What is legion in Tatar. "Big Chuvashia" or "Idel-Ural"

The search for forms of government in Russia has been intensively going on since the beginning of the 20th century. How did the attitude of the Chuvash leaders change towards the idea of ​​uniting with the Tatars and Bashkirs under the flag of the state of Idel-Ural?

The revolutionary February 1917 was a particularly notable milestone in the history of the development of democratic ideas, the strengthening of the national movement and the enhancement of the self-awareness of the Volga peoples. It was then that a real opportunity opened up to discuss the topic of establishing autonomy and statehood for the Russian peoples, including the Chuvash. There were programs for the creation of territorial, extraterritorial, national-territorial, cultural autonomies, cultural-national states, labor communes, national regions, republics, and even a broad-based "Greater Chuvashia". One of the attractive proposals came from the Muslim communities who offered to unite under the flag of the state of the Volga and the Urals. The project of creating the state of the Volga-Ural in Russia, which arose in the last century, but was not implemented, from time to time becomes the topic of heated discussions of the Volga region historians, political scientists and local historians, as well as readers of the Idel.Realii website.

"GREAT CHUVASHIA" OR "IDEL-URAL"

Among many questions, the version of Idel-Ural arose at the First Congress of Small Peoples of the Volga Region in Kazan on May 15, 1917. More than 500 delegates from various places - Mari, Moksha, Kalmyks, Kryashens, Permians, Udmurts, Chuvashs, Erzya, as well as representatives of Russians, Tatars, Bashkirs, Latvians, Finns discussed a lot of topical issues all week. Discussing the future structure of Russia, some were in favor of a union of the peoples of the Volga region, others were in favor of national autonomies, and still others were in favor of a federation or a democratic republic with local self-government.

Ivan Vasiliev, chairman of the Union of Chuvash Students, a student at the Moscow Land Survey Institute, proposed the following paragraph for the resolution:

"Recognizing a federal republic as the most suitable form of government and not objecting to the creation of special states on the outskirts, the Congress of Representatives of the Small Peoples of the Volga Region decided not to form their own states at the moment, but to ensure by law the possibility of the degeneration of self-government into local states on a territorial-national basis, when the local nationalities have advanced politically and culturally to their present level."

Not much different from this proposal is the version of the leader of the Chuvash national movement, lawyer Gavriil Alyunov. At that time, few of the delegates believed that the indigenous peoples of the Volga region were ready to take state power into their own hands.

"IDEL-URAL" OR VOLGA-URAL SOVIET REPUBLIC

Then there were debates at the First All-Russian Chuvash Congress in Simbirsk on June 20-28, 1917 and on August 1, 1917 at the Second Congress of the small peoples of the Volga region. Resolutions were adopted on the possibility of forming an extraterritorial cultural autonomy of the Chuvash people. Professor Nikolai Nikolsky, the first editor-in-chief of the Khypar newspaper, who was also the chairman of the Kazan Provincial Zemstvo Administration and the chairman of the Society of Small Peoples of the Volga Region, did a great job of educating the masses (the Chuvash section of this society, by the way, was the largest: by the beginning of August 1917 it numbered 193). A little later, the first violin in the national movement was played by the Chuvash National Society (CHNO), the prototype of the modern ChNK - the Chuvash National Congress, headed by the Social Revolutionaries Gavriil Alyunov, Dmitry Petrov (Yuman), Semyon Nikolaev, Gury Vander and other prominent public figures.

Include the Chuvash administrative territory in the projected Volga-Ural state "Idel-Ural" subject to the equality and sovereignty of all its constituent peoples

In 1917-1918, the Chuvash intelligentsia spent a lot of energy on the election of deputies to the Constituent Assembly. On November 20, 1917 in Ufa, at the National Assembly of Muslims and representatives of other peoples, it was decided to create the Turkic-Tatar state "Idel-Ural", which includes the Southern Urals and the Middle Volga region. This issue was specifically put on the agenda of the First Chuvash Military District Congress in Kazan (December 10, 1917). Reports were made by Germogen Titov, Ivan Vasiliev. The congress decided to include the Chuvash administrative territory in the projected Volga-Ural state "Idel-Ural" with the condition of observing the equality and sovereignty of all its constituent peoples.

In opposition to the Muslim project of the state "Idel-Ural", the Kazan Council of Deputies put forward the project of the Volga-Ural Soviet Republic. The programs of the Volga-Ural Republic and the "Idel-Ural" state were constantly discussed at various levels. Many activists of the Chuvash national movement were initially supporters of the idea of ​​states. A special commission was formed to study the problem. Members of the commission met with the leaders of the Bashkir and Tatar peoples: Z. Validi-Tugan, G. Sharaf, K. Idelguzhin, M. Vakhitov, I. Alkin, G. Iskhaki, M. Sultan-Galeev and others.

Soon the attitude of the Chuvash towards the states changed. The new position was expressed by the All-Russian Chuvash congress of military personnel, held in Kazan (January 12 - February 2, 1918) under the chairmanship of Dmitry Petrov (Yuman), an exceptionally authoritative ideologue among the masses. Yuman considered the form of cultural autonomy to be the most suitable for the Chuvash people scattered over many lands.

TATARO-BASHKIR REPUBLIC OR CHUVASH REPUBLIC

A prominent publicist, writer, economist, founder of the Chuvash Left SR party Dmitry Petrov (Yuman), being the authorized representative of the contact commission with Muslims, spoke at the congresses of the Chuvash, Mari, Udmurts, Bashkirs against joining the Tatar-Bashkir Republic, but did not refuse "to create a single regional federal republic, together with other nationalities within the united Russian Federation".

On June 9-13, 1918 in Kazan, the delegates of the All-Chuvash Workers' and Peasants' Congress discussed the reports of D.P. Petrov (Yumana) "Attitude towards the Tatar-Bashkir Republic" and a group of speakers (G.F. Alyunova, G.T. Titova, A.D. Krasnova) "Self-determination of the Chuvash people and forms of its implementation" and by a majority voted against joining the Tatar-Bashkir Republic, where "under the hegemony of Muslims, the Chuvash would be in an unequal position." Alyunov, the founding member, already then put forward the project of the Chuvash Republic, but regretted that "at this stage of their political and cultural development, the Chuvashs are not ready for self-determination on their own."

The Chuvash newspaper "Khypar" covered in detail, without omissions, all the nuances of the development of the problem. Alas, the Chuvash Soviet historians, led by the "red professor" Ivan Kuznetsov, blatantly misrepresented the discussions and decisions of that time, and some modern employees of the Humanitarian Research Institute (ChGIGN) even get confused in the dates of the congresses and judge events based on previous one-sided materials or translations into Russian of individual passages from primary sources. The most objective assessment of the events of 1917-1920 was made by political scientist Alexei Leontiev ("Khypar": Past and Present, 2011) and historian Sergei Shcherbakov ("National Self-Determination of the Chuvash People at the Beginning of the 20th Century", 2013).

Proclaimed on paper "Idel-Ural States" and the Volga-Ural Soviet Republic did not take place. Members of the Chuvash department under the People's Commissariat for National Affairs D.S. Elmen, S.A. Korichev, V.V. Tyumerov and others D.P. Yuman addressed several times in writing and orally to Stalin, who was in charge of the affairs of nationalities under the young Soviet government, and met several times. The historiography of this issue is covered in detail in many studies, for example, in the book by S.V. Shcherbakov "National self-determination of the Chuvash people at the beginning of the twentieth century" (Cheboksary, 2013).

Youman, Metri

Metri Yuman (Chuvash. Mĕtri Yuman, according to the passport - Dmitry Petrovich Petrov.

Born in 1885 in the village of Bolshiye Byurgany, Buinsky district of Tatarstan, died in 1939 in the Gulag, Siberia. Chuvash prose writer, playwright.

The main publications of Mĕtri Yuman "Suilasa ilnisem" (Selected works, 1997), "Irĕklĕh çulĕ" (The Way of Freedom, 1924), "1905-mĕsh çul" (1905, 1925), "Çurçĕre păhăntarakansem" (Conqueror of the North, 1935), "Yalti ĕçkhĕrarămĕsem Sovetsenche ĕçlĕr" (Soviets and Peasant Woman, 1929) entered the gold fund of the State Book Chamber of the Chuvash Republic.

Meetings with Stalin were not successful. V.I. Lenin to form the Chuvash Republic with the capital in Simbirsk was heard in the Kremlin when discussing the plans of G.F. Alyunova, A.D. Krasnova, D.P. Yuman (extraterritorial cultural autonomy) and D.S. Elmenya (Chuvash labor commune). By this time, the Decree of the People's Commissariat of National Affairs of March 22, 1918 on the Tatar-Bashkir Soviet Republic was canceled by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP (b). About V.I. Lenin to call Chuvashia a republic with the capital in Simbirsk is said in the memoirs of the participants in the meeting V.A. Alekseeva and S.A. Koricheva: "Elmen objected to the Chuvash Republic, said that the word "republic" is understood as a separation from the RSFSR, while the Chuvash, Vladimir Ilyich, want to be only part of the Russian Federation ..." (Alekseev V. Dear October. Cheboksary, 1971 . P. 58) and "... insisted that the word "commune" brings the Chuvash people closer to communist ideals" (Korichev S. First Steps. Cheboksary, 1969. P. 28).

V.I. Lenin to form the Chuvash Republic with the capital in Simbirsk, the scanty Chuvash delegation, obsessed with the Cheboksary labor commune, simply failed to understand.

VOLGA FEDERAL DISTRICT OR "VOLGA-URAL STATE"

Since then, a lot of water has flowed under the bridge, but the idea of ​​Idel-Ural is still afloat. It arises at turning points in the history of the country and the fate of the indigenous peoples of Russia. During the Great Patriotic War, the Nazis intensively used it for propaganda purposes among Soviet prisoners of war. In Berlin, newspapers were published in the Tatar "Idel-Ural" and in the Chuvash "Atăl-Uralshăn" (For the Volga-Ural) languages. The Wehrmacht formed the Volga-Finnish battalion and the Volga-Tatar legion "Idel-Ural" from representatives of the Volga peoples - Tatars, Bashkirs, Mari, Mordovians, Chuvashs, Udmurts. The ideological banner of the legion was declared the struggle for the creation of an independent Volga-Ural Republic "Idel-Ural" within the borders of the Bashkir, Mari, Mordovian, Tatar, Chuvash, Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics.

Muslim Legion "Idel-Ural" and Belarusian partisans

Transfer of the 825th battalion of the legion "Idel-Ural" to the side of the Belarusian partisans

To date, much has been written about the attempts of Nazi Germany to attract the eastern peoples of the USSR to military and political cooperation. Among them, stakes were also placed on the Volga Tatars, the interest of the Nazis in whom was not accidental. Back in the First World War, Germany and Turkey, being allies, tried to involve the Turks in the fight against the allied forces of the Entente and Tsarist Russia 1.

During the Second World War, the turn of the ideologists of National Socialism towards the Turkic nationalities of Russia occurred at the end of 1941. Most researchers explain this by a change in the military situation on the Eastern Front. The defeat near Moscow, the heavy losses of the Nazi troops caused an acute shortage of manpower. In addition, the war has acquired a clearly protracted character. It was then that the Reich Minister of the Occupied Territories of the East, Alfred Rosenberg, suggested to Hitler that prisoners of war of different nationalities of the Soviet Union be used against their own homeland.

In pursuance of Hitler's directive, during 1942, under the leadership of the Eastern Ministry, a number of "national committees" were created: the Volga-Tatar, Turkestan, Crimean Tatar, Georgian, Kalmyk and others. One of their main tasks was to create in contact with the German high command national military formations - legions.

In March 1942, Hitler signed an order to create the Georgian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Turkestan and Gorsky (from the peoples of Dagestan) legions. The order to create the Volga-Tatar Legion (the legionnaires themselves called it "Idel-Ural") was signed in August 1942.

The training of the commanders of the national formations was carried out through a special reserve camp of the Eastern Ministry, Wustrau, located 60 km from Berlin. Here the Germans gathered prisoners of war of different nationalities of the USSR, who had higher and secondary education. After appropriate indoctrination and due diligence, they were enrolled in the legion.

The text of the oath read:

“I am ready in the ranks of the German army to use all my strength to liberate my homeland, and therefore I agree to join the legion. By this I consider my previous oath in the Red Army to be null and void. I undertake to unquestioningly obey the orders of my superiors.

The recruitment of persons suitable for service in the Volga-Tatar Legion was carried out in special prisoner-of-war camps in Poland, where Volga Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvashs, Maris, Mordvins and Udmurts were kept.

Such camps were Seltsy (Sedlec), Demblin, Keltsy, Holm, Konski, Radom, Czestochowa, Krushino, Edlino, Veseleye stations. The base camp for the formation of the battalions of the Idel-Ural legion was the camp in Yedlino. In total in 1942-1943. seven combat battalions of the Volga-Tatar National Legion (Nos. 825 to 831) were formed, as well as a sapper, headquarters or reserve, and some work battalions. According to various sources, from eight to ten thousand legionnaires served in them.

Of all the above units, the fate of the 825th battalion has been studied in the most detail in connection with its transfer to the side of the partisans. However, in the literature, when describing the details of the uprising in the battalion, there are serious factual errors, inaccuracies and arbitrary interpretations.

First, in a number of publications of past years, there was an intention to link the uprising in the 825th battalion with the name of Musa Jalil4. Only in recent years have studies appeared that prove that the uprising was prepared without the participation of the poet-hero. Underground work in the Volga-Tatar Legion began long before M. Jalil got the opportunity to join it5.

On the contrary, according to available documentary evidence, this uprising had a strong influence on the poet and became a powerful incentive for him to join anti-fascist work.

The second discrepancy concerns the number of partisans who have gone over to the side. Numbers are given from 506 to 900-930 people, the basis here is the testimony of partisan commanders. Military historian M. Garaev cites data from the German field police, according to which 557 legionnaires went over to the partisans 6.

Such discrepancies in the coverage of the transition of the 825th battalion to the side of the partisans forced the author to resort to the original source. Thanks to the Naberezhnye Chelny local historian S. Lurie, a report from the commissar of the 1st partisan detachment Isak Grigorievich Grigoriev to the commissar of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade Vladimir Andreevich Khabarov about the admission to the detachment of personnel of the 825th battalion, dated March 5, 1943, fell into our hands. I

It comes from a direct participant in the events, endowed with certain powers and written immediately after the event at the request of a higher commander.

This allows us to conclude that the report of Commissar I. Grigoriev is the most objective document of all describing the fact that the 825th battalion went over to the side of the partisans. All other documents - both Soviet and German - appeared later and, in our opinion, are not devoid of opportunism.

At the same time, the picture of the transition described by Commissar Grigoriev should be supplemented with some comments on the situation on the eve and after the uprising of the legionnaires. They can be made possible by the information obtained during the author’s personal conversations in 2004 with the former scout of the “Aleksei’s brigade” (A.F. Domukalova) Nina Ivanovna Dorofeenko, as well as information from the documents of the partisan underground of the Museum of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk and the Museum of M. F. Shmyrev in Vitebsk.

After the successful offensive of the 4th Shock Army during the Battle of Moscow in 1941-1942. in the north-west of the Vitebsk region, a gap formed in the front line, called the "Vitebsk Gate". They became the main artery connecting the mainland with the partisan detachments of Belarus and the Baltic states.

In 1942 - early 1943. in the Surazh-Vitebsk region, behind enemy lines, there was an extensive partisan zone, on the territory of which collective farms operated, newspapers were published, and a hospital operated.

The guerrilla brigades, which grew out of the detachment of "Father Minai", burned the fascist garrisons, supplied the army with valuable intelligence. The German command could not tolerate such a situation and from time to time sent punitive expeditions to the "Vitebsk region". One of these expeditions called "Ball Lightning", with the involvement of the 82nd Army Division and punitive detachments, was organized in early February 1943. The enemy, numbering 28 thousand people, managed to surround a six thousandth partisan group in the Vitebsk region.

Cossack detachments consisting of Ukrainian nationalists were thrown against the brigade of M. Biryulin. On February 20, the 825th battalion arrived in the villages of Senkovo, Suvari and Gralevo along the banks of the Western Dvina to replace them. The Biryulintsy kept the defense on the other side of the river, which separated the opposing sides for a short time...

According to some reports, the 825th battalion was supposed to enter the battle in three days. Probably, this was one of the weighty arguments that prompted the partisan command to accept the proposal of the legionnaires to go over to the side of the partisans.

The partisans themselves feared that such a large and well-armed military unit would pass to them: in the event of a provocation, the partisans would face an inevitable rout, since there were only 500 people in M. Biryulin's brigade.

But with a positive outcome, they received significant reinforcements, weapons and ammunition.

It was also not known how the legionnaires would behave after the transition - the Cossack punishers who preceded them were particularly cruel towards the civilian population and partisans. Therefore, on the part of M. Biryulin and G. Sysoev, this was a big risk.

The transition of the 825th battalion to the side of the partisans was of great importance.

It disrupted the general course of the German offensive against the partisans in the Vitebsk region and complicated their position on the right flank, where the enemy received unexpected reinforcements in manpower and weapons 7. The Germans began to fear the direction of legionnaires to the eastern occupied regions.

Immediately after the uprising, ready to be sent to the Eastern Front, the 826th battalion was redeployed to Holland, in the region of the city of Breda. The news of the success of the uprising spread widely among other legions and undoubtedly intensified the struggle of the anti-fascist underground.

On February 28, 1943, the detachment of M. Biryulin broke through the encirclement of the Nazis and dealt them a crushing blow from the rear in the Shchelbovsky forests. At the same time, the former legionnaires did not spare themselves in battles. This is how researchers of the history of the Vitebsk underground described this episode: “In the area of ​​vil. Popovichi detachment destroyed 6 fascist tanks, a car and captured several Nazi soldiers.

In this operation, the partisans I. Timoshenko, S. Sergienko, I. Khafizov, I. Yusupov and A. Sayfutdinov especially distinguished themselves. High heroism was shown by the fighter N. Garnaev and the Komsomol organizer of the fighter battalion created from the Tatars Akhmet Ziyatdinovich Galeev. The Komsomol organization filed a petition with the Surazhsky underground district committee of the Komsomol to give him a recommendation for joining the party. A thunderstorm for the Nazis was a partisan company under the command of Kh. Latypov, which consisted of Tatars” 8.

When studying the history of the uprising and the further fate of the former legionnaires, the fact that the names of only some of them have now been established. The fate of the majority remains unknown.

Muslim Legion "Idel-Ural" and Belarusian partisans

A few years ago, a group of researchers, which included the author of this publication, S. Lurie, R. Mustafin and some former employees of the KGB of the Republic of Tatarstan, tried to find documentary traces of the remnants of the 825th battalion dating back to the period after February 23, 1943.

The former commander of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade, M. Biryulin, in a conversation with S. Lurie then explained that since the Germans repeatedly tried to send agents to the partisans under the guise of escaped prisoners of war, the partisan leaders at first did not fully trust the rebels.

In this regard, it was ordered to distribute them among the detachments of several brigades: the 1st Vitebsk, 1st Belarusian brigade named after. Leninsky Komsomol and others. Therefore, trying to find former legionnaires in these partisan formations, we turned to the book "Partisan formations of Belarus during the Great Patriotic War (June 1941 - July 1944)", which provides data on the national composition of some partisan brigades at the time of their connection with units of the Red Army 9:

1st Vitebsk brigade
Brigade them. Lenin Komsomol
1st Belarusian brigade
total partisans of them:
247 363 756
– Belarusians143 284 486
– Russians81 60 170
– Ukrainians13 3 27
- other nationalities 10 14 69
nationality not established 2 4
Even if we count that among the 99 people recorded in the columns of the table as “other nationalities” and “nationality not established”, there are Tatars, Bashkirs and Chuvashs, then where are the remaining at least four hundred former prisoners of war legionnaires?

In a conversation with S. Lurie, M. Biryulin gave such explanations.

Firstly, former prisoners of war, unlike partisans from local residents, did not know the area where the battles with the punitive expeditions of the Nazis took place, they were worse oriented in it, therefore they often died in swamps or fell into ambushes of punishers.

