"The Tale of the Calling of the Varangians" gave rise to a huge literature. For more than 200 years, scientists have been arguing about this work, how legendary and how reliable it is. The most opposite points of view are expressed. A number of scientists denied or doubted the historical basis of the "Tale", because, in their opinion, it consists of later conjectures, is a tendentious artificial construction of archers at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries, and only an insignificant part of it has preserved local legends.

The discussion about the "Varangian question" sometimes took on an acutely political character. The so-called Normanists were ranked among the bourgeois scientists, enemies of Russia, who humiliated her national dignity.

Time has not confirmed such a verdict. The Varangian "calling" by no means belittled Russia's past. The so-called foreign interference in its fate is the result of normal all-European contacts and the worldwide ethno-cultural openness of Russia, which from the very beginning included in its population, along with Russians, more than 20 peoples, tribes and groups. Now the times of political accusations and "search for the enemy" on the examples of history, let's hope, are behind us.

As for the assessment of the source itself, attempts have been made to explain the creation of the "Tale" by the confrontation between the Kievan and Novgorod chronicle traditions, the use of northern legends in the ideological and political struggle at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries. Of course, the situation that prevailed at the time of the final recording of the "Tale" could not but affect its presentation, but it can hardly be limited to this. There is no dispute, the source, by the time of its final recording, is more than two centuries away from the events recorded in it. "The legend", apparently, developed gradually. According to some researchers, it was recorded for the first time under Grand Duke Yaroslav the Wise to confirm the unity and legitimacy of the princely house and kinship with the Scandinavian rulers. This was prompted by the marriage proposal made by Yaroslav Vladimirovich to the Swedish princess Ingigerd. In the future, literary versions of the Tale appeared. Around 1113, the Varangian legend was used by Nestor to create The Tale of Bygone Years. Later, this text was also changed.

No matter how complex the “Tale” is and in whatever form it contains certain historical facts, following the majority of scientists, I believe that it recorded a real event associated with the appearance of Scandinavian aliens among the Slavs and Finns of the north of Eastern Europe. At least part of the "Tale" does not bear the features of oral folk art, rather reminiscent of a businesslike, protocol description of events.

After the expulsion of the Varangians, the northern Slavic (Slovenes and Krivichi) and Finnish (Chud, Merya, perhaps the whole) tribes entered into internecine wars. They could not reconcile, and therefore they voluntarily invited the Scandinavian Rurik and his brothers so that they began to manage the Slavs and Finns under an agreement and established the rule of law. Ladoga, Izborsk, the White Lake region were named as centers of the new principalities. Two years later, in 864, Rurik moved to the newly fortified, or rather, newly founded Novgorod and distributed to his husbands Krivichi Polotsk, Meryan Rostov, as well as Murom and Beloozero (here in the meaning of not the edge, but the city) in the lands of Murom and Vesi. This outlines the first autocratic state in the north of Eastern Europe - "Upper Russia", which arose on the site of a confederation of Slavic and Finnish tribes. The beginning of the Rurik dynasty was laid, which ruled Russia until the end of the 16th century.

The Russian state could arise under the influence of internal needs in it, and the Rurik dynasty, nevertheless, could come from outside. The dynasties of most Western European states were of foreign origin, but this did not prompt historians to doubt that the state formations of Western Europe were of autochthonous origin "I draw your attention to the fact that the Scandinavian newcomers managed to organize a new system of power and establish the mechanism of its work.

"The Tale of the Calling of the Varangians" is a complex source, again and again requiring source analysis. Let's start with doubts and contradictions in the variants of chronicle texts.

One of the striking discrepancies in the chronicle versions of the Tale is that the Scandinavian Rurik, according to some records, ended up in Ladoga, and according to others - in Novgorod. At one time, following the historian of chronicle writing A. A. Shakhmatov, it was believed that the Ladoga version, recorded in 1118 by the unnamed editor of the Tale of Bygone Years, was secondary to the Novgorod one.

"Legend" gives rise to another bewilderment. If the Varangians were expelled, then why are they called again to establish order? The key to this contradiction, I think, is not that the Slavs and Finns were not able to appease internal strife themselves and went "for extradition" to recent enemies. Explanation elsewhere. The northern tribes, having freed themselves from burdensome requisitions, were preparing to repel a new onslaught of the Scandinavians. The threat was real. Rimbert's "Life of St. Ansgar" describes an attack by the Danes in 852 on a wealthy city (ad urbem) in "the land of the Slavs" (in finibus Slavorum), which can be compared with Ladoga. This campaign, probably accompanied by the imposition of tribute, showed the growing danger of expansion to the east from the Vikings. The further development of events can be judged by the "Legend of the calling of the Varangians." The meaning of inviting strangers, obviously, was to attract an experienced commander with a detachment of warriors, in this case Rurik, so that he could protect the Slavic and Finnish confederates. The newcomer - a Scandinavian, of course, knew the military methods of his compatriots, including those who came to Russia with predatory, pirate goals. The choice of the commander turned out to be successful; until the end of the 10th century, the Scandinavians did not dare to attack the northern lands of Russia.

