrowing.

Foreign inclusions are words and phrases that are international in nature and can be used in texts of any cultural language. These units are essentially an interlingual verbal and phraseological fund. In addition, other foreign language elements that do not belong to the circle of stable and international ones can “intersperse” into speech. Their use is often associated with artistic and stylistic tasks, and sometimes reflect individual word usage (Krysin 1968:47-48).

Studies show that the result of centuries-old Russian-Adyghe relations was their mutual influence and mutual enrichment (Apazhev 2000:240). The internal and external position of the Adyghe ethno-political community, the interests of Russia's eastern policy and the general interest in the fight against the Turkish-Crimean aggression led to the rapprochement of the Adyghes with the Muscovite state. It is known that these relations were not one-sided.

If the questions of the multilateral influence of the Russian language on the Kabardino-Circassian, Adyghe and other North Caucasian languages received significant development in the works of X. D. Vodozhdokov (1955), Yu. ), M. L. Apazheva (1963), M. Yu. Khalilova (1994) and others, the problem of enriching the Russian language through borrowings from the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus remains insufficiently studied, especially in structural and linguistic terms . This refers, first of all, to phonetic, accentological, lexical, semantic, word-formation, morphological aspects of the development of Adyghe and other North Caucasian borrowings both in South Russian dialects, dialects, and in the Russian literary language itself (Apazhev 2000: 240).

It is indisputable that with all the enormous scope and depth of its penetration, Russian influence in the Adyghe-speaking republics, as well as in the North Caucasus as a whole, did not remain unanswered.

The relevance of this study is due to the lack of knowledge of the issues of development, functioning and the degree of adequacy of the translation of exotic vocabulary in the text of works of art, which is of interest for studying the interaction and mutual influence of the Russian and Adyghe languages.

The object of the study is a comprehensive linguistic analysis of the Adyghe vocabulary used in Russian fiction. This approach allows us to consider foreign words not only from a lexical-semantic point of view, but also as one of the stylistic means that reflect the spiritual culture of the people, the specifics of the vision of reality.

The subject of the study is the Adyghe vocabulary in Russian-language literature.

The purpose of the study is to identify Adygisms, their classification in the Russian literary language and to analyze the main aspects of their assimilation in the borrowing language.

To achieve this goal, the following tasks are set and solved:

1) To reveal the cultural, historical and socio-economic prerequisites for the borrowing of Adygisms by the Russian language and to summarize the accumulated material on this problem, which is contained in the studies of predecessors (V. I. Abaev, A. K. Shagirov, M. L. Apazhev, 3. U Blagoz, J. N. Kokov, I. E. Galchenko, and others).

To characterize the types of borrowings and present the lexical and thematic classification of Adygisms.

Consider the main aspects of the assimilation of Adyghe words and names in Russian and determine the artistic functions of exotic vocabulary in the text of works.

Scientific novelty. The development of the problem of borrowing from the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus into the Russian language has so far been considered more in sociolinguistic terms. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the specific features of the phonetic, morphological, word-formation, semantic, lexical, graphic assimilation of the Adyghe vocabulary in the Russian language.

The study is based on the hypothesis that long-term historical contacts between the Russian and Adyghe peoples should have led to mutual enrichment of the vocabulary of their languages. The huge role of the Russian language in the enrichment and development of all spheres of the vocabulary of the Adyghe languages is well known. At the same time, the Adyghe languages have had and are having a certain reverse effect on the vocabulary of the Russian language.

Research sources: the study is based on the analysis of Adyghe lexical units that are found in the texts of the works of A. P. Keshokov, T. M. Kerashev, A. T. Shortanov, I. Sh. Mashbash, X. I. Teunov, M. Kandur, A. Okhtova, M. Elberd and others in order to determine the features of the functioning of the national vocabulary in the Russian language.

The study of the research problem. The issues of the influence of the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus on the Russian language were the object of linguistic attention by M. L. Apazhev (1968, 1971, 1977, 2000), Z.U. Blagoza (1967,1971) and others. Interest in this problem in sociolinguistic terms is found in the works of I.E. Galchenko (1975, 1976, 1980), M.M.

Molchanova (1984), A. G. Gyulmagomedova O 995), E. M. Makhmudova (1997), X. T. Khalimbekova (1998).