Secondly, it was not possible to change clothes for everyone, they fought on the side of the partisans in their gray-green German overcoats, and many local residents and partisans of neighboring detachments could kill them, mistaking them for the Germans.

Thirdly, some commanders of the detachments, who at first did not really trust the rebels, sent them to the front lines of the attackers in the offensive, and during the retreat they left them to cover the withdrawal of the main forces of the detachment.

All this led to the fact that the losses among the former legionnaires were much greater than among the partisans from the local residents.

In addition, the lightly wounded were treated in their detachment, and the seriously wounded were airlifted across the front line to army hospitals. After treatment in hospitals, local partisans, as a rule, returned to their detachments, while former prisoners of war were sent (mostly after checking in filtration camps) to part of the army, most often to penal battalions.

According to the Belarusian researcher A. Zayerko, the 825th battalion was disbanded after the transition to the partisans. His personnel joined the 1st Vitebsk, 1st Belarusian partisan brigades and the "Aleksey's brigade". The main part of the Tatars remained in the detachment of G. Sysoev 10.

In a memorandum, the response of the organizer of the Vitebsk regional party committee, K. I. Shemelis, reported that a total of 476 legionnaires were disarmed. Of these, 356 people were sent to the detachments of the 1st Belarusian brigade under the command of Ya. Z. Zakharov, 30 people remained in the 1st Vitebsk brigade of M. F. Biryulin. In the detachment of G. I. Sysoev, a separate Tatar company 11 was formed.

The National Archives of the Republic of Belarus has a curious document describing the fate of the legionnaires who ended up in the partisan "Aleksey's brigade". Judging by it, in February-March 1943, during the punitive operation "Thunderball", part of the "Alexei's brigade" was squeezed out by the Nazis behind the front line.

Among these partisans were former soldiers and officers of the 825th battalion. Many of them, if not all, were arrested by the SMERSH authorities.

On June 22, 1943, 31 people from the 825th battalion were in the special purpose camp No. 174 in the city of Podolsk. Their fate is unknown 12.

An important explanation was given by one of the veterans of the KGB of the Republic of Tatarstan, retired colonel L. N. Titov. According to him, in the summer of 1943, army units and partisan formations behind enemy lines received an order from SMERSH to "withdraw" from their composition former prisoners of war who had transferred from the Russian Liberation Army (ROA), national legions and other military formations of Nazi Germany.

From the partisan detachments, legionnaires were sent by plane to the mainland, where they ended up in special camps of the NKVD.

During the interrogations, detailed lists of legionnaires were compiled, which were guided by the local NKVD authorities when tracking the soldiers returning home. These persons remained under the control of the security agencies until the early 1970s. In addition, in the post-war years, the state security agencies searched for legionnaires who hid their service in the Volga-Tatar Legion and other collaboration units.

So, in one of the documents compiled by the Chekists of Tatarstan in 1951, there is a list of 25 legionnaires (including four people from among those who served in the 825th battalion), who were arrested, convicted and kept in special camps of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs 13.

Currently, out of 10 thousand members of the Idel-Ural Legion, about two dozen people have been officially rehabilitated. There is still a difficult search for biographies and documents regarding the organizers of the uprising in the 825th battalion: a doctor from Chuvashia Grigory Volkov, who gave his name as Zhukov, unit commanders Rashid Tadzhiev, Alexander Trubkin, Khusain Mukhamedov, Akhmet Galeev, Anatoly Mutallo, I.K. Yusupov, V Kh. Lutfullina, Kh. K. Latypova and others, as well as intelligence officer Nina Buynichenko, who left Belarus for Vilnius after the war. The feat they accomplished in February 1943 has not yet been adequately noted.

I The original of this document is kept in the Vitebsk Regional Museum of M. F. Shmyrev. S. Lurie copied it in 1979, when he was in Vitebsk as the head of a search party of students from Naberezhnye Chelny secondary school No. 28, which made a trip to the places of partisan glory of the Belarusian Polesye.

NOTES:

1. See: Gainetdinov R. B. Turkic-Tatar political emigration: the beginning of the twentieth century - the 30s. - Naberezhnye Chelny, 1977. - S. 55-59.

2. Mustafin R. A. In the wake of a broken song. – Kazan, 2004. – P. 82.

3. Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Tatarstan, f. 109, op. 12, d. 9, l. 29-92.

4. Mustafin R. In the wake of a broken song. - Kazan, 1981 - 335 p.; Zabirov I. Jalil and the Jalilians. - Kazan, 1983 - 144 p.; Kashshaf G. According to the will of Mussa Jalil. - Kazan, 1984 - 224 p.; Bikmukhametov R. Musa Jalil. Personality. Creation. A life. - M., 1989 - 285 p.

5. Cherepanov M. Were the Legionnaires Dzhalilians // Kazanskiye Vedomosti. - 1993. - February 19; Akhtamzyan A. In memory of the participants in the resistance to Nazism during the Great Patriotic War // Tatar news. - 2004. - No. 8 (121); Mustafin R. A. In the wake of a broken song. - Kazan, 2004. - 399 p.

6. Garaev M. Ours! Transfer of the Tatar battalion to the side of the Belarusian partisans // Tatarstan. - 2003. - No. 7.

7. See: Gilyazov I. A. On the other side. Collaborators from the Volga-Ural Tatars during the Second World War. - Kazan, 1998. - S. 107-108.

8. Pakhomov N. I., Dorofeenko N. I., Dorofeenko N. V. Vitebsk underground / 2nd ed. revised and enlarged. - Minsk, 1974. - S. 124.

9. See: Partisan formations of Belarus during the Great Patriotic War (June 1941 - July 1944). - Minsk, 1983. - 281 p.

10. Zayerko A. The illusory nature of the second oath: "Turkic volunteers" in the forests of Belarus // Political interlocutor. - 1991. - No. 12. - P. 28.

11. National Archives of the Republic of Belarus (NA RB), f. 3793, op. 1, d. 83, l. 87.

12. NA RB, f. 3500, op. 2, bundle 12, case 48, sheet. 128-128 rev.

13. Archive of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Tatarstan, f. 109, op. 12, d. 9, l. 120-130.

Report from the commissar of the 1st partisan detachment I. Grigoriev to the commissar of the 1st Vitebsk partisan brigade V. Khabarov on admission to the detachment of personnel of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion

March 5, 1943

Report of the commissar of the detachment I. G. Grigoriev to the brigade. According to your instructions, I inform you about the expansion and transfer to our detachment [from] the Volga-Tatar Legion of the 825th battalion.

The Volga-Tatar Legion consisted of our prisoners of war Tatars taken prisoner by German troops in 1941 and early 1942 in the cities of Bialystok, Grodno, Lvov, Kerch, Kharkov. Until May 1942, they were in prisoner of war camps and endured hunger and atrocities on the part of German soldiers and officers.

On June 19-20, 1942, the Germans began to concentrate Tatars in the mountains from all prisoner of war camps. Sedlice, after which they were sent under heavy guard to the mountains. Radom, they were divided into 3 groups of 900 people, that is, into 3 battalions.

Hitler's envoy, Lieutenant General of the Eastern Legions, delivered a speech:

“You, Tatars, Hitler liberates from captivity, creates good conditions for you and creates a legion, which is tasked with liberating its Tatar Republic from the Bolsheviks ... The power of the Bolsheviks was finally defeated by the German troops, we are arming you and sending you to study. After your studies, you, the liberated people, must clear your national territory of the Bolshevik partisans hiding in the forests and swamps, who are harming our army.”

From July 1942 to February 1943, they underwent combat training in the fight against partisans. There was an exam at the beginning of February. Those who distinguished themselves in their studies were appointed commanders of platoons and squads, adding Major Zeks to this battalion (actually - Tsek. - G.R.). This legion was sent to the disposal of the 82nd division, located in Vitebsk.

On February 19, the scout of the unspoken group “B”, partisan Buinichenko Nina, reported that the Volga-Tatar Legion of the 825th battalion had arrived from Radom to fight partisans in the Surazh-Vitebsk-Gorodok triangle. This battalion will be deployed in the villages of Senkovo, Suvary and Gralevo in the Vitebsk region (where there were several companies of partisans).

On February 20, I took two fighters from reconnaissance and at night, having made my way through the Dvina to the village of Senkovo, I gave the task to an illegal partisan group led by Nina Buinichenko: when this legion arrives, find out their morale, outline the situation on the fronts.

If there is a positive result, send hostages to the detachment, preferably officers. On February 21st, 1943, this battalion was stationed in the above villages.

In the house of our illegal partisan Nina Buinichenko, the battalion doctor Zhukov settled down, with whom frank conversations quickly began. Zhukov told her that he had the idea to go over to the side of the Red Army in the mountains. Radom.

He has 6 people from the command staff who are also thinking about the transition and named their positions and names: adjutant to the commander of the battalion, Major Zeks - Tadzhiev, commander of the headquarters company Mukhamedov, assistant commander Latypov, platoon commanders Isupov (Yusupov - G. R.), Galiev, Trubkin and (platoon commander) of their economic unit Rakhimov.

After these conversations, Zhukov asked Nina to speed up communication with the partisans. Nina advised Zhukov to send four Tatars to our detachment for negotiations, and also advised him to take a resident of the village of Suvara Mikhalchenko as a guide, dressing him in their uniform so as not to leave any traces.

Zhukov listened attentively, quickly went to the comrades with whom he had a conversation.

At 7 p.m. (probably February 22. - G.R.), having come home, Zhukov told Nina that Trubkin, Lutfulin, Galiev and Fakhrutdinov had been sent with Mikhalchenko, dressed in a German uniform. He warned Nina that if the partisans fired at them, then she was personally responsible. Nina replied that I had agreed on the place of the meeting with the commissar of the detachment Grigoriev, they would be met. Our ambush met representatives at the appointed place and delivered them to the detachment headquarters.

Representatives asked to be given one rocket, denoting: “Accepted well. Start preparing." The rocket was given.

The headquarters of our detachment set before the representatives the task of destroying the entire German officer corps and traitors from the Tatars, withdrawing the entire personnel with full armament, convoy and ammunition. After the destruction of the headquarters, pull up (personnel) to the shore of the Western Dvina and the dumps of the Ruba plant, give 3 red rockets, which would indicate: “Ready for the transition, accept”, 3 flashlight signals: “white, red, green”, which means: “ The representative went to the middle of the Western Dvina, where I should meet him.

Two of the Tatars - Trubkin and Lutfulin - were left hostage in their detachment, and Galiev and Fukhrutdinov were sent back to the legion to organize and carry out their tasks. At 11 o'clock at night, one white rocket was fired at the village of Suvar, according to the agreement, which meant: “We returned safely. We begin to destroy the Germans.

We reported this to Biryulin's brigade headquarters and asked him to send a representative. Anashchenko and the chief of staff, Kritsky, were expelled, who were present and observed this process ... While observing their operation to destroy the Germans and traitor Tatars, grenade explosions, machine-gun bursts and single shots from rifles and machine guns were heard. It was the Tatars who completed our task. At 0.30. nights received flashlight signals - white, red and green, as agreed.

The commander set up in ambush with a group of partisans, and I, with the company commander Streltsov, headed along the Dvina towards Ruba to meet representatives. We met Fakhrutdinov with two of his comrades, with the question: “Who are you by rank?”. I answered: "The commissar of the Sysoev partisan detachment is Grigoriev."

“Mission completed. They destroyed 74 Germans, three company commanders - Suryapov, the commander of the 2nd company Minozhleev and the commander of the 3rd company Merulin. The personnel with weapons, transport and ammunition will be pulled up. Please accept.

At the same time, I inform you that our headquarters driver turned out to be a traitor and secretly took away by car from (Suvarey, Senkovo?) Major Zeks, whom they wanted to capture alive and deliver to you. In Senkovo, they arrested the battalion doctor Zhukov, Tazhdiev (or Tadzhiev) and Rakhimov, who were tasked with destroying the Germans (in Senkovo?). I ask you to speed up the reception, I am injured, please help.”

Streltsov was ordered to take him to the first-aid post for assistance, and he himself met gun crews and personnel. On the way, he made a small rally, told them that they were going to join the partisans for the time being, with the intention of sending them over the front line.

The meeting was very joyful, many laughed with joy, and some wept, remembering the conditions, the torments that they experienced while in captivity, hugging and kissing me, shouting that we were again with our own, with us comrade. Stalin, etc.

Those who arrived on the territory of our detachment are forced, on the basis of the order of the brigade commander, to disarm, send the personnel to the disposal of the brigade on the territory of the peat plant, and send part of the weapons to the economic part of the brigade. Obviously, brigade commander comrade. Biryulin proceeded from the fact that our brigade, especially our detachment, had been fighting since February 14 with an expedition against partisans, and an extra concentration of people could lead to undesirable results, besides, they were in German uniform.

There was no desire in the detachment to disarm, because [as] the headquarters of the detachment had the intention to put them into battle, but the order of a superior comrade had to be followed.

506 people arrived at the location of our detachment of personnel with weapons: 45 mm cannons - 3 pieces, heavy machine guns - 20, battalion mortars - 4, company mortars - 5, light machine guns - 22, rifles - 340, pistols - 150, rocket launchers - 12, binoculars - 30, horses with full ammunition, ammunition and food - 26.
Later they arrived in separate small groups.

Fulfilling the instructions of the brigade commander comrade. Biryulina, our personnel were disarmed and sent to the disposal of the brigade.

Armament, in addition to guns and heavy machine guns, was sent to the brigade's economic unit. After talking at headquarters, the detachments decided to take under their responsibility part of the personnel, gun crews and machine gunners of heavy machine guns, which were used to combat the expedition against partisans. It should be noted that [they] fought exceptionally bravely, bravely in battles, and many of them distinguished themselves in battles and retained their weapons.

The brigade sent personnel to all detachments and brigades located in the Vitebsk, Surazh, Gorodok triangle.

3 officers were sent to the rear of the Soviet Union, to the headquarters of the partisan movement, of which I inform you.

Commissar of the partisan detachment Grigoriev.

From the funds of the Vitebsk Regional Museum of M. F. Shmyrev. Copy.

APPENDIX 1

We list some of the approaches that were used by the German military in their work with the soldiers of the Muslim Legion. The general principles of work are listed in the post-war memoirs of General von Heigendorf: “Volunteers from the Eastern peoples were consistent Muslims who could not be supporters of Bolshevism. We supported Islam, and this manifested itself in the following:

1. Selection of suitable personnel and their training in the mullah schools in Göttingen and Dresden-Blausewitz;

2. Creation of positions of chief mullah and mullah at all headquarters, starting with the headquarters of the commander of the Eastern Legions;

3. Identification of mullahs with special insignia (turban, crescent);

4. Distribution of the Koran as a talisman;

5. Allocating time for prayers (if it was possible for the service);

6. Exemption from service on Fridays and during Muslim holidays;

7. Accounting for Muslim prescriptions when compiling the menu;

8. Providing mutton and rice during the holidays;

9. The location of the graves of Muslims with the help of a compass to Mecca, the inscriptions on the graves were accompanied by the image of a crescent;

10. Attentive and tactful attitude to someone else's faith.

Von Heigendorf wrote that he always demanded from his subordinates a tactful attitude towards Islam:

“... do not show curiosity and do not take pictures of Muslims during prayer, do not drink alcohol in front of them and do not offer it to Muslims, do not talk rudely about women in front of them.”

He believed that "a true Christian will always find a common language with a true Muslim" and complained that in dealing with Muslims, "alas, a lot of mistakes were made, which gave rise in the latter to distrust of the German people as a whole."

Just in the spring, and especially in the summer and autumn of 1944, the leadership of the SS actively joined the cause of religious propaganda, which, as mentioned above, was to a certain extent the result of disagreements and conflicts between various authorities and the leaders of Germany at that time. True, it cannot be unequivocally said that until that time the SS stood aside from these problems.

SS chief Himmler clearly sought to demonstrate to everyone that at this critical moment it was he and the SS who in all respects were better able than, for example, Rosenberg and his Eastern Ministry, to organize work with the Eastern peoples, including better use in German interests and Muslim factor. All the more so because alarming information for Germany began to arrive from abroad that the Soviet Union had taken up very actively religious propaganda among the Muslims of the Middle East.

“The Soviet embassy in Cairo attracts many Muslims because its walls are decorated with sayings from the Koran. It uses general Islamic ideas, linking them with Bolshevik and nationalist ideas.

As opposed to the Higher Islamic School in Cairo (meaning Al-Azhar University. - I. G.) the Bolsheviks reopened an Islamic educational institution in Tashkent. To some extent, they are trying to revive the ideas of Lenin, who already once tried to use Enver Pasha to start a pan-Islamic assault under the leadership of the Bolsheviks,” Ambassador Langmann reported on June 15, 1944 at the Foreign Ministry. The SS got down to business seemingly thoroughly: already on April 18, 1944, the leadership of the SS ordered 50 copies of the Koran translated into German from one of the libraries in Leipzig (apparently for study).

Within the framework of the SS, it was planned to create an Eastern Turkic military unit led by the German Muslim SS Standartenführer Harun el-Rashid. And one of the main means for raising the religious self-consciousness of Muslims was the activity of the so-called schools of military field mullahs, organized at that time.

The first training courses for mullahs (they were not yet called a school) opened in June 1944 at the University of Göttingen, they were supported by the Islamic Institute.

The course was led by the well-known Orientalist, Professor Bertold Shpuhler, who was assisted in matters of ritual by the above-mentioned Lithuanian mufti Yakub Shinkevich and the Ober-Mullah of the Turkestan National Committee Inoyatov. According to I. Hoffmann, by the end of 1944, six graduations of students took place, each of them studied at the courses for about three weeks. As early as 1944, Professor Spuler compiled his memoirs about each course - these data are used below for a brief description of the courses in Göttingen.

Among the students were both persons who had already been appointed mullahs in various military formations, and those who were just starting their religious career. The courses studied the Koran and commentaries to it, the life of the Prophet Muhammad, some of the most important issues of Muslim teaching, the history of the Turkic peoples.

Graduates-mullahs had to demonstrate during their studies their readiness to conduct worship, supervise the conduct of the necessary ceremonies (funerals, religious festivities, etc.), as well as the ability to resist "hostile ideological intrigues."

The main language of the courses was "Turkic in its various dialects" (as defined by Spuler), but most often Uzbek, partly Tajik and Russian. At the same time, sometimes difficult situations arose with some representatives of the Caucasian nationalities (Avars, Chechens, etc.), who did not understand Russian or any Turkic language.

Difficulties were, according to Spuler, and with the provision of religious literature - for the listeners there was, for example, the text of the Koran translated into Russian or Turkic languages.

Only at the end of 1944, through the efforts of the general of volunteer units, was the distribution of a miniature Koran as a talisman to all Muslim legionnaires, which could be worn on the chest in a tin box and which could only be read with a magnifying glass, was organized. Mullahs who passed the final exams received the corresponding insignia - turbans decorated with a crescent and a star.

Joachim Hoffmann believes that "the multilateral efforts of the Germans to strengthen the Muslim faith in the eastern legions should have generally borne fruit", which the documents show: "the mullahs sent to the formations, as a rule, showed themselves to be especially staunch opponents of Bolshevism."

APPENDIX 2

Lists of former servicemen of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Ural Legion

In a memorandum to the Belarusian headquarters of the partisan movement dated March 3, 1943, brigade commander Y. Zakharov wrote:

“The growth of the partisan brigade mainly occurs:

1) at the expense of the population of Surazh, Vitebsk and Gorodok regions;

3) at the expense of [military] prisoners who left the German camps”3.

Further, Ya. Zakharov notes that by 1943 the human reserve from the local population was practically exhausted. The replenishment that arrived in his brigade from among the former military personnel of the 825th battalion played a very important role and served as a resource for the formation of several new detachments of the brigade.

At the end of October 1943, a new, third in a row, punitive operation of the Nazis against the partisans began. In the center of it was Zakharov's brigade. Within two weeks, the detachments of the brigade were completely cut off from their partisan bases and squeezed out to the east, closer to the front.