In "The Tale of the Calling of the Varangians" there are three brothers - a stranger. Scientists have long paid attention to the strange names of two of them - Sineus and Truvor, childless and somehow suspiciously died at the same time in 864. Searches for their names in Old Norse onomastics did not lead to encouraging results. It has been noted that the plot about three brothers-strangers - the founders of cities and the founders of dynasties - is a kind of folklore cliché. Similar legends were common in Europe in the Middle Ages. There are legends about inviting the Normans to England and Ireland. Vidukind of Corvey in the "Saxon Chronicle" (907) reports on the embassy of the Britons to the Saxons, who offered the latter "to own their vast great country, replete with all sorts of blessings." The Saxons equipped ships with three princes.

Chronicle Rurik, if we consider him identical to his Danish namesake (which we will discuss later), really had two brothers Gemming and Harald, but they died relatively early (in 837 and 841) and therefore could not accompany their brother to Russia. Be that as it may, the episode with the two brothers raises doubts about its authenticity and is possibly based on some kind of linguistic misunderstanding.

A certain bewilderment is also left by the cities or localities where Sineus and Truvor went, in the first case "to Beloozero", in the second - to Izborsk. Beloozero in the final words of the "Tale" is noted not as a district, but as a city. After archaeological research by L.A. Golubeva, we know that Beloozero dates back to the 10th-14th centuries, therefore, in the 9th century. didn't exist yet. A settlement of the 9th-10th centuries located 15 km from Beloozero. Krutik is Finnish-Western, there is no reason to consider it as the residence of the Norman ruler. Thus, the "city of Sineus" on the White Lake is still unknown. Let us add that the very presence of the Scandinavians in the Belozersky district, judging by the archaeological finds, is not only in the 9th, but also in the 10th century. traced weakly. As for Izborsk, according to the observations of V.V. Sedov, a characteristic complex of Scandinavian products of the 9th-10th centuries. not found there. As Sedov writes, "Izborsk, apparently, did not accept the Normans and developed on the basis of the tribal center of one of the branches of the Krivichi"

Rerik came from a noble Danish family, the Skioldungs. According to Western sources, it is known that he was in 837-840. and after 850 owned Friesland with its main city Dorestad, received from the Frankish emperor. In the agreement on the terms of possession, concluded in 850, it was said that Rerik was obliged to serve faithfully, paying tribute and other taxes, and defend the region from Danish pirates. Rerik's opponents managed to drive him out of Friesland, and he managed to win back his possessions. In 857, the southern part of the Danish kingdom was ceded to him in Jutland, but even here it was restless. Rerik had to defend his territories and invade the borders of his neighbors. He made land and sea campaigns to Hamburg, Northern France, Denmark, England, even to his possessions in Frisia, and in 852 he could participate in the campaign of the Danish army against the Swedish Birka (this was mentioned above) and, which is not excluded, with a detachment Danish shipbuilders attack the "city of the Slavs", in which Ladoga is seen. Rerik was especially attracted by the main city of Friesland, Dorestad, where the trade routes from Mainz, England and Scandinavia converged. For the possession of this city and its district, he fought almost until the end of his life, repeatedly renewing his vassal relations with the Carolingian emperor.

Fighting for power and land, Rerik gained experience as a commander, diplomat, and adventurer. He never considered himself defeated, again and again he opposed the enemies. It is possible that it was this Viking of Danish origin who ended up in the east of Europe and succeeded there more than in the west. At the same time, however, it is difficult to confidently compare the dates of Rerik's stay in Russia and Western Europe due to their conventionality in Russian sources. Lacunas about Rerik's activities in the Frankish chronicles in certain years, for example, in 864-866, suggest that he could be in Russia at that time. In a word, according to historical evidence, the consistent compatibility of Rerik the Dane and Rurik Ladoga is revealed.

By the time of the invitation to Russia, Rerik had gained the fame of an experienced warrior who knew how to defend his land, attack someone else's and carry out orders from the supreme power - the Frankish emperor. Northern Eastern Europeans could learn about him, and Rerik, an eternal warrior and a wandering knight, who knew well the military and naval affairs of not only the Scandinavians, but also the Franks and Frisians, accepted their invitation as an experienced mercenary on certain contractual terms. He, obviously, had to protect the new owners and free them from the Scandinavian tribute for a certain reward to himself and his squad. If such requisitions came from the Swedes, the appeal to the Dane was quite justified, but if the Danes were engaged in this, then Rerik, who was often at enmity with his compatriots, was also a suitable candidate in this case. It is possible that Rerik sailed to Russia from central or southern Sweden, where he met with the Ladoga embassy. For the Slavs, the address "beyond the sea" most often meant exactly Sweden.