The methodological basis of the work is the research of V. I. Abaev (1958, 1963), V. A. Avrorin (1960), M. L. Apazhev (1963, 1971, 1977, 2000), B. Kh. Balkarov (1975, 1991) , 3. U. Blagoz (1967, 1971, 1982), Yu. D. Desherieva (1958, 1987), J. N. Kokova (1966, 1983, 1993, 2000, 2001), L. P. Krysina 1994), A. E. Suprun (1958, 1975), A. K. Shagirov (1962, 1977, 1989), F. P. Filin (1957) and others. At the present stage, under the influence of numerous factors of socio-economic, political , ideological and cultural order, the process of interaction between Russian and early-written languages proceeds with great intensity. Consequently, this circumstance necessitates a new approach to the issue of language contacts.

Research methods: to solve the tasks set, various research methods were used, a descriptive, comparative, comparative analysis of the text in order to determine the place and role of the Adyghe vocabulary in Russian-language works.

The theoretical significance of the study lies in the fact that the work represents the first attempt to more fully cover the Adygisms, clarify and analyze the main aspects of their assimilation in the Russian language. The results of the study can be used in further study of the problems of interaction and mutual influence of languages, as well as in the development of issues of Adyghe and Russian lexicology and lexicography.

The practical significance of the work follows from the above and consists in the possibility of using the dissertation materials in the practice of studying vocabulary at the relevant faculties of universities, colleges, gymnasiums of the Adyghe-speaking republics - Adygea, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia.

The following provisions are put forward for defense: the lexical and thematic classification of Adyghe borrowings made it possible to get a general idea of the diversity of the studied material characterizing the life of the people, customs, art, culture, which is an important link in a comprehensive description of the vocabulary of the Russian language, especially when compiling complete explanatory, thematic, foreign language, ideographic, as well as bilingual and terminological dictionaries of various types and purposes.

Adyghe borrowings in the Russian language system undergo phonetic, morphological, semantic and graphic changes.

3) The use of Adygisms in the text of Russian-language literature makes it possible to preserve the national color, reveals the inner world of the hero and expands the semantic perspective of the story.

Approbation of the research: the main provisions of the dissertation were reported at international (Sukhum 1999; Nalchik 2003), all-Russian (Nalchik 2000), regional (Nalchik 1997; Karachaevsk 2001), republican (Nalchik 1996) scientific and practical conferences.

Structure and scope of work. The dissertation consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion, a list of abbreviations and an appendix, a bibliography, the volume of work is 169 pages.

The introduction substantiates the choice and relevance of the topic under study, defines the goal, objectives, methodological basis and methods of research, reveals the essence of scientific novelty and the practical significance of the dissertation work.

The first chapter examines the cultural, historical and socio-economic preconditions for the borrowing of Adygisms by the Russian language.

The second chapter is devoted to the problem of systematic vocabulary in modern linguistics: the characteristics of the types of borrowings in the Russian language are given, the lexical-thematic classification of Adyghe borrowings is presented.

The third chapter defines the artistic functions of the Adyghe vocabulary in Russian-language literature, highlights the development of Adyghe borrowings in Russian lexicography and encyclopedic literature, identifies the main aspects of the assimilation of Adyghe elements in the Russian language in graphic, phonetic, word-formation, morphological, semantic and lexical plans.

In conclusion, the main conclusions are given. The bibliography contains a list of used literature and a list of conventional abbreviations.

The appendix contains a dictionary of Adyghe borrowings and exoticisms in Russian.

Reflection of Russian - Adyghe ties in folklore

In the course of historical development, peoples, their languages, in contact with each other, are enriched through mutual influence. The history of relations between Russia and the Adyghe peoples has its own characteristics. They are mainly determined by the provision of external security, commonality of political, trade, economic, economic and cultural interests (Kumykov 1991: 6).

The communication of the Circassians with the ancient Slavs goes back centuries. In the annals of 1022, it is said about the single combat of the son of Vladimir, St. Mstislav of Tmutarakan, with the Kosozh hero Rededey (Kudashev 1991: 39). Facts from the chronicle plot about the single combat of Mstislav and Rededi served in the compilation of genealogies of individual boyar families in the 16th-17th centuries. According to legend, the two sons of Rededi, taken to Tmutarakan, were baptized by Mstislav and received the names of Yuri and Roman, respectively. According to one of the options, Roman was married to the daughter of the Tmutarakan prince. The boyar families of the Beleuts, Sorokoumovs, Simskys, Dobrynskys and others built their genealogies to Yuri and Roman (Zimin 1988: 217-223). Researchers of Russian-Kabardian cultural relations emphasize that communication between the Slavs and the Circassians did not stop even after the invasion of the Polovtsy: the Tmutarakans retained even then friendly ties with the peoples of the North Caucasus. (Treskov 1956: 14) The huge role of Tmutarakaniya in the X-XI centuries. in the life of the Circassians is also explained by the fact that it was the most convenient, closest and largest trade and craft center, through which the Circassians were connected with international trading life. Russian-Adyghe relations during the period of the Tmutarakan principality were not limited to political, commercial relations. They left traces in the culture of both peoples. Ethnographers note similar features in clothing, housing, and folklore of the Circassians and Ukrainians (Malbakhov, Dzamikhov 1996: 14).