The brigade commander Y. Zakharov urgently flew to Moscow, where a large-scale operation was planned at the Central Headquarters of the Partisan Movement (TSSHPD) to break through the partisan formations of the Vitebsk zone to their own, to reunite with the Red Army. Y. Zakharov was appointed commander of a partisan group. On October 23, 1943, after 19 days of fighting, as a result of a swift and unexpected maneuver for the Germans, detachments of the 1st Belorussian and 2nd Vitebsk, named after Lenin Komsomol and named after Kutuzov partisan brigades connected with units of the Red Army in the area of ​​operation of the 334th rifle division, formed in 1941 in Kazan and later received the name "Vitebsk" for the liberation of the named city.

In Zakharov's brigade, out of 711 people on the payroll, 461 people came out of the breakthrough. 318 fighters were sent to the Surazh district military commissariat for further service in the ranks of the Red Army (including 54 former servicemen of the 825th battalion who fought in partisans)4, 120 people were left to restore Soviet and party work in the liberated areas of the Vitebsk region.

In November 1943, the 1st Belarusian partisan brigade was disbanded, the detachment of A. Gurko III, replenished from other brigades, in the amount of 248 people (including about a dozen Tatars) was left behind enemy lines in the Kholopnichensky district of Borisovshchina and operated until the summer of 1944.

In the brigade of Alexei Damukalov ("Alexey") IV, the names of the detachments were numbered and nominal. Tatars - mostly specialists (scouts, machine gunners) - served in detachments No. 4 "Death to Enemies", No. 6 "Sailor", No. 9 "Victory", No. 15 "Falcon", No. 16 "Komsomolets", No. 17 "Avenger" , No. 36 "Marat". After connecting with units of the Red Army, part of the fighters of the Alexei brigade were sent behind enemy lines to Borisovshchina as part of A. Gurko's detachment.

The Lenin Komsomol Brigade operated in the Surazh and Gorodok regions. It was one of the first partisan formations in the Vitebsk region. Its commander Daniil Raitsev V was appointed to this position already in July 1941. There were few Tatars in the brigade.

After joining the units of the Red Army in November 1943, five former legionnaires were sent for further military service at the disposal of the Surazh RVC, one fighter was sent to serve in the Vitebsk regiment of the NKVD. D. Raytsev himself went on a short vacation to Tatarstan, where in the village. Yutaza, Bavlinsky district, was his wife Maria, evacuated from Belarus in 1941.

D. F. Raitsev lived a long life and retained almost the entire archive of the partisan brigade. Recently, the partisan's widow handed over documents to the Vitebsk Regional Museum of the Hero of the Soviet Union M. Shmyrev, which are now being sorted out by experts, and, as the museum management promises, interesting materials regarding our compatriots will be made public.

Now our search and research group is processing the lists of former servicemen of the 825th battalion, identified in the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus in December 2009 and transferred to us thanks to the goodwill of the Department for Archives and Records Management of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Belarus and the invaluable assistance of employees of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Belarus.

Today we publish only the first, largest of the newly identified lists of our compatriots enlisted in the detachment of G. Kurmelev of the brigade of Ya. Zakharov. It is based on the list of the detachment, compiled in July 1943. Some information was clarified according to a later list, compiled on the basis of the first one in November of the same year. In case of discrepancies in the data, information from both lists is given.

The following information is published about each person: last name, first name, patronymic (the latter is not indicated for everyone); year of birth; nationality; education; partisanship; Place of Birth; where and what he did before the war (for some - with an indication of the pre-war salary for the position held); military rank; date of entry into the partisan detachment; position held in the squad; home address; from where he got into the squad.

In square brackets are given either missing parts of the text, or, if possible, the specified names of regions, districts, settlements. Surnames, first names and patronymics are readable in two ways (the lists were compiled not according to personal documents, but mainly from the words of the respondents, therefore mistakes by partisan clerks in writing hard-to-pronounce Tatar names and surnames were inevitable) and discrepancies in the lists are given in parentheses.

Titles requiring clarification and names are given with a question mark.

We hope that the published list will serve as a documentary basis for the further work of the military commissariats and municipalities to search for relatives and bring them information about the unknown heroes of the past war, who undoubtedly accomplished a feat in the Belarusian Polesie back in February 1943.

Published in abridged.

NOTES:

1. Gainetdinov R. Transfer of the 825th battalion of the legion "Idel-Ural" to the side of the Belarusian partisans // Gasyrlar avaza - Echo of centuries. - 2005. - No. 1. - P. 23-30; He is. New documents on the transition of the 825th battalion of the Volga-Ural Legion to the side of the partisans // Gasyrlar Avaza - Echo of the Ages. - 2009. - No. 1. - S. 58-72.
2. National Archives of the Republic of Belarus, f. 1336, op. 1, d. 109, l. 110 rpm
3. Ibid., f. 1450, op. 5, d. 3, l. 165.
4. Ibid., d. 5, l. 104-112.

List of personnel of the partisan detachment of G. S. KurmelevVI
1st Belarusian partisan brigade Ya. Z. Zakharov VII (1943 and 1944) VIII

Detachment No. 1 Comrade. Kurmeleva

1. Shoistanov Graf (Garif?) Togatynovich- 1911 [year of birth], tat [arin], [education] - 4 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; [place of birth] - B[ashkir] ASSR, Kandr[insky] r[ayo] IX, village Kakhovskaya [Kaznakovka?]; [where and by whom he worked before the war] - on a collective farm, a collective farmer; [rank] - row [new], [time of entry into the detachment] - 26.02.43, [military specialty] - row [new]; [home address] - Bash[kir] ASSR, Kandrin[sky] district[aio]n, Star. village council, d. Kakhovskaya; [from where he came to the detachment] - [from] captivity [a], disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.]X.

2. Dovlekaev Efim Stepanovich- 1910, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amot] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[art]; Stalingrad [hell] region [ast] XI, Leninsky [diy] district [aio] n, Bakhtiyarovsky rural [rural] council, on a collective farm, collective farmer; private, 26.02.43, private; St[ingradskaya] oblast[a], Leninsk[y] district[aio]n, Bakhtiyarovsky village council; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

3. Nigmadzyanov Gaziad- 1911, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; Kazan region [TASSR], Kokmor [Kukmorsky] district [ayo] nXII, village Shemordan, Shemordan, assistant to the machine [ist] with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Kokmorsk district, village Shemordan; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

4. Ubeikin Fedor Petrovich- 1920, Chuvash, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region [TASSR], Aksubai [Aksubayevsky] district [ayo] n; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 26.02.43, private; Kazan region, Aksubai district; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

5. Izmailov Gazis Ibragimovich- 1910, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny], b[es] p[art]; Kazan region [TASSR], Dubyazsky district [aio]nXIII, village Bolshoy Bitaman; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Dubyazsk district, village B[olshoy] Bitaman; from captivity.

6. Bikeev Zakhar Zakharovich- 1922, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1st class[ass]), VLKSM; BASSR, Yumaguzinsky district, Mutaevo village, Central Asia, worker with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Yumaguzin[sky] rayon, village Mutaevo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

7. Galimulin Yarulkha (Yarulla?) Galimulinovich- 1912, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; Kazan region [TASSR], Baltach. [Baltasinsky] district [ayo]n, v. Burbash; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region [TASSR], Baltachin. r[ayo]n, v. Burbash; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

8. Guzairov Khoylan (Kheigal) Pelgurovich- 1912, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (2nd class [ass]), b[es] p[art]; Kazan region [TASSR], Dubyazsky district [aio]n, Karakul village; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Dubyazsky district, Karakul village; from captivity.

9. Zakirov Garif Zakirovich- 1908, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan oblast [TASSR], Novosh[eshminsky] ra[aio]n, Verkh. Nikitino, Arkhangelsk, salesman with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Novosheshminsk [area] district, Verkhnekamensk [rural] village soviet, Verkh. Nikitino; from captivity.

10. Guleev Akhmat (Akhmet) Tuktonyazovich- 1913 (1915), Turkm[en], 5th class[ass], b[es] p[art]; Turk. Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Adjipulaksky district [ayo] n, village Artizan; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Ordzh[onikidzevsky] regionXIV, Turmensky district[aio]n, Chursky village council, village Chur [Chur aul]; from captivity.

11. Gorshkov Semyon Fedorovich- 1917, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (3rd class [ass]), b[es] p[art]; Kazan region [TASSR], Krasnoarm[eisky] [Kyzyl-Armeisky] district [ayo]nXV, village Chuvyaltan [Chuvashsky Eltan] (Krasnodar), Tuapse, worker with a salary of 550 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Krasnoarm[eisky] district, Chuvyaltan village (Krasnodar); from captivity.

12. Chebotarev Shavket Abdulovich- 1918 (1919), tat [arin], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] oblast[a]XVI, Baryshevsky [Barysh] r[ayo]n, village St. Timoshkino [Starotimoshkino] (St. Ilyushino); Art. Timoshkino, a loader with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kuyb[yshev] region, Barysh district[ayo]n, village St. Timoshkino; from captivity.

13. Sibagatullin Gatav- 1917, tat [arin], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Atninsky district [ayo] n, village M[alaya] Atnya; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Atninsk[iy] r[ayo]n, village M[alaya] Atnya; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

14. Nasardinov Vasbiy Nasardinovich- 1913, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Ilishevsky district, v. Itaevsk (?) [Iteevo?], Ilishevo, forester with a salary of 110 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Ilishevsk [kiy] district [ayo] n, village Itaevsk; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

15. Belyakov Ilya Alekseevich- 1915, Mari, 6 class [asses]; Mar[iyskaya] ASSR, Yoshkar-Ola district[aio]n, village Tarkhanovo; on a collective farm, caretaker; junior [junior] sergeant, 02/26/43, private; Mar[iyskaya] ASSR, Yoshkar-Olinsk[iy] r[ayo]n, v. Tarkhanovo; from captivity.

16.Gareev Ramai Sakhipovich- 1913, tat[arin], m[alo] gr[amotny] (1 class [ass]), b[es] p[arty]; NSO [Novosibirsk region]XVII, Yurga; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private, NSO [Novosibirsk region], art. Yurga; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

17. Shafikov Abdulkhan Shafikovich- 1914, Bashkirs, secondary [education], VLKSM; BASSR, Belokataysky district [aio]n; v. Uchashovo [Upper Utyashevo?], v. Uchashovo, paramedic; private, 23.02.43, private; Belokat[ayskiy] district[aio]n, village Uchashovo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

18. Magdeev Nabi Khadyatovich- 1914, Bashkirs, secondary [education], VLKSM; Chelyab[insk] region, Kr[asno]arm[eisky] district[aio]n, v. Taukaevo, Kunashak, teacher with a salary of 420 rubles; private, 26.02.43, private; Chelyab[insk] region, Kr[asno]arm[eisky] district[aio]n, village of Taukaevo; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

19. Valeev Abdulkhay- 1920, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Alkievsky [Alkeevsky] district [aio] n, v. St [arye] Urgagary; Central Asia, tin [man] with a salary of 350 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Alkievskiy district, v. St[arye] Urgagary; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

20. Akhmadulin Eniet Nigamatovich- 1918, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Sterlib [ashevsky] district [ayo] n; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; junior [junior] sergeant, 02/23/43, private; Sterlib[ashevsky] ra[aio]n, Buzatov[sky] s[elsk] s[ovet], v. Asanay; from captivity.
21. Latypov Mubarak - 1914 (1909), tat[arin], 4th class[ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Lenin. (?) r[ayo]n, village Urmada (?), ROM, machinist[ist] with a salary of 285 rubles; private, 26.02.43, private; BASSR, Lenin. r[ayo]n, Suleymbekov[sky] s[elsk] s[oviet], v. Urmada; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

22. Nurzalov (Nurzipov) Fatkhulla- 1909, tat [arin], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; St[ingrad] region, Astrakhan, Astrakhan, a worker with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Stalin[grad] region, Astrakhan, Urymansk[y] (Narimanovsky?) district, village Balyanka; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace on 03/06/43 [g.].

23. Sibagatullin Ibrahim S.- 1922, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Bolshoy Sulabash; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; lieutenant, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Bolshoy Sulabash; from captivity.

24. Ryazyapin Kashaf Zaripovich- 1921, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; BASSR, Kugarchinsky district, village Kugarchin [Kugarchy]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kugarchinsky district, village Kugarchin; from captivity.

25. Makhmutov Foyaz (Fayaz) Kutuzovich (Kutdusovich)- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Yanaulsky district [district], village Istyakovo [Istyak]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Yanaul district, Istyakovsky village council, Tash-Elga village; from captivity.

26. Akhmadeev Manur Orslanovich (Arslanovich)- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Kandr[inskiy] district[aio]nXVIII, village Kandrakul; shop manager with a salary of 350 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kandr. r[ayo]n, village of Kandrakul[sky] s[elsky] council, village of Kandarkul; from captivity.

27. Khaibulin Maftah (Miftah) F.- 1912, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Ushalinsky [Uchalinsky] district [aio]n, Ushalinsky [y] s[elsky] soviet, Moldashevo [Muldashevo] village, mine, coal cutter with a salary of 800 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Ushalinsk[iy] r[aio]n, Ushalinsk[iy] s[elsk] s[oviet], Moldashevo village; from captivity.

28. Kalimulin Yarolla (Yarulla) Garifovich- 1916, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Buinsky district, village Serki-Grishino [Cherki-Grishino]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43 private; Kazan region, Buinsky district, Serki-Grishino village; from captivity.

29. Kabirov Kasim Shakirovich- 1917, Tatar [in], 5th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Voroshilovsky [Menzelinsky? Sarmanovsky?] district [ayo]n, village NarodkinoXIX; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan, Voroshilovsky district, Narodkino village; from captivity.

30. Kalimulin Khazis Khaybulovich- 1921, Udmurt, 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Ufa region XX, Yanaul district, Orlyansky [Orlovsky?] village council, village Narkan [Karman-Aktau?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 22.02.43, private; BASSR, Yanaul[sky] district[aio]n, Orlyansky village village council, Narkan village; from captivity.

31. Bogapov (Vogapov) Khasyan Ismailovich- 1921, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; Penz [en] region, Kadushkinsky [Kadoshkinsky] district [aio] n, village Latyshevka [Latyshovka]; Donbass, hammer fighter with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Penz[en] region, Kadushkinsk[iy] r[aio]n, v. Latyshevka; from captivity.

32. Mustafin Nurgali M.- 1909, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Tsipinsky (Tsipinsky) r[ayo]nXXI, village Tiongir [Tolonger]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Tsipinsky district, Tolonger village; from captivity.

33. Khairulin Gabdrakhim Agap- 1910, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] region[a]XXII, N. Buyansky district[aio]n XXIII, v. Mullovka; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kuyb[ysheskaya] oblast, Buyanskii ra[aio]n, v. Mullovka; from captivity.

34. Garipov Hatip Garipovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan [area] region, Kalinin district XXIV, Azaevsky [Adaevsky?] village council, village Umeney [Ulimanovo]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan[sk] region[ast], Kalinin[y] r[aio]n, s. smarter; from captivity.

35. Fazullin Galim Zinatovich- 1917, Bashkirs, 10th class [asses], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Miyakinsky district, village Meneuz-Tamak; regional financial department, chief accountant with a salary of 715 rubles; lieutenant, 02/23/43, assistant to the [commander] in [platoon]; BASSR, Miyakinsky district, village Meneuz-Tamak; from captivity.

36. Galiev Akhmet Galievich- 1913, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Bondyugovsky [Bondyugsky] XXV chemical plant, st. Yarukhana, 47/18, chemical plant, worker with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Bondyugovsky [kiy] himz [av] d, st. Yarukhana, 47/18; from captivity.

37. Tanmurzin Iziyat Tanmurzinovich- 1919, Mari, 4th grade [ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Kaltachievsky [Kaltasinsky] district [aio] n, village Koyanka [Koyanovo]; Red Army, private, 02/23/43, private; BASSR, Kaltachievsky district, Koyanka village; from captivity.

38. Zinnatulin Sag. Zinat[ovich]- 1921, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Sarman[ov] district[aio]n, village Demet. Orlov [Dimitarlau]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Sarman[ovsky] district[aio]n, village Demet. Orlova; from captivity.

39. Garipov Khatib Zaripovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Kalinin[sky] district[aio]n, village Uman [Ulimanovo?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kalinin[sky] district[aio]n, village Uman; from captivity.

40.Akhmadeev Shamal Gar[ipovich]- 1922, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Tubinsky district [district] n, village Tubi [Tubinsky]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Tubinsky district, Tubi village; from captivity.

41. Galeev Akhmet Ziyatdinovich- 1916, Tatar [in], 10th class [asses], VLKSM; Chelyab[insk] region, Troitsk, st. Zhukova, Troitsk, director of a school with a salary of 600 rubles; sergeant, 01/28/42, private; Chelyabinsk region, Mekhansk [Miass] district [ayo]n, village Ishkino; from the environment.

42. Sibagatulin G.- 1921, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [aio] n, village B [big] Elga; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR Rybnoslobodsk [ay] district, village B[olshaya] Elga; from captivity.

43. Ilmurzin Ilinbay- 1914, Mari, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p[artist]; BASSR, Kaltasinsky district, Kokush village; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Kaltasinsky district, Kokush village; from captivity.

44. Orskudinov Fatkhush- 1911, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Aktanyshsky district, village Bugazino [Buaz-Kul]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR Aktanyshsk[iy] district[aio]n, village Bugazino; from captivity.

45. Akhmadeev Khusan (Khasan)- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Agryz district [area] n, station [station] Agryz, st. K. Marx, Agryz, manager of a warehouse with a salary of 285 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Agryz district [ayo] n, st. K. Marx, 132; from captivity.

46. Mukhamedzhanov Gazis M.- 1921, Tatar [in], m [alo] gr [amotny], b [es] p [art]; TASSR, Baltachinsky [Baltasinsky] rayon, Baltasinsky village village council, village Sardygach; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Baltachinsk[iy] district, Baltachinsk rural [rural] council, village of Sardygan; from captivity.

47. Gazizov Mirula (Nurulla?) Gazizovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [aio]n, village B[olshoy] Oshnyak, on a collective farm, weigher with a salary of 450 rubles, private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [ayo] n, village Bolshoy Oshnyak; from captivity.

48. Ayupov Mabaraksha (Mubaraksha) A.- 1911, Tatar [in], 5th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshevskaya] oblast[a]XXVI, Starokultinsky [Starokulatskinsky] district[aio]n, s. N. Zelenitsa [New Zimnitsy], Baku, a baker with a salary of 300 rubles, private, 23.02.43, private; AzSSR, Baku city, Stalin district [ayo] n, st. Frunze, 181; from captivity.

49. Amirov Rustam Abaz[ovich]- 1916, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Meleuzovsky district [ayo] n, with. Zerga [Zirgan]; Samarkand, savings bank, employee with a salary of 400 rubles, sergeant, 23.02.43, private; BASSR, Meluzovsky district [district] n, st. Smolnenskaya, 86; from captivity.

50. Baziit Sadykh (Sadyk) Kh.- 1916, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Penz[enskaya] oblast, Gorodishchenskii ra[aio]n, st. Chaadaevka, with. V. Razyap; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; Penza region [area], Gorodishchensky district [area] n, st. Chaadaevka, with. V. Razyap; from captivity.

51. Nikolaev Mikhail Mironovich- 1918, Tatar [in], 5 class [asses], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Chugarsky (?) r[ayo]nXXVII, village Fedotovo; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Chugarsky (?) district, Fedotovo village; from captivity.

52. Abdullin Gabdur Abdul[ovich]- 1919, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan, Tatarsky district [ayo]n (?), village Kurkhaybak (?), Kazan, turner with a salary of 300 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan region, Tatar district, village Kurkhaybak; from captivity.

53. Gazizov Khazip- 1914, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Aznakayevskiy district, village Kormala [Karamaly], Saratov, driver with a salary of 450 rubles, driver, February 23, 1943, private; TASSR, Aznakayevskiy district [aio]n, Kormala village; from captivity.

54. Nasyrov Rubani Nasyrovich- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Sarman[ov] district, village N. Shavtali [Lower Chershily?]; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; TASSR, Sarman[ov] district[aio]n, d. N. Shavtala; from captivity.