Having fortified himself in Ladoga, Rurik (now we will call him by the Russian vowel) soon moved inland to Lake Ilmenskoye, where, according to the Tale, "cut down the city over the Volkhov and called it Novgorod." Thus, after Ladoga, Novgorod became the next capital of the state of Rurik. A clarification is needed here. At the time of Rurik, a city with that name did not yet exist. As archaeological excavations have shown, it arose in its present place hardly earlier than the third quarter of the 10th century, and the name Novgorod was included in the texts of the Tale, most likely under the influence of the Novgorod priority and ambitions of the local boyars.

About the Russian period of activity of Rurik-Rerik, scanty fragmentary information has been preserved. In this regard, in addition to the Tale, of particular interest are the records of the 16th-century Nikon Chronicle, which came into it from some earlier source that has not survived. From them we learn unknown details, for example, about a meeting of Slovenes and other tribes discussing where to look for the prince: among their own, the Khazars, the Polans, the Danubians or the Varangians.

Judging by the chronicle data, Rurik ruled from 862 to 879, that is, 17 years. During this time, he united a number of cities and regions, strengthened his power, suppressed the opposition and, unusually, did not make campaigns. Moreover, the Normans Askold and Dir sent by him, having fortified in Kyiv, according to the Nikon Chronicle, in 865 attacked Polotsk, subject to Rurik. Whether they were rebuffed is unknown. According to the testimony of the Joachim Chronicle, the northern ruler ruled "without having a war with anyone." The statement of the Novgorod Fourth Chronicle that he "began to fight everywhere", if reliable to some extent, then apparently refers to the initial period of the appearance of the Varangian king in Russia and the consolidation of cities and places for him and his "husbands" . Strange for his time, the military passivity of Rurik, who became the Grand Duke, is perhaps due to the fact that, while in Eastern Europe, he did not break with his homeland.

We learn about the further circumstances of the life of the "Russian Dane" from the message of the Joachim Chronicle. This source notes that Rurik's wife was the Norwegian Efanda (Sfanda, Alfind), who gave birth to his son Igor. The son was a minor when, in 879, his father died and Oleg, who was called in the Russian chronicles either a governor or a grand duke, came to power. The uncertainty of the chronicles regarding the status of Oleg is explained by the fact that he was a relative of Rurik, and not his heir. According to the Joachim Chronicle, he is called the "prince of Urman", i.e. Norwegian, brother of Efanda. Oleg, nicknamed the Prophet, successfully continued the geopolitical aspirations of his predecessor. Most importantly, he succeeded in a fateful business - to unite the north and south of the country. Kyiv became the capital. In Europe, the formation of a powerful state - the "empire of Rurikovich" - was completed.

The history of the Russian people, I think, will not accept these lines. Russia has always been distinguished by life-giving ties with the whole world, including Scandinavia. Russian-Norman contacts during the period of the creation of the state enriched the technology and culture of both countries and accelerated their development. The Varangians brought to Russia the best weapons, perfect ships, their decorations, foot combat techniques, and contributed to the organization of Eurasian trade. From the Slavs and other Eastern European peoples, they received furs, slaves, honey, wax, grain, adopted the techniques of cavalry combat and oriental weapons, and joined the construction of cities. The Scandinavians, Slavs and Finns enriched themselves with Arab silver, which poured into European markets along the great waterways from the "Varangians to the Greeks" and from the "Varangians to the Arabs."

The figures cast on Rurik's shield - "862", for all their conventionality, are a major milestone in the life of Russia and Scandinavia. Then the peoples of these countries entered the arena of European history together. The year 862 is worthy of being recognized as a state date, not ashamed of the fact that it is imprinted on the shield of a Norman stranger.

However, at that time an invitation from Ladoga followed ... Why did the peoples of Northern Russia need to call the “Varangians” for their unification? There were several reasons, and reasons not unimportant. It is worth noting that the reign in the Slavic states has always been hereditary. Of course, the power of the prince was limited by the veche, but the first comer could not at all claim this position. Thus, the “Veles Book” very clearly separates the princes from the boyars and governors, despite the fact that the boyars sometimes also headed important enterprises. In ancient times, it was believed that both good and bad qualities are inherited. Therefore, for example, along with the villain, his entire family was often executed. And the veche prince could only be chosen from a family that had the right to do so - from the descendants of the great leaders of the past. By the way, this was also observed in annalistic times. No matter how capricious, no matter how raged the Novgorod veche, driving out objectionable princes, but not once did it put forward a candidate from its own midst, such a thing would never have occurred to anyone. A new prince could only be invited from princely families, even if not Russian, but Lithuanian, but necessarily related to the ruling dynasties.