Religious ties also played a certain role in the development of relations between the Circassians and Russians. Christianity and the rituals and mythological names associated with it penetrated into Kabarda from Byzantium, but even in this case one should not lose sight of the role of Ancient Russia, which spread and supported this religion among the Circassians. Otherwise, it is impossible to understand the fact that the Kabardians felt the religious essence of "Maria" until the middle of the 19th century, as Sh.B. Nogmov (Nogmov 1994: 60). It is unlikely that this can be explained by a connection only with the Greeks: - after all, with the emergence of the Tmutarakan principality, relations between the Circassians and Byzantium weaken, and then cease altogether, therefore, Christian concepts and names, in all likelihood, were originally borrowed by the ancestors of the Kabardians from both Greece and Russia , and then, thanks to the Slavic-Adyghe connections and Old Russian influence, they were kept in the life and language of the Adyghes (Apazhev 1963: 20).

The first mentions of Russia (Rus, Ross, Russians) are in the Nart epic, where the Balkar-Karachay legend about the son of a Russian and a Balkar or Karachay Nart Rachikau, the best friend of the Adyghe hero Sosruko, attracts attention first of all. There are indications of a “connection” with Russia not only of the Balkar-Karachay Rachikau, but also of the Adyghe-Circassian Sosruko. Thus, according to Khan-Girey, “Sosruko's life-descriptive song speaks of the country of Uris, which in the Circassian language means Russia, the country of the Rus (Treskov 1963: 179-180).

M. G. Khalansky noted the closeness of the motives of Russian epics and the Adyghe epic. He emphasized that the similarity between Russian and Caucasian legends is so great that there is a desire to reveal closer relations between them than to make simple comparisons. At the same time, he pointed out that “for comparison with the Russian legends about Svyatogor ... Caucasian legends about the clash of Narts with giants are of interest (Khalansky 1885: 33-34). The researchers wrote that the similarity of these plots is associated with the early relations of the Eastern Slavs with the Caucasian peoples. Found in the epic of the Circassians and traces of epic legends about the struggle of the Ants with the Goths in the IY-YI centuries. In the epic terminology of the Adyghe legends, it is especially interesting to note the special names of the peoples of the Ants, which are absent in everyday modern speech. In ancient legends, there are the words “Antian youth”, “Antian princely son”, “Antian horseman” and others. Antes are Eastern Slavs, judging by the data of the Byzantine historian Procopius of Caesarea (Vilinbakhov 1982: 28).

The Adyghe epic contains a number of legends, where not only the people of the Ants act, but also individual heroes are mentioned, whose names coincide with the names of the Slavic, or Ant, leaders, reported by Byzantine writers of the 11th-22th centuries: Baksan is the Antian prince, Maremikha is the son of Idar, Boz (Bus) - Antsky prince, etc.

Of interest is the Tale of Baksan. According to Sh. B. Nog-mov, Prince Dauo lived on the Baksan River, who had eight sons and one daughter. His eldest son, Baksan, was a famous Nart of his fatherland. It is said that he was killed by the king of Gotha along with all his brothers. Then he cites a song about Baksan, composed by the sister of the murdered man; “The heroism of Baksan illuminates the people of Ant with its valor...” (Nogmov 1994: 41-58). In the legend about Baksan, it is difficult not to see a reworking of the legend about the war of Bus (Boz) with the Goths, in which the latter was taken prisoner and painfully killed by them. It is quite possible that the ancient prototype of this song, the lament, was the reason for the appearance in the Tale of Igor's Campaign of the phrase about the sad "Time of Busov" (Vilinbakhov 1982: 29). The memory of the Rus and Rus in the North Caucasian folklore is convincing evidence that in the distant past there were various relations between the North Caucasian peoples and the Rus. Russian chronicles in the 13th century continue to call the Circassians "Kaso-Gami", but at the turn of the century a new exo-ethnonym "Circassians" gradually appears in them (Dzamikhov 2000: 45).