55. Sulikov Eremey Alexandrovich- 1909, Mari, 3rd class [ass], b[es] p[artist]; NSO [Novosibirsk region], Tashtanovskiy [Tashtagolskiy] district, village Ust-Selezen, Ust-Selezen, store manager with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; b[es]n[arty], NSO, Tashtanovskiy district[aio]n, village of Ust-Selezen; from captivity.

56. Mukhamadzyanov Abdull Akhmetovich- 1909, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSRXXVIII, Buzovyazovskiy district[ayo]nXXIX, village Kurmanai [Kurmanaevo?]; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Buzovyazovsky district, village Kurmanai; from captivity.

57. B iktashev Shanuvali (Manuvali) M.- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], VLKSM; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [area] n, village of Stary Arysh, Red Army, private, 23.02.43, commander of the department; TASSR, Rybno-Slobodsky district [ayo] n, village of St [ary] Arysh; from captivity.

58. Zeyadinov Sadry (Sadri) Zeyadinovich- 1914, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Naberezhno] Chelny district [ayo] nXXX, d. Gardale [Old Gardali], Makiivka, Sofia mine, breeder with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Makeevka, st. Carbit Colony; from captivity.

59. Avdeev Alexander Mabinov[ich]- 1911 (1915?), tat[arin], n[e] gr[amotny], b[es] p[arty]; Astrakhan district [ayo] n, fish factory No. 1, st. Batumi, fish factory, helmsman with a salary of 200 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Astrakhan district [ayo] n, No. 4, st. Batumi; from captivity.

60. Seradeev (Serazeev) Yarkhan Abzalovich- 1913, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Kulanginsky XXXI district [aio] n, village Karaton [Karatun], Grozny, driver with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kulanginsk [ayo] district, Karaton village; from captivity.

61. Ifatullin Igenat- 1913, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Biknarat; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, TASSR, Dubyazsky district, village Biknarat; from captivity.

62. Kachalov Mikhail Ivanovich- 1907, Mordovian [in], 4th class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; Mord[ovskaya] Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Atyashevsky district, village of Selishchi, Chelyabinsk, water utility, locksmith with a salary of 700 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Mord[ovskaya] ASSR, Atyashevsky district, village of Selishchi; from captivity.

63. Davletbaev Fakhardin- 1916, Tatar [in], 2nd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Krasnosolsky [Krasnousolsky] district [ayo] nXXXII, v. Yuluk [Yulukovo], on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 23.02.43, private; Ufa, Krasnosolsky district, Kusaadinsky village council, Yuluk village; from captivity.

64. Nabiulin Safa- 1914, Tatar [in], 7th class [assov], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Kaibitsky district, village Burunduk [Chipmunki], Moscow, military unit, driver with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Kazan, Kaibitsky district [ayo] n, village Burunduk; from captivity.

65. Sagitov Yalal Badardinovich- 1920, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Chelyab[insk] oblast, village Kunachak [district center Kunashak], Chelyabinsk, artel, worker with a salary of 1,700 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Chelyabinsk, st. Stalin, 57 B; from captivity.

66. Galeev Mekhamed (Mukhamed) Sadykovich- 1910, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b[es] p [artist]; TASSR, Naber[ezhnye] Chelny, Tsentral[alnaya], 37, Naberezhnye Chelny, bookseller [sheep] with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Naberezhnye Chelny, Central[al], 37; from captivity.

67. Akhmetgaleev Gazis- 1914, Tatar [in], 3rd class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kazan, Uzbekistan, sausage [ik] with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Uzbekistan, Bukhara, st. Lenina, 38; from captivity.

68. Batorbaev Kasim Mus.- 1916, Kazakh, 3rd class [assess], b[es] p[arty], Goryevskaya [Guryevskaya] region [ast] XXXIII, Dengi [Dengiz] district [ayo] n XXXIV, p. Butahon; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Goryevskaya oblast, Dengi district, s. Butahon; from captivity.

69. Karimov Abdul Karimovich- 1922, Tatar [in], 2 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Omsk region XXXV, Yarkovsky district, village Matmas; on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; Omsk region, Yarkovsky district, k[olkho]z of Stalin; from captivity.

70. Mirsayakov Salikhyan- 1911; TASSR, Muslimovsky [Muslyumovsky] ra[aio]n, k[olkho]z Rokhmatullina, on a collective farm, a collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Muslimovsky district, k[olkho]z Rokhmatula; from captivity.

71. Shafeev Adbull Kamald[inovich]- 1918, Tatar [in], 1 class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; Kuyb[yshev] region[a] XXXVI, S. Kul[atk]insky district[aio]n, village Kiryushkino, KIM distillery, apparatchik with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Tula region, Kim[ov]sky district, Bronsky village council; from captivity.

72. Anderzhanov Abdulbagap- 1922, Tatar [in], 7th class [asses], b[es] p [artist]; Gork[ovskaya], region, Kr[asno] oct[yabrsky] district[aio]n, village Pitsa [Pilna], Moscow, electrician with a salary of 450 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Moscow, Kalanchevskaya st.; from captivity.

73. Mukhamedgaleev Khurmatul- 1920, Tatar [in], 7th class [assov], b[es] p [artist]; Kazan region, Baltachsky [Baltasinsky] district [ayo] n, station] Shemordan XXXVII, Tashkent, concrete [shchik] with a salary of 500 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Tashkent; from captivity.

74. Enikeev Gummer Mukhariam[ovich]- 1918, Tatar [in], secondary [education], VLKSM; BASSR, Blagovar[sky] district, village of Kargali [Verkhniye Kargaly], Davlekan[ovo], teacher with a salary of 550 rubles; sergeant, February 15, 1942, company commander; BASSR, Blagovar[sky] district, village Kargali; from encirclement, in the Soviet rear - August 1943

75. Kamaltinov Zaki Nurgal[ievich]- 1923, Tatar [in], 6th class [asses], VLKSM; Molot[ovskoy] region[a]XXXVIII, Barda [Bardym] district[ayo]n, village of Kazy (?), on a collective farm, collective farmer; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Kaibitsky district [ayo] n, with. Chipmunk; from captivity, disappeared without a trace.

76. Khafizov Fathul Khafizovich, - 1915, Tatar [in], secondary [education], b [es] p [artist]; TASSR, Muslimovsky [Muslyumovsky] rayon, village Muslyumovo, Kazan, teacher; private, 23.02.43, private; TASSR, Muslyumovsky district, Muslyumovo village; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

77. Yusupov Iskhak Kalniz[ovich]- 1911, Tatar [in], secondary [education], b [es] p [artist]; Astrakhan, st. Batumskaya, 8/26, Astrakhan, a worker with a salary of 400 rubles; private, 23.02.43, private; Astrakhan, st. Batumskaya, 8/2; from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

78. Aflyatonov (Aflyatunov) Talip- 1919, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; BASSR, Yarnyakinsky [Ermekeyevsky?] district [ayo]n, village Yanganayak (?); on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 02/23/43, private; BASSR, Yarnyakinsky [Ermekeyevsky?] district [ayo]n, village Yanganayak (?); from captivity, disappeared [without] a trace.

79. Salimzyanov Kadyr Khal.- 1923, Tatar [in], 4th class [ass], b [es] p [artist]; NSO [Novosibirsk region], Chanovsky district [ayo] n, village Ch. Kushkul [Koshkul]; on a collective farm, collective farmer, private, 23.02.43, private; NSO, Chanovsky district, village Ch. Kushkul; from captivity, killed 03/06/43 [g.].

NA RB, f. 1450, op. 5, d. 2, l. 47-107.

The publication was prepared by Rustem Gainetdinov

Legion "Idel-Ural" Gilyazov Iskander Ayazovich

Volga-Tatar Legion - Legion "Idel-Ural"

As shown above, a certain interest in the Volga Tatars in Germany was outlined even in the pre-war years. After the start of the war against the USSR, Tatar prisoners of war began to be separated into special camps almost simultaneously with prisoners of war from other Turkic peoples. Nevertheless, the Volga-Tatar Legion (or the Idel-Ural Legion) was created later than all the others.

In fact, representatives of the peoples of the Volga region were separated into special assembly camps already in the autumn-winter of 1941/42. For the first time in the documents at our disposal about the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion, it is July 1, 1942 - on this day information about emerging legions, among which the Volga-Tatar was mentioned. On August 1, 1942, an order was issued from Hitler's headquarters, signed by Chief of Staff Keitel, to create, in addition to the existing legion, consisting of Volga (Kazan) Tatars, Bashkirs, Tatar-speaking Chuvash, Mari, Udmurts and Mordovians. The order ordered to separate the representatives of these peoples into special camps, to intensify work with the recruitment of prisoners of war. It was noted that the status of the Volga-Tatar Legion is exactly the same as that of previously created similar formations, that the use of the legion is envisaged in areas of military operations, but especially in areas of partisan operations.

Legionnaire on duty

Keitel's order was, as it were, an indication from above, and the practical order of the OKH was signed on August 15, 1942 (110 copies were made from it and sent to all instances). It already contained more specific guidance:

"one. Create a legion of Tatars, Bashkirs and Tatar-speaking peoples of the Volga region;

2. Tatars assigned to the Turkestan Legion, transferred to the Volga-Tatar Legion;

3. Tatar prisoners of war should be urgently separated from the rest and sent to the Siedlce camp (on the Warsaw-Brest railway line). Place them at the disposal of the Military Commander in the General Government (Milit?rbefehlshaber im General-Gouveniemerit);

4. The created legion should be used primarily in the fight against partisans.

Practical work on the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion began on August 21, 1942: the camp in Yedlino near Radom was chosen as the place of its formation, where uniforms and weapons for the legion were received. German responsible personnel also arrived here. The Siedlce camp, located near Jedlino, had previously become a collection point for prisoners of war from the Turkic peoples. It was divided into two parts: Siedlce-A and Siedlce-B - it was the first part that was intended to collect Tatar prisoners of war. It is known that by the end of July 1942, i.e. even before the appearance of the order to create a legion, there were already 2550 Tatars in the camp.

The banner of the Volga-Tatar Legion was awarded on September 6, 1942, so the legionnaires themselves considered this day to be the date of the final formation of the unit.

The construction of the Volga-Ural legionnaires

On September 8, 1942, the Volga-Tatar Legion was transferred under the command of the headquarters of the Eastern Legions and the commander of the military district in the "governor general".

The prisoners of war of the Tatars concentrated mainly in the Siedlce-A camp, from where they were sent for training in the legion in Jedlino. Subsequently, the camp in Demblin (Stalag-307) also played the role of a preliminary camp, where, for example, on September 1, 1943, there were 1,800 Tatar prisoners of war. In addition to the Tatars, Azerbaijanis and representatives of the North Caucasian peoples also gathered here. And at the beginning of 1944, after the transfer of the Eastern Legions to France, the general preliminary camp was in Legionowo near Warsaw, from March 1944 - again in Siedlce-B (Stalag-366), and in the Nekhrybka camp (Stalag-327 ).

Sleeve patch of the legion "Idel-Ural". First option

The first statistical information from the commander of the military district in the "general government" about the Volga-Tatar Legion was received in mid-September. This information was as follows: on September 8, 1942, they “expressed a desire” to enroll in the legion in the Benyaminov Turkestan camp - 135 Tatars, Byala Podlyaska - 27, Zaezertse - 152, Siedlce - 2315, in total - 2629 people (out of the total number of those who declared in the Eastern legions 12,130 people). In addition, 7,370 Tatar prisoners of war were sent to Poland from operational areas. In total, according to official data, there were up to 100 transports with representatives of different peoples of the USSR on the way. On September 11, 1942, the first German representatives were assigned to the legion: one officer, two employees, 54 non-commissioned officers, 18 soldiers. On September 15, translator courses for legionnaires began to function. Starting from October 1, 1942 to January 1, 1943, it was planned to fully form the first two Tatar battalions (this plan was carried out with a slight delay).

A rather elderly and experienced military man, Major Oscar von Seckendorf, was appointed commander of the Volga-Tatar Legion. He was born on June 12, 1875 in Moscow, spoke Russian, English, French, and Chinese well; worse command of Ukrainian and Spanish. He was later promoted to lieutenant colonel. There are few specific documents about his activities in the archives. It is difficult even to say how long he remained in the position of commander of the legion. Information about this is not entirely clear. On May 12, 1944, von Seckendorf gave an order to the legion, explaining that he was being transferred to the headquarters of the Eastern Legions and he was transferring command of the legion to Captain Kelle. At that time, von Seckendorf was appointed commander of the schools of the eastern connections - the Turkic school of officers and translators (located first in Rohrbach, then in Ohrdruf, at the end of the war - in Neuhammer); schools for officers and translators for the Eastern peoples (first in Conflans and Saint-Minel, then in Grafenwöhr, at the end of the war in Münsingen). It is also known that on November 17, 1944, the representative of the SS Main Directorate, R. Olsha, supported von Seckendorf, whom, judging by his data, the Wehrmacht command was going to retire from January 1, 1945, citing his age. However, the certificate does not indicate from which position they wanted to remove Lieutenant Colonel Seckendorf. R. Olsha, referring to the experience, knowledge and desires of Seckendorf himself, recommended not to dismiss him, but to transfer him to the SS Main Directorate, to the Eastern Department. On December 9, 1944, in the certificate of Standartenführer Shpaarman, the prospect of transferring von Seckendorf to the SS was again mentioned: “The day of the Idel-Ural battle group (it will be discussed below. - I. G.), which consists of Tatars and Finno-Ugric peoples, there is only one specialist who knows the East, as well as understands the language and mentality of people. In this case, we are talking about Lieutenant Colonel von Seckendorf, who from January 1, 1945, according to the calendar, will be dismissed from the Wehrmacht and who would be perfect for organizational work in a battle group. Information about the further fate of the first commander of the Volga-Tatar Legion could not be found.

According to the available documents, it can be judged that Seckendorf, despite his age, quite energetically set to work, most of all paying attention to the combat training of legionnaires. Perhaps one of the most serious problems for him (as well as for other German organizers of the Eastern Legions) was the problem of training national officer cadres, which, by the way, was not resolved until the end of the war, although it was raised more than once. Therefore, the detailed analytical paper prepared by von Seckendorf on January 25, 1943, which deals with this problem, is of interest. It was actually common to all Eastern legions, but von Seckendorf's ideas were implemented in the Volga-Tatar Legion.

First, the legion commander raises the question: from whom can future officers be chosen? And he himself answers: from former officers of the Red Army, from the ranks of ordinary legionnaires or from the intelligentsia. For re-education in the German spirit, the most difficult “material” was, according to Seckendorf, a simple legionnaire: it is easy to exert political influence on him, but he “brings with him so little intelligence and education that his reorganization into officers is accompanied by incredible difficulties: or he turns out to be completely incapable, or he turns into an ignorant bloody despot who does much more harm than good. A little "better" were the candidates of an intellectual and a former Soviet officer, since they "due to their exalted position in the USSR were suppressed in terms of worldview." But still, the former officer has an advantage: he has military experience, tactical knowledge, some kind of education. Therefore, von Seckendorf believed, there remained the “lesser evil” with whom it was necessary to work - former officers of the Red Army. For their “re-education”, very specific proposals were made, which, obviously, were taken into account in the real practice of the Volga-Tatar Legion:

"one. Officers, from lieutenant to captain, coming from the preliminary camp, in the legion are from the very beginning placed separately from the soldiers and even in official terms have nothing to do with them.

2. The officer platoon is subordinate to the more experienced and older officer of the legion, who was responsible for education under the control of the legion commander.

3. Preparation is carried out in the following areas: careful worldview impact; tactical recheck and further retraining; close personal contact between officers; daily intensive training in German; if possible - acquaintance with the country, trips to Germany.

Officers deemed "unfit" were sent back to the camps. After graduating from the school of non-commissioned officers (i.e., the lower officers) at the legion, officers were sent to Legionovo, where there was a general officer school. Von Seckendorf paid special attention to the psychological moment in the preparation of future officers of the legion: to maintain a distance between soldiers and officers, to develop their ambition and self-confidence. He complained that there were not enough capable officers in the Volga-Tatar Legion, so he considered it necessary to intensify this work.

Sleeve patch of the legion "Idel-Ural". The second most common option

It seems to me that this document not only shows the acuteness of the problem of officer training in a particular legion, but allows us to roughly imagine the internal psychological atmosphere of this unit. Von Seckendorf - a man of old, Prussian training - tried in his own way to spread his experience among the Volga Tatars, in the specific matter of training military personnel suitable for the Wehrmacht. These attempts clearly ended in failure, since even at the end of the war, almost all the commanders of the legions constantly complained about the lack of "suitable" officers. What did it lead to? In addition, German officers were appointed to replace the absent, which meant a departure from the original principles of recruiting the Eastern Legions. German officers did not know Russian, much less other languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR, and often did not understand the psychology of their subordinates at all. The result was a completely unexpected effect for the Germans: even those representatives of the Eastern peoples who really voluntarily went over to the side of Germany began to experience psychological discomfort from this, noticing a manifestation of distrust of the legionnaires in the fact of the appointment of German officers. And the German military leadership also failed to find a way out of this vicious circle.

Sleeve patch of the legion "Idel-Ural". The last version of the patch for the legion by order of July 1, 1944. Almost never used by legionnaires

According to the plan, the first of the battalions of the Volga-Tatar Legion, which received the number 825, was to be created by December 1, 1942, but it was formed even a little earlier - on November 25. The term for the formation of the 826th battalion was set on December 15, 1942, the 827th - on January 1, 1943. In fact, this happened, respectively, on January 15 and February 10, 1943. For the first time, all three first numbers of battalions are mentioned in surviving documents 3 November 1942 as being created.

The Tatar battalions, which were created in Poland, in Jedlino, under the control and jurisdiction of the command of the Eastern Legions in the German armed forces, and which are described in detail on the basis of available documents, were not the only ones. Most likely, with individual armies or army groups, in parallel or later, for example, during 1944, other Tatar formations were also created. Among them were combat, construction, and supply units. We can find only fragmentary information about them in the sources, which nevertheless supplement our ideas.

From the book For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland author Shambarov Valery Evgenievich

70. RUSSIAN LEGION Soar, falcons, like eagles, full of grief! Whether business under tents in the field camp to stand! Soldier's Song The position of the Entente was alarming. The Americans were just being transported to Europe and significant forces could be put up for the front only in the fall. But

From the book Gaius Julius Caesar. Evil acquired immortality author Levitsky Gennady Mikhailovich

Caesar's beloved legion achieved what he wanted, but, as it turned out, he even had a lot of the one-year consulate prescribed by law - fate allowed him to enjoy power for no more than five months ... Well, in the end, it is important to live not how long, but how; and Caesar enjoyed every

From the book Foreign Volunteers in the Wehrmacht. 1941-1945 author Yurado Carlos Caballero

Legion "Wallonia" In their policy in the territory of occupied Belgium, the Germans preferred one of the two largest national groups - the Flemings. When Germany invaded the USSR, many Belgians came to the recruiting stations to take

From the book Foreign Legion author Balmasov Sergey Stanislavovich

How they got into the Legion Excerpts from the notes of the journalist Albert Londra "Biribi - military penal servitude" are almost unknown today. In this passage, the author describes his visit to the terrible hard labor prison in Morocco, Dar Bel Hamrit, in which many of the 180 prisoners were legionnaires,

the author Karashchuk Andrey

Estonian SS legion. On the first anniversary of the "liberation" of Estonia, August 28, 1942, Commissar General K. Litzmann appealed to Estonians to join the Estonian Legion in order to participate in the common struggle against Bolshevism. Already in October, the first volunteers selected in

From the book Eastern Volunteers in the Wehrmacht, Police and SS the author Karashchuk Andrey

Latvian SS Legion. In 1942, the Latvian civil administration offered the Germans to create armed forces with a total strength of 100 thousand people to help the Wehrmacht on a volunteer basis, with the condition that Latvia's independence be recognized after the end of the war, but Hitler

From the book Eastern Volunteers in the Wehrmacht, Police and SS the author Karashchuk Andrey

Lithuanian SS legion. In January 1943, the German authorities, represented by the head of the SS and police of Lithuania, Brigadeführer Vysotsky, made an attempt to organize an SS legion from volunteers of Lithuanian nationality. However, this event ended in failure. In response, the Germans closed

From the book Eastern Volunteers in the Wehrmacht, Police and SS the author Karashchuk Andrey

Ukrainian legion. The first Ukrainian units in the Wehrmacht were created as a result of cooperation between the leaders of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) S. Bandera and A. Melnyk, formed in 1929 in exile, with the German military intelligence (Abwehr). While

author Chuev Sergey Gennadievich

The Armenian Legion Even before the outbreak of World War II, the German leadership assigned the status of "Aryan refugees" to members of the Armenian emigrant colony in Germany. Especially for the Armenians in Berlin, newspapers were published in their native language. weekly newspapers "Armenia" and "Motherland".