The remnants of the former state system of the Slavs - by no means a “veche republic”, but a “veche monarchy”, which survived until the 18th century, are also visible in the example of the Commonwealth, where all free gentry had the right to elect and re-elect kings, dictate their will at the diets, but not a single magnate even tried to try on the crown himself, even though he was much richer than the king and maintained a larger army. Here, too, only candidates worthy of the crown by birthright were considered. If not from the Poles, then from Hungary, France, Sweden, Lithuania, Germany, Russia.
It is worth recalling that with a light hand N.M. Karamzin and the first translators, a significant distortion of the goals of the embassy sent to Rurik crept into Russian historical literature. It was translated: "Our land is great and plentiful, but there is no order in it - go reign and rule over us." Although the word “order” does not appear in any annals. Everywhere it is said either “there is no dress in it”, or “the dresser is not in it”. That is, there is no ruler or management system (in the Middle Ages unthinkable in isolation from a personal ruler), and not “order”. The ruling dynasty ended in the male line. Most likely, in the south there were still representatives of the ancient princely families, but they were tributaries of the Khazars, and, of course, there could be no question of transferring power to them. And Rurik was the grandson of Gostomysl through a daughter line and remained his legal heir. This was practiced by the Slavs before. For example, in Czech legends, after the death of a childless Czech, the people called for the reign of his nephew Krok from kindred Poles. Yes, in general, the separation of the “Varangians-Rus” from the Swedes, the Goths, the Norwegians, the Anglo-Jutlanders by the annals indicates that the initiators of the invitation did not care who to call. Otherwise, it would not have been necessary to send an embassy “overseas” - the entire Baltic was teeming with Vikings.
One of the northern chronicles reports that the Slavic and Finnish tribes who lived in the northwestern region after their disasters and turmoil: “And deciding to ourselves: we will look for a prince, who owned us and dressed us by right.” Ryadil means ruled and judged. And here lies another reason why the “Varangians” were preferred. As already noted, these tribes did not always live together among themselves, they had some mutual claims and grievances. This means that the nomination of representatives of one tribe to the leadership could automatically cause displeasure of others. Why them and not us? Still think before submitting. And the result would be a new civil strife. By inviting the “Varangians-Rus”, no one received an advantage over others. It was a compromise acceptable to all. And a candidacy from the outside could theoretically ensure impartiality, judge and dress in fairness.
Probably, there were also factors that influenced Rurik's personal choice - after all, Gostomysl also had some other daughters married to a foreign land. And they, one must think, also had offspring. But the loud glory of Rurik in the Baltic certainly influenced - his noticeable position is evidenced by the very fact that the Ladoga people knew about him and had an idea where exactly to send ambassadors. And besides, as we have seen, the Danish Vikings attacked Ladoga in 852. But the Varangians were not in the habit of being content with a one-time raid on a rich place they liked. More often, they continued to visit the explored path in the future: for example, they attacked Paris 6 times. Moreover, pirates of different nationalities established their favorite routes and formed more or less permanent “spheres of interest”. So, mainly Danes went to England, Norwegians went to France, etc. Consequently, there was a danger that the Danes would come again. But it was the Danes who were the mortal enemies of Rurik, the fight against them was a vital matter for him, and this increased the likelihood that he would respond to the call and become the best defender of Ladoga and its allies from the next invasions. Again, he remained an outcast, able to fully connect his interests with his new homeland. In a word, all the "pros" converged.
, the last dated mention of the actions of Rurik in the West refers to 854, when Lothar renounced his patronage. He could hold out for some time, but the hired Varangian squads, whose forces he used, would simply refuse a long and difficult defensive war - such actions did not promise prey and did not pay off losses. The Ladoga residents had connections with the Western Slavs, and if they knew about the situation in which Rurik found himself, this would be an additional argument in favor of choosing his candidacy. Of course, he would not have abandoned the occupied region if things were going well for him. That is, by the time of the call, he was either already knocked out of Jutland, or suffered defeat. Although it may be that he hesitated for some time, until the hopelessness of further war became obvious to him. And be that as it may, at that moment the invitation of Novgorod turned out to be very useful for him. After all, he was already over forty-five, and a homeless pirate life in strange corners was no longer growing according to his age. Years demanded a more durable shelter (which he tried to implement in the Jutland adventure).
Chronicles say that Rurik accepted the offer and in 862 came to Russia with the brothers Sineus and Truvor. He himself sat down to reign in Ladoga (although the annals are often called Novgorod according to the situation of their time), Sineus was sent to Beloozero, and Truvor to Izborsk. And two years later, after the death of the brothers, he gave their cities, as well as Rostov, Polotsk and Murom, to his boyars.