Since the 13th century, the lands of the Adygs were part of the Golden Horde (Bakiyev 1997: 21). The Mongol invasion somewhat weakens Russian-Adyghe contacts. But already at the end of the 15th century, some Adyghe princes tried to seek the support of the Russian state.

A reflection of one of the links in the chain of Russian-Adyghe ties can be considered the correspondence of Ivan III with Zachary de Gilzofi. The latter twice (1483 and 1487) sent letters to Moscow with Russian merchants passing through Kafa with a proposal to transfer to the Russian service. Ivan III perfectly imagined who Zacharias was; in the letters of the Grand Duke, he is called not only "Taman prince", Fryazin, but also "Cherkasin", "Cherkashinin". In other words, Ivan III understood that it was about connections with the Circassians. But the alignment of forces at the end of the 10th century did not allow Russia to establish contacts with the Circassians. This happened only in the second half of the 17th century.

The problem of systematic vocabulary in modern linguistics

Lexicology is a relatively young branch of linguistics in world linguistics, but it has a rich history, its own research methodology and is currently an integral system of scientific disciplines.

As early as the end of the 19th century, while studying the state of the science of language, I. A. Baudouin de Courtenay predicted: “Lexicology, or the science of words, as a separate branch of grammar, will be a creation of the 19th century” (Baudouin de Courtenay 1963: 17).

The formation of Russian lexicology refers to the Soviet period in the development of Russian linguistics. The development of practical and theoretical lexicography, marked in recent years by major achievements, is stimulated primarily by the tasks of national-cultural and linguistic construction. More than 4,000 dictionaries have been published, most of which have been translated into foreign languages or used as models in compiling various dictionaries and encyclopedias (Apazhev 1992: 62).

From the very beginning, the development of lexicology was based on two fundamental theoretical positions formulated in the works of the largest representatives of Russian linguistics of the previous period - F. F. Fortunatov, I. A. Baudouin de Courtenay, A. A. Shakhmatov, M. M. Pokrovsky, L V. Shcherby, VV Vinogradova, etc. These were the ideas of the systematic nature of the language. These provisions relate to the general theory of language, but are of exceptional importance for lexicology, because it is in the field of vocabulary that the unity of these characteristics of the language is especially pronounced. As E. V. Kuznetsova notes, “The sociality of a language and its systemic nature are inextricably linked. And at the same time, they determine the presence in the language itself of two aspects, and in the science of it, two possible directions: external, sociolinguistic, and internal, system-semasiological. In vocabulary, these two directions partially coincide with the distinction between lexicology in the narrow sense of the word and semasiology” (Kuznetsova 1982: 7).

The subject of lexicology is the study of the vocabulary and, above all, those aspects that are determined by factors of an extralinguistic, socio-historical nature. Its tasks include the study of the formation of the vocabulary of the language, the historical changes taking place in it, the problems of neology and archaization of words, the systematization of vocabulary from a genetic point of view, as well as stratification by areas of use, by degree of activity, by expressive and stylistic parameters (Apazhev 1992: 63).

Semasiology studies “the lexical system of a language and the word as an element of this system, primarily from the point of view of the internal laws that organize this system. The objects of semasiology are various manifestations of the systematic nature of vocabulary: lexico-semantic groups of words, phenomena of semantic variation, patterns of word compatibility, all types of semantic and formal-semantic oppositions of words (Kuznetsova 1982: 7).

However, according to L. A. Novikov, M. L. Apazhev and other researchers, such a definition of semasiology is too broad, since the latter share a single doctrine of the meaning of the word, i.e. lexical semantics, into two interrelated aspects, the method of semasiology (the theory of meaning) and onomasiology (the theory of designation).

Such a distinction provides two approaches to the study of the lexico-semantic system of a language "not only to reveal the nature and principles of the organization of language units in a category, depending on the nature of its use by the participants in communication, but also to reveal the nature of the main lexical categories, which in their basis tend to semasiological (monosemy, polysemy, homonymy), then to onomasiological organization (synonymy, antonymy, conversion; semantic field) and to the corresponding types of their use, implementation in the language" (Novikov 1982: 84)

This, of course, emphasizes the idea that semasiology and onomasiology are inseparable, inseparable from each other as two aspects and methods of one scientific discipline - semantics.