From the book Cursed Soldiers. Traitors on the side of the III Reich author Chuev Sergey Gennadievich

Georgian Legion On the eve of the Great Patriotic War, the experience of cooperation between Georgian nationalists and Germany totaled more than one year. So, back in 1915, a small “Georgian Legion” was formed as part of the German army, which included

From the book In the footsteps of a man with a scar author Mader Julius

From the book SS - an instrument of terror author Williamson Gordon

THE INDIAN LEGION Initially formed in April 1943 as the 950th Indian Infantry Regiment of the Wehrmacht, this unit consisted of captured Indians - from among those who fought in the ranks of the British in North Africa. In November 1944, the unit was transferred

From the book The Death of the Empire of the Cossacks: the defeat of the undefeated author Chernikov Ivan

Chapter 2 LEGION Pomors took courage and went to the Slavic-British Legion, formed by General Edmund Ironside. Russians, Poles, Finns, Lithuanians, Latvians, Czechs, Estonians and even Chinese served in the legion. It was assumed that in 3-4 months the Russians would start fighting, and the British

TURKESTAN LEGION A package from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Third Reich in a solid official envelope with the appropriate stamps and marks was delivered to the designated Berlin address by courier. It followed from this that the recipient with the eastern surname in the ministerial offices

The foreign word "collaborationism" (French сollfboration - cooperation, joint actions) is still classified as difficult to pronounce, although it was borrowed to refer to actual events that took place more than five decades ago during the Second World War. Yes, writing about "traitors, traitors to the motherland" is not easy. It is possible that this publication will be followed by a reaction similar to the thunder of heaven: “It is impossible! Write better about the heroes ... ".

I would like the reader to take into account here: the newspaper text is not a decree on rewarding and not a court verdict. Our goal is not to exalt, but to understand a person who, in the grip of circumstances, had to take a double oath and thrice, together with others who signed up for the Idel-Ural legion, shout “Heil!”.

It is known that the vast majority of prisoners of war, including the “Vlasovites” and the so-called legionnaires, who joined the Germans under the flag of the fight against Stalinism in order to create independent national states, were “calculated” and, with the active assistance of the allies, returned to the USSR and convicted. Even those who had been languishing in German concentration camps for many years fell under the millstones of repression. Few of them, after serving a long term, were released. And which of these unfortunates, in conditions of colossal moral pressure, dared to write memoirs? Such cases are rare. That is why we believe that the memoirs of the former prisoner of war Ivan Skobelev are of historical value. Despite the quite understandable subjective interpretation of events, one cannot ignore new information about the actions of an underground group, which included the former political worker of the Second Shock Army, the poet Musa Jalil, who was guillotined by the Nazis (later Hero of the Soviet Union, laureate of the Lenin Prize).

A few words about the fate of the memoirs. A native of the Chuvash village of Nizhny Kurmei, Orenburg Region, Ivan Skobelev (1915), wrote them at the request of the writer and journalist, editor-in-chief of the Orenburg television studio, Leonid Bolshakov, who was interested in Chuvash history (the author of the brochure "Leo Tolstoy's Chuvash Correspondents"). Apparently, after the triumphant return of Musa Jalil’s “Moabit Notebooks” to the USSR during a short “thaw”, the author had hope that the attitude towards other prisoners of the camps, as well as towards all the victims of the war, would change. Once again mentally walking along the bumpy roads of the war, he, of course, was looking for a way to gain mental stability (to keep colossal information and impressions inside is an incredible test). To tell, confess, justify to posterity, perhaps, the author thought about this too.

Valery ALEXIN.

Brief historical background

The Volga-Tatar Legion (Idel-Ural Legion) is a division of the Wehrmacht, consisting of representatives of the Volga peoples of the USSR (Tatars, Bashkirs, Mari, Mordovians, Chuvashs, Udmurts). Volga-Tatar legionnaires (about 40 thousand people in total) were part of 7 reinforced field battalions; 15 economic, sapper, railway and road construction companies; and 1 battle group of the Eastern Turkic SS formation. Organizationally subordinate to the Headquarters of the Command of the Eastern Legions (German: Kommando der Ostlegionen).

The legion was created in Jedlino (Poland) on August 15, 1942. The ideological basis of the legion was the creation of an independent Volga-Ural Republic (Idel-Ural). The leading role in the ideological training of the legionnaires was played by emigrants - members of the national committees formed under the auspices of the Ministry of the Occupied Eastern Territories.

The Volga-Tatar Legion used a variant of the patch, which looked like a blue-gray oval with a yellow border. In the center of the emblem was a vault with a vertical arrow. Idel-Ural was written at the top in yellow letters, and Tatar Legion at the bottom. Round cockades on headdresses had the same combination of colors as the stripes.

At the very first clashes with the enemy, many legionnaires, most of whom were recruited against their will from among prisoners of war, went over to the side of the Red Army and the Allied armies. An underground organization led by Musa Jalil made a great contribution to maintaining the spirit of the legionnaires and the rejection of Nazi views.

Volga-Tatar legionary "Idel-Ural", 1944

War

The first day of the war passed like all the previous days, except for the announcement of the beginning of the German invasion. On June 23, part of the soldiers took the oath. For the first time they held live ammunition in their hands, for the first time they saw simple and explosive bullets. And the rifles got the same - the old model with a trihedral Russian bayonet. The war has begun, but we have not yet seen machine guns.

The people knew that a conflict with Germany was inevitable. The rank and file met the war calmly. We considered the concluded pact of friendship and non-aggression as an absurdity in the policy of our government. It was only strange to listen to the Red Army soldiers forbid by the commanders to speak of Germany as a state hostile to us.

In the evening we took off from the newly settled tents and dugouts and made a transition of about sixty kilometers to the West. We thought we were going to load to be sent to the front. The mood was cheerful, fighting. The first big hike did not exhaust me at all, although I wanted to sleep and rest.

We began to take a position, dig trenches. When everything was done, an order was received: to get together to replace the dislocation. This time we went back 25 km. Why was such maneuvering necessary, and for the entire division? Why were we treading water? The command was confused, continued to liberalize in an academic way. The fact that the commanders forgot the practice of civil war also speaks of confusion.

The trampling on the spot ended on June 29 or 30, in the evening we were loaded onto a train and transferred overnight to the city of Gorodok, Vitebsk region. Upon the arrival of the division, replenishment of the newly mobilized arrived. They could not be equipped and armed. They were forced to send to Vitebsk.

The first battles began on July 3 or 4, and ended successfully. Several armored vehicles and tanks were hit. They brought several captured Nazis. They behaved arrogantly. Shouted: "Rus kaput."

At dawn the next day, the attack of the main enemy forces began ...

When crossing the highway, they ran into a German ambush. We did not know the number of the enemy. To disperse the fire, we decided to split into several groups. I stayed in the center. At the appointed time, we crawled forward and opened fire on the enemy. I don't remember how long the fight went on. The cartridges in the clip ran out, the last grenade remained. On command, he went on the attack. I don't remember anything further.

Soon the Germans approached, who were collecting trophies.

Captivity

By evening we ended up in a camp built right in the field. About two hundred people were gathered here, all from the battlefield.

The first days I was very tormented by wounds. There was a fragment sticking out in the side, the neck under the jaw was stitched with a bullet. I couldn't drink or talk.

We were soon lined up for dispatch. A special team came on bicycles and motorcycles. As soon as we went out of the gate, the sick and wounded in the leg were shot before our very eyes. The same fate befell those who fell along the way.

In Vitebsk, a camp was built on a huge square, where the warehouses of the People's Commissariat of Defense used to be. There were a lot of prisoners here. We were let in without any registration on the account. There were many soldiers without tunics and caps, like me. There was also a command staff with insignia, well-groomed officers, clean, as if they had not seen the war. These people were special. They smoked, many of them already occupied the posts of senior barracks.

Doctors and paramedics came and began to treat the wounds. The Germans did not use our dressings, they handed them over to the camps. They pulled a fragment out of me, cleaned the side of crushed bones. The surgeon Petrov, having examined me, said: "You will live if you do not die in this hell."

Among the neat dandies, some wore white armbands with a black letter "P" (policeman) on their sleeves. Most of them spoke Ukrainian among themselves. They were armed with belts with a heavy buckle, which were used when necessary. They beat them mercilessly, with pleasure. They caught "witches", that is, they searched for commissars and Jews. They lived in a separate block, ate separately.

Jews and commissars were put in a ring specially fenced off with barbed wire and kept hanging on their chests with the inscription: “Judas”, “commissar”, “weather vane” (fugitive), then hung in front of the prisoners.

This is how I came to know the fascist order in captivity.


Branded "A" (Asian)

There was a rumor: the Germans let Ukrainians and Belarusians go home, but only civilians. After starving for three days, he exchanged torn civilian clothes for three rations of bread. I wanted to get out of this hell. So I got to the stage. We were brought to the city of Borisov. The next day they started commissioning. When they began to undress, many found Red Army linen, wounds. Without letting us come to our senses, we were sent to a prisoner of war camp. They took me to work here. They fed twice, gave two liters of good gruel from barley groats for five people, and two more loaves of bread.

Red Army uniforms were soon handed out. After they were divided into groups according to nationality, large letters were drawn on the backs of overcoats and tunics with oil paint: “r” (Russian), “y” (Ukrainian), “b” (Belarusian), “a” (Asiatic). In the blocks, they identified Russians as policemen - Ukrainians, Belarusians - Asians, etc.

According to the Internet.

Already in the first weeks and months of the war, the Wehrmacht began to use Soviet prisoners of war as auxiliary personnel (cooks, drivers, grooms, handymen, cartridge carriers, sappers, kitchen assistants, messengers, signalmen) directly in their combat units. Later they were mobilized into security and counterguerrilla units. By the end of 1942, these people were brought into the so-called "Eastern battalions".

By the last period of the war, when Germany had run out of human reserves, they remembered those who tried from the very first days of the war to become an ally of Germany and in the future to obtain at least a minimum of independence for their people. At the first stage of the war, they were brushed aside like annoying flies. No wonder, because Germany was strong, and its army was at Moscow itself. At a critical moment, the Germans remembered the prisoners of war. A paradoxical situation developed at the front towards the end of the war, when it was discovered that the few German military units were 40-50 percent or more made up of natives of the Soviet Union and various exotic countries. So, after the assault on the Reich Chancellery, Soviet soldiers looked with surprise at the corpses of its dead defenders with Asian eyes.

After the end of the war, part of the legionnaires, with the support of influential friends from a number of governments of Muslim countries, took refuge in the Middle East and Turkey. Those who remained in the USSR were repressed.

Soldiers of the newly created legion "Idel-Ural", 1942

In the circles of hell

They drove us to Minsk on foot. There were many shootings along the way. The first victims remained on the outskirts of the city of Borisov, near a warehouse with fertilizers. For more than a week they fed us without salt. As they passed by this warehouse, the exhausted people mistook fertilizer for salt, and the front column rushed forward, made a dump. The convoy opened fire on the crowd with submachine guns and machine guns.

... A new camp was built on the territory of Lithuania on the site of a military camp. The whole area is covered with greenery. Gigantic lindens all around. Gorgeous barracks. But nothing pleased us, except for the grass, which grew abundantly in the camp. The hungry pounced on pasture. They ate raw grass, ate it with water and salt. Didn't eat! And there was nothing tastier than plantain. Ate and stocked up. As a result, 1500-2000 people ate all the grass in a huge area in three days. And the prisoners kept coming and coming. Inside the camp, even the trees were gnawed. The windows were smashed in order to scrape the fibers of the trees with a piece of glass for food. Luxurious lindens now stood completely naked.

The weather was damp and cold. The inhabitants of the camp were concentrated in barracks and stables. They fed badly. All stories about a past life, about work and relatives ended with memories of some memorable dinner. In this mass, consisting of adults and intelligently reasoning people, all thoughts revolved only around food. If they had said that we would feed them and then shoot them, perhaps no one would have refused such a “mercy”. They didn't think about life. With a dream of food, they fell asleep and woke up.

Prisons are the same everywhere. I came to this conclusion later. I mean not only the external and internal structure, but also the regime, and so on - dampness, darkness, punishment cells, rooms for investigation with torture equipment. Such were the prisons in Stetin, Gdansk, Brest, Minsk, and after the war - in Cheboksary. How much sophistication in them for greater human suffering! How carefully the staff is selected for this!

People who have not gone through the circles of hell sometimes argue: it’s good there, but it’s bad here, and they give the sentenced before execution to eat to their fill and even drink. These are people - dreamers, braggarts, stuffing their own worth, as if they have seen a lot in life.

In prisons everywhere hard and hungry. But in prisons, where they look at you like an enemy and treat you like a dangerous animal, it's even harder.

Processing of our camera began at the end of January 1942. Seven Lithuanians passed before me, three of them returned to the cell from the first interrogation - beaten beyond recognition.

My turn came too. The interrogation began peacefully and quietly: who, where, how was he captured? For the first time, I gave my last name, where I came from and who was by nationality. To the accusations that I was left for espionage work, that I was a communist, I answered with a categorical refusal. Then he fell off his chair from the impact. They beat with anything.

According to the stories of my comrades, I lay motionless for three days.

Soon we were loaded into the train. On the road they gave 100 g of liver sausage and a loaf of bread. Everyone ate all this immediately, and for three days they went hungry.

They unloaded us in the afternoon at one of the small railway stations in Saxony. In Stadtlager No. 314, they let me go through sanitation, gave us old German tunics and shod them in wooden blocks. A tin plate with a number was hung around his neck. My number is 154155 (probably according to the number of prisoners).

Here in separate zones lived the British, Americans, French and Greeks. All of them, in comparison with us, looked like well-fed stallions. They were not driven to work, they were fed well. Their clothes and shoes were new army, in the form of their countries. They were allowed to receive letters and parcels through the Red Cross. They played sports games and read newspapers. The Germans treated them as equals. At the same time, Soviet prisoners were dying of hunger, beatings and hellish conditions created especially for them.


General of the Eastern Forces (General der Osttruppen) Lieutenant General X. Helmich inspects the battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Summer 1943

The prisoner does not know the reasons for the change

In State Camp No. 314 we were imprisoned in a bloc of national minorities. Georgians and Armenians occupied separate zones here, the Volga and Central Asian nationalities were located at the other end. After sanitation, we were given overcoats, boots with socks and trousers. The food here was different.

We did not know the true reason for this change. They explained in their own way that the war had dragged on, the Germans, fearing for their own skins, were trying to smooth over their crimes, etc. For persuasiveness, they reminded that there was an ultimatum from Molotov to Germany about responsibility for violating international rules for keeping prisoners of war. In a word, everyone invented something, argued, reasoned in anticipation of the good.

The strong and well-fed kept themselves apart, ruled over the weak, chose the best places and tried to stand out in front of the camp authorities.

During the 10-year stay in the camp after the war, I had to meet with such "world-eaters" more than once. They settled here too, became the same as they were in the fascist camps - thieves, robbers and murderers of honest workers. They never realized their guilt for the lost souls, in many cases through their fault, in fascist captivity. They grumbled at the Soviet power, at Stalin, at the party. They hated the people and lived only for the sake of their belly.

Brought to Poland, in the town of Sedlice. I ended up in the "weak team" of the Tatar camp. We were divided into companies, platoons and squads. Two battalions were formed before us, and drill exercises were already underway. There were no weapons. They fed according to the norm of a German soldier.

Soon the purpose of the importation and formation became somewhat clear. I was especially struck by the introduction of the hour of namaz (prayer) and its submissive performance by the prisoners. Mullahs were found from somewhere, and they were by no means old men.

In the "weak company", except for me and two Mordvins, everyone was Tatars. Nobody knew that I was a Chuvash, because I spoke Tatar perfectly.

Mulla calls for worship

When they lined up for prayer, I joined the tail. The command came (of course, in Tatar): "Sit down for prayer." An internal protest held me like an idol. Mullah's voice brought me to my senses, and I got out of line and stood on the flank. He stood for 20-30 minutes while the mullah read a prayer, and then ranted about the onset of a “happy time”.

After the prayer, they dragged me to the officer: “Why didn’t you pray?” Through an interpreter, I replied that I was a Christian and a Chuvash by nationality.

This incident changed my position somewhat. If earlier they looked like a “goal” (he was terribly thin, instead of 72 kg he weighed only 42). Released from outfits, drills. Thanks to this incident, I became closely acquainted with the Tatar Yangurazi, with whom we fought in the same division.

This act played an important role in my later life in Germany and contributed to the meeting with Musa Jalil.

Soon the battalion commanders began to be led into the city in groups with one escort. They visited "Soldatenheims", "Vufs" (brothels), from where they brought schnapps and bimbras (moonshine). Belated but true news began to arrive: Leningrad was standing, the Germans' attempts to reach the Volga had failed. But prostitutes also spread false information.

On one of the difficult days, three “gentlemen” in civilian clothes arrived at the Sedlice camp. They began to call the prisoners to the headquarters of the camp. An elderly Tatar was talking to me. By the way, he did not speak his native language well.

A few days later we were put into a passenger car and sent to a special camp of the Eastern Ministry. Most likely, it was a filtration (checking) point: the intelligentsia of all nationalities of the USSR was concentrated here.

After 2-3 months, I found out: General Vlasov was gathering a million-strong army for a campaign against Stalin. A little later I had to meet with Vlasov himself.

barracks

Tie presses the neck like a collar

The camp had a club and a library with publications in Russian. There were many books by immigrant writers. Movies were shown in the club, lectures were given on the National Socialist program. Mein Kampf was brought straight to the barracks.

These days there was a rumor that Musa Jalil, the chairman of the Union of Tatar Writers, was nearby, in a quarantine camp. Among us were people who knew him. This is Alish (children's writer, before the war - head of the department of pioneers of the Tatar regional committee of the Komsomol), Satarov, an employee of the editorial office of the Krasnaya Tatariya newspaper.

Two weeks later, everyone was summoned to the headquarters of the camp, forced to fill out and sign a form with the following content: “A prisoner of war such and such is released, and at the same time he undertakes to work with the German authorities where they are sent.” Under pain of death, they undertook an obligation not to communicate with German women.

After that they took us to Berlin. Here they brought to the warehouse of one of the shops, dressed in civilian clothes. Leaving the store, I told my friend that a paper collar with a German tie pulled around the neck was crushing the neck like a collar.

From the memoirs of a prisoner of war Rushad Khisamutdinov

... The Tatars were reluctant to join the German legion. Then the Nazis decided to find a man who could carry all the prisoners with him. The recruiters were persistent. It is known that high-ranking officials were busy around Musa Jalil at that time - both Rosenberg and Unglyaube, and the notorious "president" of the imaginary state "Idel-Ural" Shafi Almaz. But Musa at first did not want to hear about serving with the Germans. Only later, realizing that the idea of ​​​​the Nazis opens up the opportunity for him to engage in anti-fascist propaganda in the legions, he agreed. The path that Musa took was difficult and dangerous.

... After the arrival of a new replenishment, a musical chapel (cult platoon) was organized. Thirteen people were selected as "artists". None of them were professional artists. Gainan is a teacher, Abdulla is a senior political instructor, etc. However, our Edlnin "musicians" - Garif Malikov, Ivan Skobelev, Sadykov and others also did not have a special education.

From the book "Memories of Musa Jalil", Kazan, 1966.

Lieutenant General X. Helmich at the next inspection of the battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Presumably - 1943

What Tatars do the Chuvashs stand in solidarity with?

For three weeks we lived in a hotel of the third category "Anhalter Baikhov". We ate in the canteen with ration cards. They didn't know the language, so they had to stay in the room. Sometimes they went for a walk in the city.