Sineus and Truvor, who strangely died overnight in 864, are not mentioned anywhere in Western sources, and the question of their very existence is now considered very controversial - the version is widely known that there never were such brothers: the chronicler simply inaccurately translated the words of some then the Scandinavian source: “Rurik, his relatives (sine hus) and combatants (thru voring)”. Most likely, we are talking about various detachments of his associates. “Relatives” are encouraging Slavs who left with him after an unsuccessful operation to restore his father's principality. And the “combatants” are ordinary Varangian mercenaries. In his earlier forays into France and Spain, he always acted with the Norwegians. Their common enmity with the Danes, who at that time were striving to subjugate Norway for themselves, could also bring them closer. Obviously, the Norwegians came to Russia with him. And, by the way, the noted error with the translation indicates that at the time of Rurik some earlier “court” chronicles were kept, which later became material for chronicle revisions. And that these chronicles were written not in Russian, but in Norman. Although, theoretically, he really could have some “brothers” from his inner circle. The Vikings had a custom of twinning, which was considered no less strong than consanguinity.
It is enough to look at the map to see how competently the prince placed his forces. Ladoga controlled the very beginning of the waterway "from the Varangians to the Greeks." And a passage into the depths of Russian lands from the Baltic. Beloozero blocked the road to the Volga, "to the Khazars." And from Izborsk, the squad could control the waterway through Lake Peipsi and the Velikaya River, as well as roads from the west, from Estonia. Thus, Rurik secured the borders of his principality, covering the possible directions of unwanted penetrations from the Baltic.
Interesting circumstantial information suggests itself from the fact that by 864 new cities were under the jurisdiction of Rurik - especially Rostov and Murom. This means that he abruptly changed the policy of Novgorod Russia and began an active struggle against the Khazars. Because the Oka and the Upper Volga were part of the zone of Khazar “interests”, and the Muroma (Murom) and Merya (Rostov) tribes were tributaries of the Khaganate. Moreover, the fact that the Meryans, as already noted, were formerly part of the state of Gostomysl, could also serve as a pretext for war. Information about the clash with the Khaganate is confirmed by the Jewish "Cambridge Anonymous", listing the states and peoples with whom Khazaria fought in the second half of the 9th - early 10th centuries. - Alania, Derbent, Zibukh (Circassians), Hungarians and Ladoga. And by the fact that two important cities remained with Rurik, we see that the struggle was victorious for him. Of course! Could the ramparts and palisades, the Pecheneg or Slavic detachments of the Khazar governors, stop the ferocious professional warriors and their leader, who took impregnable Seville?
But in 864, an uprising suddenly broke out among the Slovenes under the leadership of Vadim the Brave, which is reported by the Nikon Chronicle. What were his reasons? There must have been several of them. The encouraging Slavs, although they were close relatives of the Ladoga people, lived in different conditions, many differences should have accumulated between them in language, religion, and behavioral stereotypes. This did not play a special role in trade, medical and state contacts. Merchants sailing across the Baltic got used to such differences and tolerated them, otherwise how could they trade? But the difference immediately affected when most of the foreigners came to Russia, and even found themselves among the nobility. Well, Rurik’s squad was generally “international”, including a significant part of the Norman-Norwegians who occupied key posts under the prince. Yes, and he himself, being an exile, all his conscious life revolved around the Franks, then in the rabble and heterogeneous environment of the Vikings, picking up the appropriate habits, borrowings in the language. That is, instead of the “Slav brothers”, which most of the Slovenes imagined and would like to see, the usual army of Baltic thugs came to them, essentially no different from those Varangians who had been driven out earlier.
The discontent was to be exacerbated by political causes. The Eastern Slavs were accustomed to veche rule, which dictated the will of the princes and probably especially roamed during the period of the interregnum. Rurik, on the other hand, began to introduce rule in the manner of Western kings - one-man. And perhaps even tougher. Church hierarchs influenced the kings, their power was limited to large feudal lords, with them all sorts of collegiate “things”, “althings”, “diets” were preserved for a long time. But Rurik was alien to the old Slavic boyars, the new - from his combatants, had not yet managed to gain strength, and could a leader accustomed to single-handedly command aboard a pirate drakkar be considered with a veche and other "collegiality"? All sources agree that despite the violent temper of the Vikings, they had iron discipline in their campaigns. The maintenance of a professional squad required, moreover, funds, and considerable ones. But after the collapse of the state of Gostomysl, such things as taxes were probably forgotten. And the return of the tax burden under Rurik began hardly anyone could like. Hence the indication of the annals is clear: “The same summer, the Novgorodians were offended, saying: so be a slave to us, and suffer a lot of evil in every possible way from Rurik and from his kind.”
There are probably religious reasons as well. The Eastern Slavs were more fully and consistently able to preserve the foundations of the ancient Vedic and Mithraic religion. Among the Baltic Wends, the same faith was already significantly different, having absorbed elements of the Baltic and Germanic cults, where complex doctrines and rituals began to be replaced by acts of primitive idolatry. Well, the Varangian squads generally professed a certain prefabricated conglomeration of pagan beliefs, simplified to the limit: “you to me - I to you”. Fragments of the texts of the Veles Book have already been cited above, emphasizing these differences. Of particular dislike was to be the question of human sacrifice. It has now been proven that before the arrival of the Varangians in Russia, such a custom did not exist. But the Baltic and Western Slavs had it. Although it is difficult to judge which tribes and how widespread this practice was there. Western sources report about the sacrifices of captives by Pomeranians, Poles, Rugians.