At the present stage, the idea of systemic vocabulary is generally recognized. This idea, originally put forward as the most important task of lexicology in the works of M. M. Pokrovsky, L. V. Shcherba, V. V. Vinogradov and others, stimulated its development, although it caused a different attitude on the part of lexicologists.

The scale and variety of units of the vocabulary, dynamism, the complexity of the internal organization, due to the specifics of units-words, gave grounds for doubts about the validity of the systemic interpretation and even for denial: “... words have the peculiarity that they are extremely numerous, more precisely, that their number is in principle unlimited and cannot be accurately calculated. In addition, the dictionary is unstable and constantly changing...” (Elmslev 1962: 119).

Although a systematic approach to vocabulary has become decisive, this concept is met with objection from individual researchers. V. M. Zhirmunsky expressed his negative opinion on this issue: “... there is no system in the vocabulary, except for that which is due to the relationship between the phenomena of reality itself” (Zhirmunsky 1960: 70). One of the main arguments against recognizing the systemic nature of vocabulary was the position that systemicity is a simple reflection of the connections and relationships of reality and therefore, due to its non-linguistic nature, cannot be the subject of linguistic research.

If we agree with this interpretation, then we should abandon the study of the lexical level of the language system, because the content of words is formed primarily under the influence of factors of a non-linguistic nature (Shmelev 1977: 183-185).

It is well known that all changes are most clearly manifested in vocabulary, since it, directly related to reality, reacts to changes in public life. It should also be noted that the number of lexical units far exceeds the number of units of other levels (phonemes, morphemes, etc.). The systemic nature of the lexicon is also complicated by the fact that the semantic variation of words, which generates ambiguity, creates a special complexity of their relationship (Kuznetsova 1982: 9).

Yu. N. Karaulov notes that in many works that deal with the “systemic organization of vocabulary”, it remains unclear whether the word “organization” refers to an object, meaning a property inherent in this system, or only to an analysis procedure, indicating that most only on the ultimate goal of the researcher.

Lexico-thematic classification of Adygisms

It is known that the replenishment of the vocabulary of a language is carried out not only through the use of internal speech means of the native language, although this is the main way, but in a large number of cases also through the borrowing of foreign words. Consequently, one of the most important tasks of language research is the lexico-thematic classification of the vocabulary, which serves as an important link in the complete description of the language (Apazhev 1992: 123). As for the Kabardino-Circassian vocabulary, it should be noted that the exceptional merit belongs to N.F. Yakovlev. In his “Grammar of the Literary Kabardino-Circassian Language” (1948), the thematic groups of words cited are of undoubted interest: the names of ancient tools and weapons, domestic animals, the names of body parts, the names of metals, etc.

A. K. Shagirov (1962) played a major role in the further study of the Adyghe vocabulary in the historical and etymological terms. They are represented by much more thematic groups: the names of parts of the human body and the body of animals, the names of objects and phenomena from the field of inanimate nature, the names of kinship, names related to the designation of time, tools and objects of labor, words related to the animal and plant world, names of dishes and food products, the names of actors. In the listed thematic groups, common Adyghe native words that have parallels in other languages of the Abkhazian-Adyghe group, Kabardian words that are absent or not widely used in the Adyghe language, as well as Adyghe words that are absent or less common in the Kabardian language are considered. It should be noted that among thematic groups there are associations of words called "personal pronouns", "numerals", "verbs", "adjectives" and "various words".

Having studied the borrowed vocabulary of the Adyghe languages, A. K. Shagirov (1962) identifies in its composition new thematic groups of words for the Kabardian language: the names of household items and furniture, the names of types of clothing, shoes and toilet items, the names of fabrics, the names of various measures and units measurements of land area, names of parts of the house and building materials, names of vegetables, fruits, crops, forage grasses and some other words from the field of agriculture, names of tobacco products, names of months of the calendar year and some words related to the designation of time, words from the field transport, means of communication and communication, the names of carts, their parts and items of horse harness, the names of agricultural machines and implements, the names of mechanisms and technical details, the names of chemicals, words from the field of trade and money relations, words from the field of medicine, names of economic, trade and legal institutions, names of public pi enterprises taniya, names of educational institutions and cultural and educational institutions, educational and pedagogical and scientific terms, names of writing and drawing utensils and words related to school life, literature and art, physical education and sports, words denoting persons by their profession, positions, occupation, words related to documentation and business correspondence, names of administrative-territorial units, socio-political, military terms, and other words (Shagi-rov 1962: 137-177)