During this time, he became closely acquainted with Alishev, Shabaev, Bulatov, Sabirov. Especially good relations developed with Alishev. I appreciated his frankness and simplicity. I learned from him that the poet Musa Jalil, a favorite of the Tatar people, would soon arrive here.

The group was often taken on excursions to theaters. A guy from the Donbass was attached to us, a student of the Institute of Foreign Languages ​​with a surname (doubtful) Sultan. He also issued food cards, stamps and pfennigs. Sometimes some of the "goal", including me, were not taken on excursions, because due to our thinness, the Germans could have an unsatisfactory idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe Tatars. On such days we killed time by studying German from a soldier's handbook.

One evening we wandered into the "birnetube", which was located in the basement, where the Belgians and the French gathered. For the first time I saw the situation described by Gorky and other writers: a beer hall, immersed in smoke and mud, with painted and disheveled girls on the laps of men. Behind the counter stood a pot-bellied red-faced owner, who carefully took stamps and pfennigs, as well as smuggled goods, gold rings and other souvenirs and poured schnapps or ersatzbeer.

Our appearance did not go unnoticed. Three Frenchmen surrounded us. We did not understand them, they did not understand us either, the phrase "Russian gefagen" (Russian prisoners) explained everything. The French put us at the table, offered beer, but we refused due to lack of money. They slapped us on the shoulder, called us comrades, treated us to cigarettes. But soon a policeman came up and took us to the hotel, ordered the hostess not to let us go anywhere alone.

Days passed full of languor and anxiety. One day the group was ordered to be on the spot. At 18 o'clock the interpreter Sultan took us to the "Exeldtser" restaurant.

I had never seen such splendidly decorated halls before: hundreds of tables, booths, chandeliers, serving buffets, fluttering waiters... The smell of high-grade cigarettes was intoxicating. There is no war here, here they do not know about hunger, pain and deprivation.

We were led through a huge hall, probably in order to show how richly live and confidently behave fascist degenerates.

Several men and women met us in a small hall. They turned out to be Tatars who had remained in Germany since the First World War (the women were their wives and daughters). Our arrival revived the company. Among the prisoners, they were looking for their fellow countrymen and relatives. Soon an old Tatar man appeared, who in Sedlice picked up the people he needed. With him came a man of average height, baggy and haggard-looking. He modestly greeted Alishev (embraced) and followed the old man forward. It was Musa Jalil (Gumerov, as he introduced himself).

They offered to take a seat. The German and the old man announced the opening of an evening of acquaintances of Tatars in Berlin with "newly arrived gentlemen" (efendi). An old Tatar man, who was named Shafi Almaz, said that we were gathered to fight Bolshevism, to form independent national states with the help of the Nazis. And we, the "color of the nation", were supposed to lead this business. It was announced that a leading center called "Tatar mediation" was being created in Berlin under the Eastern Ministry. A newspaper in the Tatar language "Idel-Ural" will be published.

Then there was dinner at the expense of unused cards. The ladies wanted to hear Tatar songs. Nazipov and a young boy, whose last name I don't remember, spoke. Then they began to ask Musa Jalil to read something. He readily agreed, read humorous poems. One of them, I remember, was called "Parachute".

My acquaintance with Jalil took place on the same evening. He approached me himself. At first they spoke Russian, and then they switched to Tatar. He asked if I had been in captivity for a long time, where I had fought, how I had been captured. I don’t know what impression I made on Jalil, but after that the attitude of the “well-fed” towards me changed somewhat.

The following days they settled in the premises allocated for the "Tatar Mediation". Then responsibilities were assigned. All this happened without the participation of Jalil.

"Tatar Mediation" was located on Noenburger Street on the third floor of a brick house. The second floor was occupied by "Turkestan mediation" (Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kirghiz, etc.).

A day later, a meeting of mediation workers was held. Many Germans were present, there was even an SS general (later they found out that they were a representative of the Eastern Ministry, Professor von Medsarich and two secretaries: Frau von Budberg and maid of honor Döbling). There were three Tatars in military uniform who arrived from the legion. At this meeting, it was announced: "Tatar mediation" will be the center of the struggle for the liberation of the Tatar people from Bolshevism and the establishment of such independence as it was before they were conquered by the Russians.

Gunafin, Sultan, Gilyadiev and someone else spoke, called to fight for a "just cause", the emphasis was on the Fuhrer, and at the end they shouted: "Heil Hitler!"

When these tirades were over, they asked: "What will our Chuvash friend say?" I answered: "If there were as many of my relatives as Tatars, a lot could be said, but so far I can only say one thing: I stand in solidarity with the Tatars." Frau von Budberg translated my words to the Germans. Shafi Almaz asked: why did I speak in Russian when I speak Tatar perfectly? "I did not speak, but answered your question. To speak, you need to prepare," I replied.

During the break, M. Jalil approached me. He asked: what kind of Tatars do the Chuvashs stand in solidarity with? There was no one nearby, and I boldly answered: we were and will be in solidarity with all neighbors, regardless of nationality. He shook hands with me and turned to Yangurazi who came up: "You seem to be great friends, this is the second time I see you together." The friend replied: "Yes, we are from the same division."

After that, they talked in Tatar: where he was captured, who else is with the Germans, etc. But then Jalil was summoned to the "chief".

It was soon announced that Unglyaube would lead the organization from the Germans, and Shafi Almaz from the Tatars (translators Sultan and Jalil). Organizational and propaganda departments were created, as well as the editorial staff (Ishmaev, Gilyadiev, Alishev, Satarov, Sabirov, and others). Yangurazi and I were out of work.

Everyone was given ration cards and a monthly salary. We had to start living in a private apartment, we had to come to work every day.

Soon we were given foreign passports. Passed a commission to determine racial affiliation (they measured the head, the shape of the eyes, and God knows what else). And what do you think? I, a Chuvash, and 15 other Tatars received an assessment similar to the Aryan race. Everything came together in size. Then we laughed that we were canonized as saints.

Musa Jalil

Tell the prisoners a living word

The first weeks passed unnoticed. The German and Shafi Almaz, the translators Sultan and Jalil were constantly away somewhere. It became known about the existence of the Tatar legion in the town of Seltsy near the city of Radom. In addition, workers' battalions were formed. The base for the collection of prisoners of war of all the Volga nationalities was the fortress of Deblin (Poland).

During this time, the first issues of the newspaper "Idel-Ural" were published. Their content can be assessed as illiterate-wretched.

Relations with the nationalist Tatars deteriorated. They came up with the nickname "kefer" (non-believer) for the fact that at the meeting I said loudly "hello" and answered their appeal only in Russian. All this infuriated my enemies.

On this basis, an explanation took place with Almaz and Ungliaube. The first expressed sharp indignation at my behavior. If not for the support of Frau Budberg, who had a negative attitude towards ignoring the Russian language, I would have been sent to a concentration camp.

After this "bath" we walked along the street with Yangurazi. We were met by Jalil, who asked if it was possible to spend a little time together with inseparable friends? The conversation turned to how we settled down, what we need. When I told about the "banya", he replied: "You, Skobelev, will not be sent anywhere, you are more needed here." He offered to change the attitude to the "sofa", to rebuild the character, to pull himself together, to become the "master" himself. Let them think and report to the boss that the conversation was beneficial.

You say: tired of idleness, - continued Jalil. - You, Yangurazi, are a communist, and Ivan is a member of the Komsomol. Consider yourself temporarily excommunicated from your organizations. You have a weapon - the teachings of Lenin - Stalin, which you have no right to forget. Look around: how many camps with Soviet people! After all, there is an absolute majority - our peers. Look for communists and Komsomol members among them. Find and speak the living word, the word of hope. Instill in them faith in victory, that Stalin and the party have not forgotten them.

Further, Jalil gave specific tasks: first, to study Berlin well; the second is to find out how many camps and where they are located; the third is to make acquaintances, make friends with smart and serious people. He promised that we would receive additional instructions soon.

After that, he said that he had been in the legion. 4 battalions have already been created there, there is one Chuvash company. Legionnaires are armed and trained in the use of German weapons. Among the commanders are Tatars and Germans. There is a colonel who graduated from the Academy. Frunze.

We talked about colleagues in misfortune. M. Jalil gave everyone an assessment. We parted when it got dark. He left by electric train, and we went by tram past the prison, where the poet later languished and was executed.

That night we could not sleep, we talked until dawn: the meeting turned our life upside down.

From a letter from I. Skobelev to L. Bolshakov

I promise you to write in detail about everything - about comrades and enemies with whom I had to work in Berlin from September 1942 until the end of the war. It was a shame to me for Musa Jalil until he was appreciated. Personally, I, being under investigation in the Soviet counterintelligence in Germany, and then in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary, told Minister Mitrashov, his deputy Lebedev and investigator Ivanov, but not in order to justify myself (for I was no longer afraid, more than what I had - they couldn’t give me, the execution was later replaced by ten years), but in order to rehabilitate the comrades who laid down their lives, in order to preserve their good name. But, alas, they did not listen to us, but on the contrary, they mocked us, punished us.

And the information, which was confirmed by the "Moabit Notebooks" transmitted by the Belgian comrade, was presented by many of the arrested during interrogations. The memory was fresh at the time. Much, much could be said about the communist organization created by Musa Jalil in Berlin.

Let's tell the prisoners about Vlasov's adventurism

Musa Jalil informed us from time to time about the situation on the fronts, about the partisan war in the rear. The circle of our acquaintances expanded, from where there were no Soviet people in Berlin: from Kharkov, Voroshilovgrad, Kyiv, Smolensk, etc. We were expected, asked to come more often. Especially I had to travel a lot during the days of mourning of the Nazis after February 11, 1943. A hastily handwritten leaflet with the note “Read it and pass it on to a comrade” reported on the defeat and capture of the Germans near Stalingrad. People cried and laughed with joy, including the French, Belgians, Bulgarians, and others. They kissed anyone they met with a prisoner of war badge on their chests.

Jalil laughed heartily when I told him about it. He teased: “Well, Ivan, is there now what to do with time?” And then he seriously generalized: “This is how international solidarity is forged. You and I are doing serious and dangerous work. Although we are not fighting, we are fighters and are in a difficult area ... ".

In the "mediation" we appeared in the morning. After 10 o'clock we went to the university to study German.

Each group was necessarily introduced to M. Jalil. He clarified the information based on our observations. The poet had a phenomenal memory, remembering faces especially well.

And what an admirer of Stalin he was! I wholeheartedly believed in his infallibility.

The myth of the superiority of the Aryan race over others began to fade. Posters on this topic were removed from the trams. The attitude towards Soviet prisoners of war has changed. It was no longer always the policemen and watchmen who were punished for the absence of a badge. They began to look through their fingers at the loopholes from under the barbed wire, through which they were released without a permit. If someone was stopped at the same time, then they were no longer punished, as before, with a punishment cell and beatings. The short answer - where he went ("to the tsum ferluben" - to his beloved) - caused only a smile from the Vakhtmans.

It was difficult to understand the reason for such changes. Musa warned that all this could be connected with the intrigues of General Vlasov. Hitler accepted him and gave his consent to the mobilization of a million-strong army to fight Stalin on fascist grubs. The Vlasov traitors renamed the organ of Russian emigrants "Russian Word" into "New Word". In one of the newspaper issues, a picture of Hitler with Vlasov appeared.

It was necessary to explain Vlasov's adventurism to the prisoners. To accomplish this task, Jalil organized a meeting "in the same place, at the same hour." According to the text compiled by him, it was necessary to multiply the leaflets and “scatter” them around the places of appearances. And Yangurazov and I sat all night copying a leaflet that said: “Vlasov was hired as a servant to Hitler. He intends to sell the Soviet people in the same way that Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel and Krasnov were once sold to the imperialists. The time will come, Vlasov and his inspirers will be punished. Our cause is just, Victory will be ours. The Communist Party of Bolsheviks in Berlin.

One day, accompanied by a sergeant major, the commander of the Tatar legionnaires, Colonel Alkaev, appeared. Then we learned that he had come to Berlin demoted for his connection with the Poles and had to be under surveillance.

The colonel became attached to Yangurazov and me. From confidential conversations, we learned that Shakir Alkaev came from Russified Kasimov Tatars (born near Moscow). By the end of the civil war, he commanded a squadron, and was awarded an order for the assault on Perekop. In the late 40s he graduated from the Academy of the General Staff, met the war with the rank of colonel.

He considered the Vlasov adventure as a cunning move, conceived to defeat fascism. He gave an example from the history of past wars: military leaders, being in captivity, armed and raised uprisings of prisoners and struck from the rear. He did not want to believe that Vlasov was a traitor, since at one time he served under him.

I told Jalil about these arguments. “This is a private matter,” came the reply. “He can think and fantasize everything, but we cannot agree with Vlasov’s actions.”

Volga-Tatar legionary "Idel-Ural"

With a certificate of a researcher

Chuvash Fyodor Blinov sent a letter to Musa Dzhalil through a courier, saying that he was glad that the Tatars began to publish their newspaper, asked if it was possible to arrange inserts in Chuvash. The poet advised us: carefully, under a plausible pretext, prevent this.

Along with the publication of the newspaper "Idel-Ural" at the end of March, the "Mediation" began to publish the so-called "Correspondence" in German for German officers and soldiers who were among the Tatar units. The process of processing materials for this edition was as follows: articles were written in Tatar, then all this was translated into Russian, and then the secretary translated into German and reprinted on a matrix, after which they were reproduced on a rotary machine.

Once a translation into Russian was offered to my friend Yangurazov. He pored for a long time, but he did not succeed. Then he turned to me. The secretary praised our work, after which they began to entrust us with translations of more serious things.

I personally had to translate an article by M. Jalil about the founder of modern Tatar literature G. Tukay, composer N. Zhiganov, a review article on the development of Tatar literature. Before being sent for translation into German, the author looked through the manuscripts and was satisfied. The articles were full of real facts taken from Soviet reality.

While Jalil was away, for three days we were at the dacha near Berlin with the emigrant Gilmanov (we worked for a suit taken from him for the colonel). From him we learned about the life of Shafi Almaz, the head of the mediation. The former merchant from Petrograd managed to keep his capital in a foreign bank and began working at a trade mission in Berlin. In 1928, he renounced Soviet citizenship and became an emigrant. In Berlin, he became a landlord, living on the income received from rent.

Gilmanov himself, a former prisoner, worked for the owner and married his daughter. He missed his homeland greatly. Before the First World War, until he was taken to the front, he even worked as a laborer.

Gilmanov kept a grocery store, and through him we began to get tobacco or cigarettes for the colonel.

M. Jalil advised us to use this contact, if possible, to obtain information about the state of affairs at the fronts. We knew that Gilmanov had a receiver.

During this conversation, M. Jalil said that it was necessary to send two propagandists with lectures to the Tatar units located in Poland. “To you, Ivan, we entrust the following topic: tell your relatives about the origin of the Chuvash. Good topic, the lecture can be prepared in such a way that it does not touch on modern politics, etc. ”

I began to object: they say, I don’t know the history of the origin of the Chuvash at all, I have never been interested in this. Jalil replied: “Study literature and you will know everything. You will have access to the Berlin Library. First of all, get acquainted with the works of Professor Ashmarin. Then he explained how to use the catalog.

And he said to Yangurazov: “You are a geographer, so prepare a lecture on the geographical position of the regions where the Tatars and Bashkirs live.”

At the end, he added that in the evenings we would look into Russian restaurants in Berlin. From the Russian there is one sign, but our compatriots gather there. Your task is to sit, listen and remember who is going there.

Having received the certificate, we became "scientific workers". I re-read Ashmarin's small book in the Berlin Library several times and made a summary. Rummaged through the works of Academician Marr. I found and read the poem "Narspi" translated by Pettoka.

We worked in the library until lunch, then went about our business. Most often visited their friends in the camps. Of the new friends, I could name a Chuvash named Tolstov, who works at the Siemens plant. When it was not possible to meet a friend or a “ferloben” (bride), they had to be called through the watch. Then certificates of "scientific workers" were used.

Regularly visited Russian restaurants. Emigrants, Vlasovites, Cossacks often looked into these establishments. A Russian choir performed there, Russian jazz played.

Once, in the Troika restaurant, a tipsy old woman sat down with us. She began to explain that she was a landowner from the Samara province. She kept asking if the estate would be returned to her if the Germans won. We sarcastically replied that they would return, even the interest would be rolled off. She began to sob.

Once we saw Ataman Shkuro - a small, frail old man with a red mustache. He walked with all the regalia with a sword on his side, accompanied by his retinue. Reminds me of a cocky rooster.

At the end of May, news came from the legion: Satarov, a special correspondent for Idel-Ural, fled with a group of 5-6 people. An investigation has begun. Almaz, Sultan and others left for the scene. This incident gave rise to a reorganization in the command of the legion. All the key positions were taken by the Germans, we became assistant executives. The Legion was reinforced with a special company, the Gestapo department was strengthened. From this, Jalil concluded: Satarov was in a hurry.

One of the variants of the "Idel-Ural" patch

Latinized alphabet was not accepted

In June 1943, the first Allied air raid on Berlin took place. According to German newspapers, up to five hundred bombers took part in the bombing. They threw mostly incendiary bombs. The streets adjacent to the center were on fire. There was a terrible panic. There was nothing left of fascist self-confidence. People prayed and cursed everyone, right down to Hitler. Then I realized how unstable the rear of the enemy is.

Our lectures were ready, read and approved by M. Jalil. After checking, the German informed us that we would soon perform in the rest house in front of the legionnaires. But the departure did not take place. A young Chuvash Kadyev (Kadeev - Ed.) arrived to mediate. He was summoned from somewhere by an employee of the Eastern Ministry, Benzing, who at one time defended his dissertation on the material of the Chuvash language. It turns out they've known each other for a long time. Being in the camp since 1942, Kadyev helped Benzing learn the Chuvash spoken language. The purpose of his visit is to start editing the Chuvash section of the Idel-Ural newspaper.

A few days later, another boy arrived - Vasily Izosimov, who graduated from the Faculty of Foreign Languages. He was a foreman or company clerk, he was taken prisoner in 1941. He was very helpful to us, carefully carried out our tasks.

Yangurazov and I were summoned to Berlin. Before the trip, M. Jalil warned: after Satarov's escape, special supervision was established for everyone. The next day, the legionnaires were gathered to the square, where we gave our lectures. Then the ceremony of taking the oath of the third and fourth battalions took place in the presence of the mullah, who was sitting with the Koran. After each paragraph, he shouted: “Ant item” (I swear). The front rows repeated, and in the back they shouted obscene things in rhyme.

After the ceremony, a dinner was held in honor of those who took the oath. Then a meeting took place in a Christian company - with the Chuvash, Mordovians, Udmurts and Mari. There were 150 people in the company. There I met Fyodor Dmitrievich Blinov, who later bore the surname of his theatrical nickname - Paimuk. He came from a wealthy merchant family. By profession - an economist, graduated from the Moscow Institute. Plekhanov. Terrible nationalist! Everyone rushed about with the idea of ​​creating an independent Chuvash state. Tatars could not stand. Despite the fact that he was among them for more than six months, he did not know a single Tatar word. He expressed his contempt for them frankly. He insisted on the transfer of Christian companies under the authority of Vlasov.

By this time, a Chuvash page appeared in Idel-Ural, which was difficult to read (Kadiev and I, with the participation of Dr. Benzing, developed an alphabet based on Latin letters). On this occasion, Jalil laughed for a long time: “You can’t think of a better one, Ivan. Let them waste paper, keep compositors, and the result is a donut hole. And Paimuk attacked me, accusing me of mockery of the people. He insisted that a separate newspaper be published in Russian. “What kind of nationalists are we if we read in Russian,” I answered him. “As for the alphabet, this issue is not subject to discussion, because it was approved by the minister himself.”

Then I received many letters from him complaining about the newspaper, about the Tatars, about the emblem, until he came to Berlin to edit the Russian newspaper Free Word.

I had a chance to see how the legionnaires were armed. We visited tactical exercises, at the training ground. I met my fellow villager Andrei - still quite young. I learned from him that all my brothers had gone to the front from the very first days of the war. We talked heart to heart. When asked what to do next, he advised: upon arrival at the front, turn your weapons against the Nazis and go to your own. And he warned me: be careful "with a long elderly Chuvash" (we were talking about Paimuk).