And the Vikings considered such sacrifices the easiest and most natural way to thank their harsh gods for good luck or ask them for new favors. It is known, for example, that even the famous pirate Hrolf, who was baptized and became the Duke of Normandy, made large contributions to the church before his death, but at the same time ordered a hundred captives to be slaughtered on the altar in order to propitiate Odin just in case. They could send a victim overboard to appease the gods in a storm - which was reflected in the epic about Sadko. And the practice of human sacrifice came to Russia precisely with the Vikings.
So, Leo the Deacon says that the soldiers of Svyatoslav in Bulgaria stabbed captives and captives on the full moon, and before the decisive battle they slaughtered roosters and babies, although many frauds were found in his description of these events, and this news may be ordinary slander. But even in the Kievan chronicles we find references to such rituals. Moreover, on especially solemn occasions, in commemoration of a military victory or in order to ask for one, and maybe on some important holidays, they also sacrificed fellow tribesmen chosen by lot “from the youths and maidens”.
But the Eastern Slavs, in their customs and psychological stereotypes, differed from the Saxons, who were even ready to fight to the death, setting aside the right of their children, brothers and sisters to go to the gods, putting their breasts under the knife of a clergyman. Surely the Ladoga priesthood was also outraged. Moreover, the role of the Magi in the life of society was undermined. Under veche rule, they had to exert a strong influence on the mood of the masses, coordinating policy and internal decisions with the "will of the gods." But it is unlikely that the newcomers Vikings considered their opinions. In their campaigns, they are accustomed to communicate with the gods without the mediation of priests. And the main manager in their simple rituals was the same leader. By the way, it is possible that just the loosening of the ancient religious foundations and the confusion that began in matters of faith subsequently facilitated the victory of Christianity in Russia. After all, the image of the All-good Christ for the Eastern Slavs turned out to be much closer to their usual image of the good Dazhbog than the bloody Baltic cults.
Finally, one more probable reason for the uprising can be named. Rurik's army went to the Oka and the Volga, waging war with the Khazars. And the Khaganate hardly reconciled itself to its defeats and the threat of losing other Slavic and Finnish subjects from under its power. As diplomats and spies, the Khazar merchants were very experienced. And they had to do everything in their power to stir up dissatisfaction with Rurik, try to undermine and undermine his rear. However, Rurik suppressed the uprising. “The same summer, kill Rurik Vadim the Brave and many other beaten Novgorodians of his advisors” (svetniks - that is, accomplices, accomplices).
And after that he planted his boyar governors in Beloozero, Izborsk, Rostov, Polotsk, Murom. Probably, it was precisely from this fact that Nestor, who kept silent or did not know about the uprising, concluded that the brothers of Rurik, who had previously ruled in Izborsk and Beloozero, died at the same time. And a number of modern historians go even further and explain their synchronous death by an uprising. But the Nikon Chronicle speaks only of a speech against Rurik Sloven, Krivichi and Ves are not mentioned in this plan. And the very word “svetniki” suggests that there was a conspiracy, and not a general wide uprising. Therefore, another explanation seems more logical - that for the first two years Rurik tried to rule on the basis of voluntary submission, after all, the population of the region itself called him. And only after the rebellion did he begin to “tighten the screws” and create a rigid administrative system, appointing his governors to the subordinate cities.
There are no further territorial acquisitions for the prince. It can be assumed that having drawn conclusions from the discontent manifested, he appreciated the fragility of his state. And he decided for the time being to be satisfied with what he had achieved, taking up the internal strengthening of his state and its borders. Archaeological data show that just in the second half of the 9th century, under Rurik, stone walls were erected in Ladoga and Izborsk. Traces of large military settlements dating back to this time were found on the Volga, near Yaroslavl (Timirevskoye settlement), and not far from Smolensk (Gnezdovo). Excavation data testify to the Scandinavians and some Western Slavs from the Baltics living there. Obviously, these settlements were border outposts and customs cordons, located on the borders of the state and blocking the most important roads - the path “to the Khazars” and “from the Varangians to the Greeks”. This assumption is also confirmed by the nature of the finds. For example, there was a large fortress in Gnezdovo, numerous Arab, Byzantine and European coins, imported things were found here, and scales were also found. That is, passing merchants stopped here, inspected, weighed and evaluated their goods, paid duties, in cash or in kind. Obviously, there was some kind of bargaining going on right there, the transshipment bases of merchants were located, their places of rest under the protection of the local garrison before the further road.
It is worth emphasizing one important aspect of Rurik's activities. In the Baltic and the North Sea at this time, the atrocities of the Vikings continued with might and main. They completely terrorized England, plundered and burned cities several times along the Elbe, Rhine, Weser, Moselle, repeatedly raided the lands of the Baltic Slavs, and on the east coast now and then smashed Courland. By the middle of the tenth century. even Jutland, in itself a pirate nest, was completely devastated by the raids of the Varangians. Only in Russia after Rurik came to power there was no more pirate invasion! And the fact that Russia - by the way, the only one of the European states that had access to the sea - gained safety from the Baltic predators, is the undoubted merit of Rurik.