For the first time in Kabardino-Circassian linguistics, M. L. Apazhev (1988, 1992, 2000) speaks about the considered words as a lexical-thematic system. Having defined it as one of the four macro-groups of the lexical system, M. L. Apazhev distinguishes 115 thematic groups in the lexical-thematic system of the Kabardino-Circassian language: somatic vocabulary, kinship terminology, color-denoting vocabulary, food and drink names, flora vocabulary, fauna vocabulary, names of household items, natural phenomena, denoting time, number and an indefinite amount (such as many-few), names of the most important tools and tools, names of dwellings, outbuildings and their parts, construction vocabulary, names of structures and institutions, names of vehicles, means of communication, words from the field of trade and monetary systems, the names of the system of measures of length, weight, volume, area, the names of the traditional professions of the Adyghes, the names of diseases, the means of their treatment, the names of objects of fuel, substances, materials, the names of metals, the terminology of modern agricultural production, names of agricultural machinery, names of machinery zmov, their parts and related words, terminology of communication (mail, telegraph, telephone), vocabulary of documents and office work, vocabulary of preschool education and school affairs, vocabulary of vocational education, vocabulary of higher education, names of writing, stationery, drawing accessories, scientific terminology of the most important disciplines, socio-political vocabulary, military, opposite terminology, words from the field of art (cinema, theater, painting, music), vocabulary of national culture and names of cultural institutions, modern Kabardino-Circassian onomastics, etc.

ML Apazhev, in our opinion, gives an exhaustive description of each of the above-mentioned thematic groups. And comparison with other languages, in particular with Russian, makes it possible to more fully describe the entire lexical-thematic system of the Kabardino-Circassian language.

The materials of individual thematic groups are given in the works of M. L. Abitov et al. (1951), J. N. Kokov (1966,1973,1974,1983), M. A. Meretukov (1970), K. Kh. Meretukov (1971, 1972, 1981, 1990), G. Kh. Mambetova (1971), B. Kh. Balkarova (1975), 3. Yu. Kumakhova (1975), B. Yu. Khakunova (1975), X. S. Bratova et al. (1984), X. M. Dumanova (1984), O. X. Taova and M. A. Bzyabzeva (1976), X. X. Sukunova and I. X. Sukunova (1998), etc.

The Russian language, having the richest vocabulary and developed grammatical structure, influenced the development and enrichment of other languages. This topic is covered in detail in the works of many scientists: Kh. D. Vodzhdokov (1955), Yu. Yu. Khalilova (1994) and others.

But it would be a mistake to think that other languages do not have any reverse influence on the Russian language (Apazhev 1977: 11). The lexicon of the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus, reflected in fiction in Russian, became part of the language of this literature as its constituent component and performs an important semantic-stylistic function (Galchenko 980: 12).

Phonetic aspect (assimilation)

The graphical transformation of a borrowed word involves its transmission in writing by means of the Russian alphabet. Thus, foreign words from English, Arabic, Greek, Latin, and other languages changed in accordance with the graphics of the adopting language (Apazhev 2000: 259). In many cases, the graphic assimilation of a foreign word did not occur immediately: for some time the word was transmitted in non-Russian letters, despite the fact that the Russian alphabet has a sufficient set of graphemes to display sounds (Kalinin 1978: 69).

As for the Kabardino-Circassian language, it should be noted that the development of writing followed a complex path. From 1920 to 1923 writing was carried out on the basis of the Arabic alphabet, and from 1923 to 1935. -based on Latin graphics. In 1935, the Kabardino-Circassian writing was transferred to the Russian graphic basis. The new alphabet was compiled by T. Borukaev and others with the advice of L. V. Shcherba. Some changes were made to the graphics in 1939. a special commission under the scientific guidance of N. F. Yakovlev (Bagov 1982: 162).

Thus, the alphabet created on the Russian graphic basis contributed to the introduction of the people to Russian culture, made it possible to simplify and reduce the cost of the rapidly developing publishing business, opening up the possibility of printing books in the languages of different peoples in one printing house.

The need for a significant re-registration of the regional (exotic) vocabulary that occurs in the text of the narration of works during translation disappears. Although there is a significant difference between the current Kabardino-Circassian and Russian alphabets: the discrepancy between the systems of graphemes and phonemes in the Russian alphabet is minimal, and in the Kabardino-Circassian - maximum, i.e. in Russian one less often - two phonemes correspond to one sign, in Kabardino-Circassian, on the contrary, one phoneme - two, three and even four signs (Bagov 1982: 163). Given these features, we note that the graphical transformation of exotic vocabulary represents minor changes.