In the evening there was an amateur concert. Some recognized me by the first prayer, they approached me and had a casual conversation. Here the servants of the Gestapo were spinning.

We arrived in Berlin, occupying a separate car. My fellow villager Andrei was also with the legionnaires. Jalil was waiting for us at the mediation office. He sat in a straw hat, in a white shirt and wrote down something in a notebook.

When they told how they took the oath, that they were shouting in the back rows, he burst out laughing: “That’s cool, that’s great ...”

Then he said that the legionnaires would rest in a newly organized camp in Pomerania. They will be served by their own people, for this purpose 10 people are sent there, among them is an undesirable type Gunafin S., who was appointed head of this camp. He also advised me to get acquainted with the old man Yagofarov. We learned with joy that the German offensive in the Kursk direction had bogged down, that many commanders of the fronts and armies had been removed. He ordered me to inform my camp friends about this.

In the rest home, fate brought me together with Nafikov, Anzhigitov, Khalitov. Subsequently, in June 1945, it was next to them that I had to sit on the bench of the military tribunal and, as the leader, answer for myself, and for them, and for all the activities of the nationalist organization in Berlin. Then, while in the death chamber in Brest-Litovsk, forgetting that he was sentenced to death, he argued with them to the point of hoarseness, defending Soviet power and the collective farm system.

One day (I don't remember the date) I came home late. The hostess said that there was a guest, she was waiting for me for 20-30 minutes, saying that we were friends. By the way I described him (dense, short, black-haired), I understood: Jalil was waiting for me. He urgently needed me, but at 10 pm I could not leave.

In the morning, Jalil came up to me when I was standing at the Temple Bridge and reading the morning edition of the Berliner Zeitung. As always, he was in a black suit, in a white shirt with a Russian-style turn-down collar, without a hat. I remember his lively eyes. He was cheerful. He demanded a detailed account of my trip to Dresden. Then we talked about who to send there for permanent work. He ordered me to tell Yangurazov that Berlin, in any case, remains with us along with the colonel. Why is the Colonel here? I didn't ask about this. I think they were in close contact even earlier when they were in the camp.

This time we talked to him on different topics. He asked if I knew Chuvash writers and poets. I said that in my youth I personally knew Y. Ukhsay, but I had not seen Khuzangai, but I know one of his poems. He admitted that I know Chuvash literature poorly.

From the dossier of the legion

What did capture look like? There are a lot of cases that are similar to each other and not very much. A typical scenario: tens and hundreds of thousands of warriors ended up in huge encirclement cauldrons and, having lost all possibility of resistance, hungry, exhausted, without ammunition, became a crowd. There are many photographs of those years, seized from the Germans: our soldiers look like a faceless mass with their hands up or wander under the protection of a few escorts.

Many were captured in battle, being wounded, shell-shocked, unable to resist, to use their weapons. Many cases are described when soldiers, trying to break through to their own groups, were captured. Often circumstances forced commanders to disband their units and subunits so that people could break through from the encirclement.

There were many cases when the troops were deprived of the most necessary, starved and, under the psychological influence of the enemy, went over to his side.

According to the German historian I. Hoffman, at least 80 Soviet pilots flew to the side of Germany on their planes. Of these, a group was formed under the command of the former Soviet colonel V. Maltsev, which participated in the hostilities along with three Estonian and two Latvian air squadrons.

During the war, the soldiers ran across to the side of the enemy. It is believed that the number of defectors captured in the first year of the war was no more than 1.4-1.5%. Subsequently, this figure decreased. Of the 38 transit camps operating in the zone of the German Army Group Center, two were designed specifically for defectors.

According to the Internet.

According to the data available in the archives, the formation of the so-called national legions from prisoners of war was typical for all camps. At first, the recording of volunteers was announced, but since there were not enough of them, they were recorded forcibly, under the threat of death.

This is how the battalions of the Idel-Ural Legion were formed by "volunteers". The Germans divided the camp into two parts. In one, hundreds of prisoners were still dying of starvation and typhus. In another - the so-called semi-legion - three meals a day were introduced. To join the semi-legion, no subscription was required, not even verbal consent. It was enough just to move from one half of the camp to the other. Many could not stand such "visual" agitation.

Convinced that the formation of the legion was going too slowly, the Germans simply drove the Tatar, Bashkir and Chuvash prisoners from the place of formation and announced that from now on they were all “eastern volunteers”. Observing the uniform, the German officer asked through an interpreter who did not want to serve in the legion. There were also those. They were immediately taken out of action and shot in front of the rest.

Lieutenant General X. Helmich rewards legionnaires

Failure

After a four-day stay at the rest home, I was urgently called to Berlin. I was supposed to be met, but I decided to get off where passenger trains usually do not stop, but this time, for some reason, the driver made an exception. The owner of the apartment upset me by saying that I had been searched, that she had been interrogated.

In the office where I came, they were perplexed: they say they were looking for me, they didn’t find me, but then I myself appeared.

Soon I was summoned for interrogation: when and where did I meet with Jalil, what kind of relationship did I have with Bulatov, Shabaev. The interrogation lasted four hours. After signing that I would not tell anyone about the conversation, they told me to wait. Then the secretary came out and, quietly congratulating, said that I was beyond suspicion. What happened to Jalil, where is he now? These questions swirled in my head.

Later, the circumstances of the failure became known. Jalil arrived at the legion with leaflets, in the evening he convened an underground meeting, where the provocateur penetrated. The Gestapo learned about the meeting. The underground workers were covered in full force: they found leaflets printed on our rotary machine. 27 people were arrested, including the provocateur.

I confess that Yangurazov and I were confused, did not know what to do next in order to develop the business we had begun. And from the bottom there were questions: what to do, how to explain to people the defeat of the center? It was necessary to direct the work along the established channel, we had no right to stop the struggle begun by Jalil.

On the fourth day after the failure, we held a meeting of the remaining center. We decided to wait ten days to see how events around the arrested would develop. All grassroots organizations were instructed to stop all communication for a while. Yangurazov was instructed to talk with Colonel Alkayev, whether he would agree to head the military department of mediation, and this position should have been used to continue the work of Jalil and his friends.

Significant events took place after Jalil's arrest. Group shoots of legionnaires became more frequent. On the Eastern Front, the 4th battalion completely went over to the Red Army, and the 3rd was surrounded and disarmed. Two more battalions had to be transferred to the category of a working unit, the Germans were afraid to trust the soldiers with weapons. All this was the result of the painstaking work of Jalil.

Eh, Musa, you taught me not to be afraid of death, you said: “Having passed several deaths, there is nothing to shake before the last one.”

kurultai

It is planned to convene a kurultai (congress) on October 23 or 25, where they must approve the decision on the creation of the Volga-Tatar Committee. On the recommendation of Professor F. Mende, I should be elected a member of the committee there and instructed to head the national department.

They learned the news from the colonel: a connection was established with the German anti-fascists. True, they are not communists, but social democrats. They have a printed organ, they have a lot of Russians with them! Anti-fascists are aware of the misfortune that befell M. Jalil's group.

Dozens of prisoners of war from France and Poland arrived at the kurultai in the old university Greifswald. All hotels are occupied by the commanding staff of the delegates. For privates reserved places in the barracks. The colonel and I were given a separate room in a hotel.

Unit commanders come to us one after another, I already know many of them. They are glad to see me and get acquainted with Alkaev. The colonel is a very interesting, highly erudite person, at the same time simple and accessible. Knows Vatutin, Konev, Rokossovsky well. After graduating from the academy Frunze served as chief of staff of a division in the Kyiv Special Military District when Vlasov commanded there, then he was replaced by Konev. He was taken prisoner wounded and shell-shocked.

Kurultai took place on October 25, 1943. Shafi Almaz made a report on the goals and objectives of the Volga-Tatar Committee. There were no other people who wanted to go to the podium. Therefore, we immediately proceeded to the election of committee members. At the suggestion of Sh. Almaz, a governing body was created from 12 people, I was elected head of the financial department.

Memorial to the victims of Nazism at the site of the Plötzensee military prison in Berlin, where Musa Jalil and other 10 legionnaires were executed on August 25, 1944 for underground anti-Nazi activities

Visiting an old professor

At the end of March 1944 we went on a business trip to Czechoslovakia - Prague. Paimuk obtained an audience with Professor F. Mende and received permission to go to the Chuvash Professor Semyon Nikolaev, an emigrant, a professor at the University of Prague. He had already written a letter to him from the camp.

In Prague, the professor's house was quickly found. Semyon Nikolaevich burst into tears when he heard his native speech. The evening was spent culturally. There were a lot of dishes on the table, but there was nothing to eat. The schnapps I brought with me loosened my tongues. It was only then that I realized why this extravagant Paimuk, who had worked in high positions before the war, had brought me here. He wanted to coordinate with the professor the options for the coat of arms of Chuvashia.

The glass has done its job. But the professor guessed that there were disagreements between us, he did not let the dispute flare up. He asked how the Chuvash live. I figuratively painted that tractors and combines work in the fields, that schools with 10-year education are open in all large villages, that there is no difference between Russians and Chuvashs. Paimuk tried to object, but I cut him off saying that he did not work among the Chuvash at all.

The professor emigrated long before the revolution. I personally knew Lenin, met him in France and Switzerland. At the Prague Conference, he supported the platform of the Mensheviks, stayed here and got a job as an assistant professor at the university, and got married.

As for the coat of arms, he answered Paimuk: it is gratifying that you support the Chuvash, and the coat of arms is needed when there is a state. But you must fight so that this people retains its freedom and language, and culture takes root, all the more, as Mr. Skobelev claims, there are successes in this respect, etc.

The next day I got sick. The use of schnapps has affected. And Paimuk went to see the city.

The professor and his wife Tessie started asking about the Soviet Union, Stalin. Frankly, life in captivity, communication with different people made me a politically erudite person. I didn’t lose face when talking about the Soviet people: they say, how the country flourished, how well and freely it lived, how all nations, including the Chuvash, were equal. He added that before you is a typical representative of our people. Then I again saw the old man, the professor, crying.

The next day I got out of bed. Together with the professor and his wife, we went sightseeing in Prague.

They returned to Berlin with nothing. Paimuk was angry with me because I had discredited him in the eyes of the professor. I reported to the chiefs that the professor did not recommend abandoning the common coat of arms of Idel-Ural, since the Chuvashs will become part of the Volga-Tatar state, there is no need to have their own coat of arms. They agreed with my opinion and showed Paimuk a “fig”.

According to the Internet.

It must be admitted, however paradoxical it may seem, the well-known orders No. 270 (August 1941) and 227 (July 1942) brought "clarity" to the minds of many prisoners of war. Having learned that they were already "traitors" and that their bridges had been burned, as well as having learned the "charms" of the fascist camps, they naturally began to think what to do. To die behind barbed wire or?.. And here the propagandists, German and from their former ones, are agitating to join the Ostlegions, promising normal food, uniforms and liberation from the daily debilitating camp terror.

It is known that the mentioned orders were caused by extremely crisis situations. But they, especially No. 270, pushed a certain part of the bewildered hungry people (not without the help of agitators) to join the German armed formations. It must be borne in mind that the Germans subjected recruited candidates to some kind of test, giving preference to those who managed to prove their disloyalty to the Soviet regime. There were also those who slandered themselves in order to survive.

And, finally, we should mention the executions of prisoners of war. At the same time, any political considerations were completely ignored. So, in many camps, for example, all "Asians" were shot.

When joining the "Eastern troops", the prisoners of war proceeded from each of their goals. Many wanted to survive, others wanted to turn their weapons against the Stalinist regime, still others wanted to break free from German rule, go over to their own people and turn their weapons against the Germans.

Badges for the personnel of the eastern formations were made according to the model of badges for German soldiers. The numbers 4440 indicate the serial number, the letters Frw - the rank, in this case - Freiwillige - volunteer (i.e. private). 2/828 WOLGATAT. LEG. - 2nd company of the 828th battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion.

Among the ruins of Berlin

Work became easier. The total mobilization took all the guards of the camps to the front, their places were taken by the elderly and the crippled. The Ostarbeiters hide their badges, which might come in handy when the time comes to expose the Nazis. The campsites are free to enter. The unity of the people has increased. People began to slowly arm themselves.

German morale began to decline. This was especially noticeable after the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Hitler.

A Polish uprising broke out in Warsaw. The Anglo-American troops landed. After the air raids, ruins remain in the residential areas of Berlin.

It became difficult with food, rations were reduced to a minimum. The black market is thriving. More and more leaflets of German anti-fascists began to appear on the walls.

But the Nazi machine continued to work.

Tatar nationalists began to spawn. Three of them joined the SS troops, having received the rank of Orbersturmführer (St. Lieutenant of the SS). Others marry German women. To some extent, I had to share the fate of the latter.

Sonia Fazliakhmetova, my main contact, had to be left in Berlin at all costs. The Gestapo said: now, if they were husband and wife ... Sonia agrees. Soon they got married. After losing their shelter, they found a basement with an iron stove and a chimney, settled down there. So they lived until the end of March. Sonia, although she became a wife, remained a girl.

At the beginning of April, an order was received to evacuate all institutions from Berlin, including our committee. I told Yangurazov that I would not go anywhere. He grabbed the suitcases and quickly took Sonia away. We went to Charlottenburg, where Sh. Almaz's apartment used to be and where M. Jalil used to live. Everything was destroyed there, except for the garage, where there was a bed and an iron stove. By the light of a burning stove they ate, made a bed, and after a six-month marriage, for the first time, they lay down side by side. From that night, Sonia actually became my wife.

Troops poured into Berlin. They began to build barricades and fortifications in the streets.

With the onset of night, the prisoners leave for the east. I consult with Yagofarov: the most dangerous legionnaires should be locked up.

On April 28, at 10 o'clock, Soviet intelligence came, asked the route, and moved on. Then the main forces began to approach, the staff officers appeared.

The general yells with a good obscenity: what kind of institution, who is in charge? Having received an exhaustive answer, he lined up people, looked and gave the command: take me to counterintelligence, and the rest will be escorted by the commandant's platoon. That's how I met mine.

Monument to Musa Jalil in Kazan

Death sentence commuted to 10 years in prison

Beatings began in the counterintelligence departments of the division and the army. They accepted testimony only about hostile activity, everything else is a fairy tale. M. Jalil and underground work are inventions.

Then a speedy court-martial of the 65th Army took place. The case of "traitors to the Motherland Skobelev and his group" was heard. Applications were not accepted. The only question of the court: do you plead guilty? The answer was no. Me, Nafikov and Izmailov (or Ismailov) were sentenced to death.

But not only in the tribunal, but also in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary, they did not want to hear about anything other than treasonous activity. The verdict was final and not subject to appeal. He did not ask for pardon, although he was called three times in 24 hours. Tired, broken down. I wanted to die. There would be forces to fight the enemy, but there were our own.

The sentence was not carried out, they were sent to the prison of Brest-Litovsk. There he gave evidence to a representative of the Supreme Military Collegium, who wrote down everything without any objections. A couple of months later, a decision came to commute the death sentence to 10 years in prison.

I was taken from Brest to the inner prison of the MGB, where I spent more than a year in solitary confinement. Conditions here were no better than in the counterintelligence of the army. After all that I have experienced, we can conclude that a person is very tenacious.

Yangurazov and Colonel Alkaev were tried together. They gave me 10 years without loss of rights. I met the first one in the transit prison in the city of Orsha. He didn't recognize me. After a few replicas, everything was restored in his memory and he began to cry.

Sonia has been waiting for me for a long time. She returned to Krasnodon. In the repatriation camps, officers molested her and hindered her departure. I asked her not to wait for me, because there was no certainty that I would survive this nightmare. At that time, there was arbitrariness in the camps, and not only on the part of the administration, but also on the part of thieves and crooks.

One by one, acquaintances from the legion and the working battalion began to gather in the camp: Maksimov, Aleksandrov, Izosimov and others, who were sentenced to 25 years. I pulled myself together, gathered 30 people, became a foreman and did not allow anyone to be offended.

Sonia married in 1957 and had two children. I don't write to her and I don't let her know. I looked for Yangurazov in Ufa, but did not find him. I don't know anything about Izosimov either.

Leonid Naumovich, you are asking if I was rehabilitated? No. I didn't write anywhere. I was afraid that I would again run into callous people who work according to a stencil. Fate was nevertheless kind to me: I am alive and can tell people about Jalil, Alishev, Samaev and other heroes. People passed from mouth to mouth my stories about M. Jalil and his comrades who fought against fascism in their lair. Among the Chuvash and Tatars, I am held in high esteem and respect. The latter call me "Ivan Efendi".

I would like such people as Vasily Izosimov, Tikhon Egorov, Ivan Sekeyev, Alexei Tolstov, not to mention my beloved friend Saidulmuluk Gimrailovich Yangurazov, with whom I became related, to be rehabilitated. I can say that in the difficult struggle in captivity there were people who risked more than I did. Where are they, my faithful assistants - Sonia, Paradise from Donbass and Maria from Krasnodar, Sailor (I don’t remember the name) with her fearless team.

I would like to return to the party, but, alas, the road there is now thorny.

In recent years, under the guise of our underground, many write and refer to me as the main organizer of work after Jalil. But I don't ask myself for anything.

I was indignant about an article in Pravda Vostoka (December 1968), which was written by an associate professor from Tashkent (I don’t remember his last name). There were people who cling to the name of Jalil.

Now I believe that Michurin was a traitor. He was arrested along with Jalil's group. Those who ended up in a German prison did not leave without betrayal. He eventually joined the ranks of the French resistance. Just think, this rat escape from a sinking ship is presented in the Pravda Vostoka newspaper as a heroic deed.

I would like the Tatar comrades involved in the legacy of M. Jalil not to believe such versions. The structure of the organization of the underground was the five system. Not a single person knew the members of the other five. The lower classes did not know M. Jalil as an organizer and leader of the underground.

I find it hard to believe that, having arrived at the legion accompanied by Sultan Fakhretdinov, he would have risked holding an underground meeting. And it is hard to believe that the leaflets, so skillfully hidden among the materials prepared for the Germans, would have fallen into the hands of the Gestapo on the same night. I am still inclined to think that Jalil was betrayed by one of the authoritative persons whom he trusted, hoping for his education and army rank.

How Michurin sucked up to Colonel Alkaev, who we needed after the execution of Musa. But he was not very happy to be with him in a close relationship. He warned that this person has very dubious traits in character.

The other day I watched the feature film "Moabite Notebooks". The plot line is true. But there are embellishments, a lot of inaccurate data about Jalil's stay in Berlin. His friends who helped him work in the den of the Nazis, who formed the core of the underground, are not shown at all. Much attention is paid to everyday life during the stay with Sh. Almaz, as well as to a beautiful lady who was not there. Jalil and Alishov refused to edit the newspaper, but cooperated with the editorial office, otherwise they would not have been left free. The work of the poet among the Ostarbeiters is absolutely not shown. Therefore, the picture turned out to be scanty, many do not even understand why he was executed.

Prepared

Valery ALEKSIN

On July 16, 1941, at a meeting of the German top leadership with the participation of Hitler, Rosenberg, Keitel, Goering and Lammers, it was stated: “The iron rule must become and remain: No one should be allowed to bear arms, except the Germans! And this is especially important, even if at first it may seem easy to attract any foreign, subject peoples to military assistance - all this is wrong! Someday it will necessarily, inevitably be turned against us. Only a German is allowed to bear arms, not a Slav, not a Czech, not a Cossack or a Ukrainian!”

It was said, as we see, was very categorical and, it would seem, there should not be and will not be a revision of this strict ban. But by the end of 1941 and during 1942. tens of thousands of representatives of the peoples of the USSR were placed under the banners of the Wehrmacht. In a hurry, the Eastern Legions were formed from them, the main impetus for the creation of which was given by the obvious failure of the blitzkrieg plan.

As other important circumstances that contributed to the creation of the Eastern Legions, the following can be distinguished:

- The presence of a huge number of Soviet prisoners of war in the hands of Germany.