True, the Varangians began to appear on the Volga - but only for trade with the Khazars. The prince no longer fought with the kaganate. Yes, and Khazaria, it seems, was in no hurry to upset the balance that had developed on its northern borders. The war with Rurik threatened the raids of the Baltic Vikings. And the Khazar merchants who traded all over the world knew perfectly well what it was. Here the case threatened with such losses, in comparison with which the loss of tribute from Mary and Muroma would look like a mere trifle. On the other hand, maintaining peace with the Varangians made it possible to more than compensate for the losses incurred due to the flow of slaves, which now poured through Ladoga into Khazaria from the pirate Baltic. So, at the end of the 9th or at the beginning of the 10th centuries, when several Norman squadrons reached the Caspian Sea, more than 10 thousand slaves and slaves from France and the Netherlands spilled into the markets of the East. And, undoubtedly, the Principality of Ladoga grew rich due to the duties levied on such a “transit”.
And the moral side of it? But at that time people had their own morality, different from ours. Even in Christian countries, Western Europe and Byzantium, slavery was in the order of things. And if sometimes some bishops and traitors redeemed slaves from charity, then only on the grounds of religious “infringement” - Christians who fell into captivity to pagans or Muslims. And the institution of slavery in itself did not revolt them at all. And not a single thinker or theologian opposed him. Yes, and for those who found themselves in captivity, it was, of course, a tragedy, but not the end of life. Get used to it, get used to it. Ibn-Fadlan tells how in Bulgar the Varangians, who brought captives to sell, joked with those who had just been put up for auction, treated them with delicacies. And the girls themselves, in anticipation of the next bargain, caressed their owners and flirted with them. If the slaves eventually ended up in the Arab East, then the woman had a chance to take an honorable place in the harem, and the man to become a warrior with some emir. That is, to get an even higher status than most of the indigenous people of this country. Of course, there were other things, but everyone lived in hope for the best.
And one must think that the Slovenes and the Krivichi with the Merians did not mind at all that by participating in such an enterprise, their state receives additional profit. Allowing their prince to build fortresses, maintain an army that protects them, and at the same time not burden his subjects with unnecessary taxes. Having established his power and strengthened the principality, Rurik began to pursue a rather active international policy, establishing contacts with Western states. In 871, Louis the German, in a letter to the Byzantine emperor Basil the Macedonian, speaks of four kaganates that exist in this area in Europe - Avar, Bulgarian, Khazar and Norman. What is meant by the power of Rurik. And by the way, just the fact that after the arrival of the Varangians, the Russian Khaganate turned into the “Norman” indicates its identity with Lodoga, and not with Kyiv. As well as the fact that information about him comes from Germany to Constantinople, and not vice versa. By the way, later the first Kyiv princes from the Rurik dynasty called themselves “kagans”.
And then Rurik flashes again in Western chronicles. In 873 - 874 years. he made a very large-scale diplomatic tour of Europe for that time, met and negotiated with Charles the Bald, Louis the German and Charles the Bold - Lothair's heir. Their subject matter is unknown. True, G.V. Vernadsky, following some Western historians, repeats the version that Rurik was fussing about returning to him all the same "flax in Friesland", but this is an obvious nonsense. Would a man who owns a vast and rich principality, and even at a respectable age, drag himself across the sea to beg for a miserable piece of land on which he almost never lived? But he really could negotiate with the Western powers so that on some conditions or for some kind of compensation by joint forces he could return his father's principality, considering this his unfulfilled life duty. Maybe it was about an attempt to put together an alliance against Denmark, the blood enemy of Rurik. If so, then his negotiations were unsuccessful. However, one more hypothesis can be put forward here, which we will dwell on later, in the appropriate place.
But on the other hand, at this time, perhaps in the course of the mentioned travels, the prince further strengthens his alliance with Norway. In 874 he returned to Ladoga and married Efanda from the family of Norwegian kings. (Perhaps he was also looking for a bride at the German courts?) This marriage is also recorded by Western sources. And Rurik’s right hand and adviser either became, or had already been the brother of Efanda Odda, known in Russia as Prophetic Oleg.
By the way, the above facts completely refute the hypothesis put forward by some of our historians that Rurik was a simple impostor hired by the Ladoga residents to protect their borders, and then seized power by force and appropriated the princely title. Firstly, his hereditary princely rights were recognized in Ingelheim at the court of Louis the Pious, and then Lothair. Even if we do not take into account his pedigree, we can recall that he received flax directly from the emperor, that is, in the Frankish feudal hierarchy, he corresponded, at least, to the degree of a count. And the title of “kagan” already corresponded to the king. And secondly, despite the robbery mores, the origin was also given paramount importance in Scandinavia, so the Norwegian king would by no means pass off his close relative as a simple rootless pirate, even if it was super lucky.
Although the prince was over sixty, he still had the strength to create a son with Efanda. And in 879, Rurik died, leaving Igor as his heir, who, according to the annals, was “dettesk velmi”. And Oleg became the prince's guardian and regent. The news of the inheritance of Rurik's possessions by another person is also available in the German chronicles. That is, there were contacts with Northern Russia, and the events that took place there were already considered necessary to track.