Phonetic mastering of foreign words is a rather lengthy process. As is known, these changes are caused mainly by the peculiarities of the phonological system of the borrowing language. N. S. Trubetskoy wrote: “The phonological system of any language is, as it were, a sieve through which everything said is sifted ... listening to someone else’s speech, we involuntarily use the familiar “phonological sieve” of our native language when analyzing what we hear, And since our “sieve ” turns out to be unsuitable for a foreign language, to the extent that numerous errors and misunderstandings arise. The sounds of a foreign language receive an incorrect phonological interpretation from us, as they are passed through the “phonological sieve” of the native language” (Trubetskoy 1960:59).

Consequently, in regionalisms, the composition of vowels and consonants is subject to change due to the absence of similar sounds in the Russian language or due to specific phonetic norms that do not allow the appearance of sounds in the positions in which they occur in Adyghe words.

So, the modern Russian "checker" goes back to the Adyghe seshkhue / seshkho, which, as noted above, consists of se - "knife" and shkho / shkhue - a suffix of magnification. During the period of borrowing the Adyghe “seshkho” (XVIII and early XIX centuries), the process of mutual exchange of whistling and hissing sounds: z-zh, s-sh, as the observations of researchers show, was alive in the South Great Russian dialect, which led to the transition of seshkho into “checker ". It can be assumed that these sound transitions in a number of cases could be caused by the action in the South Great Russian dialect of the law of distance assimilation, both progressive and regressive (Apazhev 1971: 216).

The ratio of vowels and consonant phonemes in languages is different: in some languages, as in French, Finnish, the same number of vowels and consonant phonemes, in Danish 23 vowels and 20 consonants (LES 1990: 236), and in others, as in Abkhazian, Abaza, Georgian, Russian, - a different number with a multiple preponderance of consonants over vowels. The Adyghe languages belong to the second group. Moreover, they stand out, together with the Abkhaz, Abaza and Ubykh languages, with an extraordinary wealth of consonant phonemes, which are opposed by a limited number of vowels. The Kabardino-Circassian literary language has 47 consonant and 7 vowel phonemes, which means that the disproportion between the consonant and vocal system (GK-CHLYA-70) is increasing. Although the consonantism of the Kabardino-Circassian literary language is less complex in its composition compared to the cosonant systems of the Adyghe dialects (Kumahov 1981: 120).

Comparison of the Russian and Kabardian languages in this plane reveals a striking typological contrast. Based on this, we will consider the processes of phonetic assimilation of the Adyghe regional vocabulary in the context of the Russian narrative.

1) A characteristic feature of vowel sounds in the Kabardino-Circassian language, as noted by B.Kh. Balkarov, is that they are divided into two subgroups: short - e, s and long vowels - a, o, u, e, and, which is absent in Russian. Short e and y are middle vowels and differ only in the rise of the tongue: when pronouncing the first vowel, the tongue rises slightly, and when pronouncing the second, it takes a middle position. The articulation of these vowels is sluggish: the vocal cords are slightly tense. Therefore, in their composition there are fewer voices than in Russian full-form vowels, but on the other hand there is a lot of noise created by the friction of air against loosely stretched vocal cords. This noise in the form of aspiration accompanies these vowels throughout their sound.

Long vowels - a, o, y, e, and are diphthong in nature and are pronounced with an overtone. The strength of the overtone depends on phonetic conditions. Kabardino-Circassian vowels differ from Russian ones also in that their qualitative nature does not depend on neighboring consonants, since there is no noticeable interaction between vowels and consonants in the language. In the flow of speech, in any phonetic environment, the qualitative characteristics of the vowel do not change (Balkarov 1960: 25).

external relationship

Classification

Adyghe branch

Adyghe language(Adygabze) - now common in the northern and northeastern regions of the Republic of Adygea and some mountain valleys along the Black Sea coast (Shapsug dialect). Up to 90% of the Western Circassians were involved in the Caucasian Muhajirism, and now they make up almost 80% of the Turkish Circassians. However, in the original lands of the Caucasus, the language was better preserved, and the language statistics are as follows: 129,419 people. in the Russian Federation (2002), approx. 160 thousand in Turkey and other diaspora countries.
Kabardino-Circassian language(Adygebze) is one of the official languages of Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia. In Russia, it is spoken by two main ethnic groups: Kabardians and Circassians, in total 587,547 people. The latter include the remnants of the Besleney people, whose dialect occupies an intermediate position between the Adyghe and Kabardino-Circassian languages. Many Kabardians live in the diaspora, where approx. 50 thousand still use their native language.