- Carrying out active German propaganda among the population of the occupied regions of the USSR and against the advanced units of the Red Army. This led to the fact that many representatives of the civilian population of Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic States collaborated with the Germans. Also, a considerable number of soldiers and officers of the Red Army went over to the German side, especially in the first period of the war.

- The position of some foreign countries that demanded more humane treatment, at least in relation to Turkic, Muslim prisoners of war. Turkish politicians showed the greatest interest in this issue. This should also include the activation of emigrant leaders from the representatives of the peoples of the USSR with the beginning of the war.

When the Blitzkrieg plan failed, these factors influenced the position of the German leadership. And it, despite the difference in points of view and serious contradictions between the leaders and the highest state and military institutions of the Reich, decided to use the circumstances in its own interests.

From February 18, 1942, the headquarters for the creation of the Eastern Legions was located in Poland, in the city of Rembertov, in the summer of the same year, under the name "Headquarters of the Eastern Legions" was transferred to the city of Radom, on January 23, 1943 it became known as the Command of the Eastern Legions.

The Volga-Tatar Legion (or the Idel-Ural Legion) was created later than all the others. Although, in fact, representatives of the peoples of the Volga region were separated into special prefabricated camps already in the autumn-winter of 1941–1942. For the first time, in the documents at our disposal, the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion refers to July 1, 1942 - on this day, information about the emerging legions was sent to various authorities, among which the Volga-Tatar Legion was mentioned. On August 1, 1942, an order was issued from Hitler's headquarters, signed by Chief of Staff Keitel, to create, in addition to the existing legion, consisting of Volga (Kazan) Tatars, Bashkirs, Tatar-speaking Chuvash, Mari, Udmurts and Mordovians. The order ordered to separate the representatives of these peoples into special camps, to intensify work with the recruitment of prisoners of war. It was noted that the status of the Volga-Tatar Legion is exactly the same as that of previously created similar formations, that the use of the legion is envisaged in areas of military operations, but especially in areas of partisan operations.

Keitel's order was like an order from above, and the practical order of the Wehrmacht High Command was signed on August 15, 1942. It already contained more specific instructions:

"one. Create a legion of Tatars, Bashkirs and Tatar-speaking peoples of the Volga region;

2. Tatars assigned to the Turkestan Legion, transferred to the Volga-Tatar Legion;

3. Tatar prisoners of war should be urgently separated from the rest and sent to the Siedlce camp (on the Warsaw-Brest railway line). Place them at the disposal of the Military Commander in the General Government (Militärbefehlshaber im General-Gouvernement);

4. The created legion should be used primarily in the fight against partisans.

Practical work on the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion began on August 21, 1942. The camp in Edlino near Radom was chosen as the place of its formation, where uniforms and weapons for the legion were received. German responsible personnel also arrived here. The Siedlce camp, located near Jedlino, had previously become a collection point for prisoners of war from the Turkic peoples.

The banner of the Volga-Tatar Legion was awarded on September 6, 1942, so the legionnaires themselves considered this day to be the date of the final formation of the unit.

On September 8, 1942, the Volga-Tatar Legion was transferred under the command of the headquarters of the Eastern Legions and the commander of the military district in the "governor general".

The prisoners of war of the Tatars concentrated mainly in the Siedlce A camp, from where they were sent for training in the legion in Jedlino. Subsequently, the camp in Dęblin (Stalag 307) also played the role of a preliminary camp. And at the beginning of 1944, after the transfer of the Eastern Legions to France, the general preliminary camp was in Legionowo near Warsaw, since March 1944 - again in Siedlce B (Stalag 366) and in the Nekhrybka camp (Stalag 327). A rather elderly and experienced military man, Major Oscar von Seckendorf, was appointed commander of the Volga-Tatar Legion. He was born on June 12, 1875 in Moscow, spoke Russian, English, French, and Chinese well; worse command of Ukrainian and Spanish. He was later promoted to lieutenant colonel.

According to the available documents, it can be judged that Seckendorf, despite his age, quite energetically set to work, most of all paying attention to the combat training of legionnaires. Perhaps one of the most serious problems for him (as well as for other German organizers of the Eastern Legions) was the problem of training national officer cadres, which, by the way, was not resolved until the end of the war, although it was raised more than once.

According to the plan, the first of the battalions of the Volga-Tatar Legion, which received the number 825, was to be created by December 1, 1942, but it was formed even a little earlier - on November 25. The date for the formation of the 826th battalion was December 15, 1942, the 827th - January 1, 1943. In fact, this happened, respectively, on January 15 and February 10, 1943. In the surviving documents, all three battalions are first mentioned on November 3, 1942 . as being created .

The Tatar battalions, which were created in Poland, in Jedlino, under the control and jurisdiction of the command of the Eastern Legions in the German armed forces, and which are described in detail on the basis of available documents, were not the only ones. Most likely, with individual armies or army groups, other Tatar formations were created in parallel or later, for example, during 1944. Among them were combat, construction, and supply units.

825th battalion. This is the most famous of all created Tatar battalions. Major Tsek was appointed commander of the battalion. The exact number of Tatar legionnaires in this battalion is not indicated in the surviving documents, but, comparing it with other similar formations, we can assume that there were about 900 people in it.

The 825th battalion is known primarily for its armed action against the Germans at the end of February 1943. This fact is widely known in Russian publicistic literature. It happened in the following way.

Apparently, on February 14, 1943, the battalion was solemnly sent to the front: “Before the battalion left to fight the partisans in the village. A professor, whose last name is unknown, arrived from Berlin for a report. The report was made in a foreign language. In his report, the speaker called on the legions to destroy the Bolsheviks, (spoke) about the creation of a “Tatar state” by Hitler, about the creation of a new beautiful life, ”a source from the Belarusian partisans reported about the wires. On February 18, at night, the battalion arrived in Vitebsk, after which it was sent towards the village of Belynovichi along the Surazh highway. Then the main part of it was located in the village of Gralevo on the left bank of the Western Dvina. On February 21, representatives of the legionnaires contacted the partisans.

As a result of the negotiations, an agreement was reached that on February 22 at 23 o'clock a general uprising of the legion would be raised, and it would go over to the side of the partisans with weapons. Obviously, the Germans became aware of the plans of the underground, and an hour before the planned speech, arrests were made and the leaders of the uprising Zhukov, Tadzhiev and Rakhimov were captured. Then the commander of the headquarters company Khusain Mukhamedov took the initiative. A signal was given to almost all units of the battalion, located in different settlements in the neighborhood - an uprising began. Notify, according to the source, failed two platoons of the second company.

The legionnaires who crossed over were distributed in partisan brigades commanded by Zakharov and Biryulin.

So, the first entry into battle of the first unit of the Volga-Tatar Legion ended in failure for the German side. In German documents, albeit in a veiled form, the reasons for this are clearly visible: firstly, the activities of “individual intelligent Tatars” among the legionnaires, who organized the transition of the battalion to the side of the partisans, undoubtedly affected. Perhaps we are talking about the activities of Musa Jalil's group, or his predecessors, but in any case, the speech of the legionnaires was organized and prepared in advance. Secondly, despite all the same long-term indoctrination, the Germans really did not succeed in truly attracting the Tatar legionnaires to their side. The feeling of Soviet patriotism in them turned out to be stronger - the Germans, despite their efforts, remained "strangers" for the Tatar legionnaires, they saw "their own" in the Belarusian partisans.

Those former legionnaires who went over to the side of the partisans, apparently, almost immediately took part in the battles against the German army - they were especially intense on February 28, 1943 and were aimed at breaking the blockade. They continued to remain in the partisan formations in Belarus in the future. This is confirmed, for example, by the data of a letter from the Belarusian headquarters of the partisan movement dated July 2, 1943: “After the battalion transferred to the partisans, its personnel were indeed dispersed among partisan brigades, took part in hostilities against the German occupiers, showed themselves on the positive side. Some of the personnel of the battalion are still in partisan brigades to this day.

The legionnaires of the 825th battalion, who remained on the side of the Germans, were immediately sent to the rear after these events and assigned to other formations. The uprising of the 825th battalion became a cold shower for the German command. This event played a significant role in the further fate of the Eastern Legions.

826th battalion. The organization of the 826th battalion, planned for December 15, 1942, did not take place - it was formed in Yedlino on January 15, 1943. district of the city of Breda. Here, apparently, he carried out a security service, and was involved in other works. They clearly did not dare to involve the 826th battalion in any real military operations.

On September 1, 1943, the battalion may have been in France (there is no more precise indication), and on October 2, 1943, it was redeployed again to Holland, where it stayed throughout 1943 - early 1945.

R.A. Mustafin connects such an eloquent fact with the history of the 826th battalion - an uprising was prepared in the unit, but the German counterintelligence managed to thwart the plans of the underground. After that, 26 members of the underground organization were shot, two hundred people were transferred to a penal camp.

827th battalion. The battalion was created on February 10, 1943 in Yedlino. His field mail number was 43645A-E. The battalion commander was Captain Pram.

Since the end of June 1943, the 827th battalion, sent to fight the partisans, was in Western Ukraine. Here the legionnaires took part in several clashes with the partisans.

At the beginning of October 1943, the battalion was transferred to Lannion in France and was placed at the disposal of the 7th Army. In actions against partisans in Western Ukraine, the 827th battalion disappointed the German command. Moreover, the presence of the battalion in this territory strengthened the partisan detachments, because. many legionnaires ran over to them. But even after the transfer of the battalion to France, it did not become a “reliable” formation for the Germans, since here too many legionnaires went over to the French partisans.

828th battalion. This battalion was created in the period from April 1, 1943 and was finally formed on June 1, 1943. After the formation, the battalion was in Yedlino itself for quite a long time.

On September 28, 1943, the formation was sent to Western Ukraine to replace the 827th battalion, which turned out to be "unreliable". The hopes of the Germans for the newly arrived legionnaires were in vain. Sources testify with all obviousness - during the entire stay of the 828th battalion in Western Ukraine, many of the legionnaires defected to the partisans.

829th battalion. It was created on August 24, 1943 in Yedlino. Most likely, under the influence of failures with the first battalions, the 829th remained in Yedlino for quite a long time. But later the battalion was also moved to Western Ukraine.

The finale for the 829th battalion came pretty soon: by order of the commander of the military district in the "general government" of August 29, 1944, it was disbanded due to the increased incidence of "violations of discipline" in the battalion. All these activities were to be carried out before September 18, 1944. This is where the story of the 829th Tatar battalion ended.

830th battalion. There is no exact data on the day of formation of the 830th battalion. Although it is already mentioned in documents dated September 1, 1943, its existence on that day is doubtful, since even in a document dated October 26 it is referred to as "forming".

The Germans no longer dared to use the battalion against partisans: it carried out security service in various settlements in Western Ukraine and Poland. These transfers were carried out to test the "reliability" and combat effectiveness of the battalion, which the Germans aroused suspicion, and not without reason.

In June 1944, the Gestapo branch in Radom managed to reach one of the non-commissioned officers of the 830th battalion, who was looking for connections with "communist gangs." He, apparently, managed to organize 20 legionnaires in order to kill people from the German personnel on the night of June 17-18, open an arms depot, seize cars and run to the partisans with weapons. But on June 12 and 15, the initiators of the conspiracy, more than 20 people in all, were arrested. 17 of them, due to lack of evidence, were subsequently released by a military court. Representatives of the secret police considered that this decision was legally justified, but its consequences could be unpredictable, so it was recommended that the situation be discussed in detail with the commander of the eastern detachments.

It seems that at the final stage of the war, the 830th battalion existed as a construction and engineer battalion, at the beginning of 1945 it was stationed in the bend of the Vistula, and later in Pomerania.

831st Battalion. It was formed in the autumn of 1943 in Yedlino. Its existence is confirmed in the second half of October. As far as can be judged from the text of the document, he provided security for the main camp of the Volga-Tatar Legion in Yedlino. Approximately the same thing had to be done by the unit in February 1944, when it was in Legionowo near Warsaw. There are no other references to the 831st battalion in known sources.

Creation of battalions of the Volga-Tatar Legion by serial numbers 832, 833, 834 was planned for the autumn of 1943. Most likely, they were never formed. We could not find any references that would really confirm the existence of these Tatar battalions.

On September 29, 1943, Hitler ordered the transfer of all Eastern volunteers from East to West, and this was reflected in the order of the German General Staff of October 2, 1943 (No. 10570/43) on the transfer of the Eastern Legions from Poland to France at the disposal of the commander Army Group West in the city of Nancy. The redeployment was supposed to be carried out in the following order:

1. Georgian legion; 2. North Caucasian legion; 3. Command of the Eastern Legions; 4. Officers' school in Legionovo; 5. Volga-Tatar legion and school of translators; 6. Armenian legion; 7. Turkestan legion; 8. Azerbaijani legion. Thus, it was not about absolutely all the eastern battalions, some of them remained at the place of service. All command structures of the Eastern Legions, the so-called main camps, and part of the battalions were transferred to France.

To carry out this large-scale event, a special liquidation headquarters was created under the command of Colonel Möller. The order stipulated by the order was generally observed. For example, the main camp and the command of the Volga-Tatar Legion left Yedlino on October 19, 1943, and the command and headquarters of the Eastern Legions set off on October 24. Transportation was carried out by special military echelons and very hastily. And yet, in the first half of November 1943, the redeployment was basically completed: on March 1, 1944, according to official figures, the commander of Army Group West had 61,439 foreigners and Eastern volunteers at his disposal.

The command of the Eastern Legions in France in October 1943 was located in the city of Nancy (East France), but already at the end of November it was transferred further south to the city of Millau. Most likely, due to the unfavorable development of the military situation for the Germans, on March 15, 1944, the command of the eastern formations from Millau returned to Nancy again (we are talking about the former command of the Eastern Legions, and not about the command of all volunteer formations).

At the beginning of 1944, a serious restructuring of formations from the eastern peoples took place in France, which, most likely, was aimed at strengthening control over them and achieving their maximum combat readiness. Here, in February 1944, a new structure was formed, called the Main Volunteer Division (Freiwilligen Stamm Division) with a center in Lyon and under the command of Colonel Holst at first. At the end of March 1944, Holste was replaced by Major General von Henning. The named division was divided into a number of regiments on a national basis, including formations from Russians, Ukrainians and Cossacks. The Volga-Tatar Legion, whose command was located in the city of Le Puy, belonged to the 2nd Regiment, and the unit continued to be called the Volga-Tatar Legion as part of the 2nd Regiment.

The eastern battalions stationed in different countries and regions of Western Europe were intended not only for the defense of the Atlantic Wall, but also, just as in the East, for the fight against partisans. So, for example, in the German action against the French poppies in the department of Chantal in early June 1944, three companies from the Volga-Tatar Legion took part, in early August, units of the Volga-Tatar Legion participated in the same actions in the areas of the settlements of Issoire and Rochefort ( near the city of Clermont-Ferrand).

The Eastern legions in France generally showed the same qualities as before in the Ukraine.

Stable "unreliability" was demonstrated by units of the Volga-Tatar Legion. On July 13, 1944, the field commandant's office 588 in Clermont-Ferrand clearly stated with bitterness in its summary: "The reconnaissance group of the Tatar legion could not achieve anything more than to catch a few previously fled Armenian legionnaires." On the night of July 29-30, 1944, one Russian officer and 78 legionnaires of the Volga-Tatar Legion, according to the same commandant's office, ran over to the partisans, and the rest were immediately returned to the barracks. There are many such examples, when the eastern legionnaires defected to the partisans in the last period of the war. Many such cases have already become widely known from publications in our press.

Most of the battalions of the Eastern Volunteers on the Western Front were divided and distributed to different areas and attached to larger German formations. This isolation from each other, no doubt, even more noticeably increased the feeling of confusion, depression among the majority of the legionnaires. So, in general, the use of the Eastern Legions in Western Europe did not bring the desired results for the Germans. Many of the legionnaires were very afraid of being captured by the advancing Soviet troops, preferring in the end to be captured by the allies. But even for the latter, the fate turned out to be unenviable: according to agreements between the USSR and the allied powers, all Soviet citizens who fell into the hands of the British and American troops were subsequently transferred to the Soviet side. They returned to their native land, where in most cases severe punishment awaited them.

Thus, we see that the German plans to use units from representatives of the Turkic peoples of the USSR, including the Tatars, which were especially active in 1942-1944, ended in failure. Undoubtedly, the underground anti-fascist groups that arose among the Eastern legionnaires also played their role in the failure of the aspirations of the Nazis. One of the most famous such groups is the one led by Gainan Kurmashev and Musa Jalil. Apparently, this group began its activities at the end of 1942. It included, first of all, Tatar officers who were in German captivity. The underground workers set as their main goal the decomposition of the Idel-Ural legion from the inside and preparation for the uprising. To achieve their goal, they used the printing house of the Idel-Ural newspaper, published by the Eastern Minister of Germany especially for legionnaires since the autumn of 1942.

Gainan Kurmashev created and coordinated the work of the fives of the underground organization. Musa Jalil, who had the opportunity to move freely through the territory of Germany and Poland, organized campaigning among the legionnaires. Akhmet Simaev worked at the Vineta propaganda radio station, where he could receive information for the Resistance group and produce leaflets. Abdulla Alish, Akhat Atnashev and Zinnat Khasanov also took an active part in the production and distribution of leaflets.

It can be safely assumed that the battalions of the Idel-Ural legion did not live up to the expectations that the German command had placed on them, largely due to the activities of the underground members of the Kurmashev-Jalil group. Unfortunately, this activity was interrupted by German counterintelligence: in Berlin, underground workers were arrested on the night of August 11-12, 1943. In August 1943, about 40 people from the propaganda units of the Idel-Ural Legion were captured in August 1943.

After a lengthy investigation, the members of the Resistance were brought before the Imperial Court in Dresden. On February 12, 1944, by his decision, 11 people were sentenced to death. These are Musa Jalil, Gainan Kurmashev, Abdulla Alish, Akhmet Simaev, Akhat Adnashev, Abdulla Battalov, Fuat Bulatov, Salim Bukharov, Fuat Saifulmulukov, Zinnat Khasanov, Garif Shabaev. As the basis for the verdict in the text for all, “assistance to the enemy” and “undermining military power” are indicated. This wording allows us to reasonably assert that the Resistance group that existed in the Idel-Ural Legion caused serious damage to the Third Reich by its actions.

The execution of Tatar patriots by guillotining was carried out in the Plötzensee prison in Berlin on August 25, 1944. Gainan Kurmashev was the first to ascend the scaffold - at 12:06. The remaining members of the underground were executed at intervals of three minutes.

In Berlin, in the Museum of Resistance to Fascism, a memorial plaque with the names of the group members was opened in memory of the Tatar underground, and stands with materials about the heroes were installed in the Plötzensee prison.

I.A. Gilyazov

Der Prozeß gegen die Hauptkriegverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof. Nürnberg 1949, Bd. XXXVIII, Document 221-L, S. 88.

However, to attribute the creation of the Eastern Legions solely to the failure of the "blitzkrieg" plan is an oversimplification of the problem. This trend is clearly observed in our historiography (see, for example: Abdullin M.I. Fighting truth. Criticism of the bourgeois concepts of the development of the socialist nations of the Volga region and the Urals. - Kazan, 1985. - S. 44). Even the creation of commissions for the selection of Turkic prisoners of war is "adjusted" to the defeat of the Germans near Moscow, although such commissions, which will be discussed below, already existed in August-September 1941 (see, for example: Mustafin R.A. What motivated Jalil? // Tatarstan.- 1993. - No. 12.- P.73)

Hoffmann, Joachim. Die Ostlegionen 1941-1943. Turkotataren, Kaukasier und Wolgafinnen im deutschen Heer. Freiburg 1976, S.30-31.

Bundesarchiv des Beaufragten für die Unterlagen des Ministeriums der Staatssicherheit der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (hereinafter BStU-Zentralarchiv), RHE 5/88-SU, Bd.2, Bl. 143.

For sketchy biographical information on von Seckendorf, see Bundesarchiv-Potsdam, NS 31/45, Bl. 237; NS 31/55, Bl.27. In S. Drobyazko's book, his surname is distorted as Zickerdorf ( Drobyazko S.I.. under the banner of the enemy. Anti-Soviet formations in the German armed forces. 1941–1945 - M., 2004. - S. 151).