In the diaspora, all Circassians are called Circassians, and often this number also includes their kindred Ubykhs, Abkhazians and Abazins.

Abkhaz-Abaza branch

The Abkhaz-Abaza languages are also quite close to each other and include the following languages:

Abkhaz language(aҧsua byzshǝa, aҧsshǝa) is the official language of the Republic of Abkhazia (Apsny), a partially recognized state, where it is spoken by more than 90 thousand people. However, if in 1989 they made up only 17.8% of the population of Abkhazia, then after the civil war, in 1995 - more than half. The speakers of only two dialects (Abzhui and Bzyp) remained in the Caucasus, the speakers of others (Sadz and Akhchipsy) were deported to the Ottoman Empire.
Abaza language(abaza byzshva) is the official language of Karachay-Cherkessia, where it is spoken in the north of the republic. Three and a half auls speak the Ashkhar dialect, and about ten more speak Tapant. Before the Caucasian War, the Abaza inhabited almost the entire territory of modern Karachay-Cherkessia, except for Karachay in the extreme southeast. In total, 38,247 people speak it in Russia.

Ubykh branch

Story

grammatical characteristic

Writing

Until the beginning of the 19th century, none of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages had a written language. After joining Russia, numerous, but rather scattered attempts are being made to develop and apply writing for individual Abkhaz-Adyghe languages based on Cyrillic and Arabic script. After the establishment of Soviet power, alphabets based on Arabic were centrally introduced for the Adyghe languages. In 1923 Kabardian, and in 1926-1927. - Abkhaz, Adyghe and Abaza are translated into the Latin alphabet, which was used until 1936-1938. After that, the Abkhazian alphabet was transferred to the Georgian basis (until 1954), and the other three - to the Cyrillic alphabet, which still exists. For more details, see the article about the graphics of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages.

Folklore

In the absence of writing in the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages, there was a rich oral folklore, which occupied an important place in the life of these peoples. In each of them there were different types of professional singers and performers of folk art, writers. So, among the Circassians, such people were called dzheguako (dzheguakIue). Among other genres of folklore, the epic Narts occupied a central place, which is also characteristic of other peoples of the North Caucasus. For example, here is an excerpt from a text dedicated to one of the Narts - Sosruko.

Sosrukue di kan,
Sosrukue di nehu,
PitsIuehu breatheafe,
Afer zi gyane kueschi,
Dyger zi pyIe shygu ...

Sosruko our favorite,
Shatter our light.
Whose golden shield
Whose clothes are chain mail,
Above whose head is the sun ...

Research History

The study of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages begins from the first half. 19th century (L. Yu. Lyulye, I. Gratsilevsky, Shora Nogmov, later L. G. Lopatinsky, Kazi Atazhukin); A significant contribution to the study of the Abkhaz-Adyghe languages was made by N. S. Trubetskoy, D. A. Ashkhamaf, N. F. Yakovlev, G. V. Rogava, K. V. Lomtatidze, Z. I. Kerasheva and others.

Bibliography

Balkarov B. Kh. Introduction to the Abkhaz-Adyghe linguistics. Nalchik, 1970.
Rogava G.V. Abkhazian-Adyghe languages // Languages of the peoples of the USSR. T. 4. M., 1967.
Chirikba V.A. Abkhazian-Adyghe languages // Languages of the Russian Federation and Neighboring States. Encyclopedia. In three volumes. T. 1. A-I. Moscow: Nauka, 1998, p. 18-24.
Shagirov A.K. Abkhaz-Adyghe languages // Languages of the world. Caucasian languages. M., 1999.
Chirikba V. A. Common West Caucasian. The reconstruction of its phonological system and parts of its lexicon and morphology. Leiden, 1996.

Portal for the student. Self-training

external relationship

Classification

Adyghe branch

Abkhaz-Abaza branch

Ubykh branch

Story

grammatical characteristic

Reflection of Russian - Adyghe ties in folklore

The problem of systematic vocabulary in modern linguistics

Lexico-thematic classification of Adygisms

Phonetic aspect (assimilation)

external relationship

Classification

Adyghe branch

Abkhaz-Abaza branch

Ubykh branch

Story

grammatical characteristic

Writing

Folklore

Research History

Bibliography

RELATED ARTICLES