School scientific and practical conference of students

Municipal autonomous educational institution

"Lyceum №4"

"The calling of the Varangians. What is the dispute about?

I've done the work:

Pribylev Timofey Mikhailovich

Scientific adviser:

Shayakhmetova

Venera Ruzalievna

Perm 2012

INTRODUCTION

Modern Russia (Russian Federation) is a huge country stretching almost 10 thousand km from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean from west to east and 5 thousand km from the Arctic Ocean to the steppes, deserts and mountain ranges of Central and East Asia.

And how and when was the Russian state born, what historical events contributed to this process?

Proto-Slavs, the ancestors of the Slavs, from the II millennium BC. lived on the territory of Central and Eastern Europe, from the Oder River to the Carpathian Mountains. Approximately in the VI century. AD Slavic tribes began to settle on the territory of modern Russia.

On the lands of our country, even before the arrival of the Slavs, Finno-Ugric peoples, Balts and other tribes lived, and there were already developed settlements on the site of future Slavic cities.

The Slavs, settling, got along with the indigenous population, there was an interpenetration of cultures - the tribes adopted each other's experience and skills. The name "Slavs" began to spread in the middle of the first millennium AD. At first, only the Western Slavs were called that way, the Eastern ones were called "Ants". But soon the name "Slavs" was assigned to all the tribes that spoke Slavic languages.

Around the 6th century, an East Slavic group of tribal unions emerged from a single Slavic community.

The purpose of the research work is to clarify the circumstances of the calling of the Varangians with the help of annalistic and scientific-historical data and a comparative analysis of the scientific-historical and chronicle versions of the calling of the Varangians.

1)Find out why the Vikings were called.

2)Find out who called them (tribal elders or people), to which city (there are several versions)

3)Find out with whom Rurik came to Russia.

)Compare versions of calling the Varangians from different chronicles.

Characteristics of the literature used

)"The Tale of Bygone Years" translated by D.S. Likhachev. Feature: Chronicle. The covered period of history begins with biblical times in the introductory part and ends with the year 1117 (in the 3rd edition).

2)N.M. Karamzin "On the history of the Russian state." Description: a book containing clippings from 12 volumes of the collected works of N.M. Karamzin. In it you can read information from the beginning of the formation of the Slavic state and to the interregnum (Seven Boyars).

)IN. Klyuchevsky "Course of Russian history" 1 volume. Description: a book containing lectures by V.O. Klyuchevsky.

)History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 17th century, ed. A.N. Sakharov. Characteristic: a book in which it is written about the period from the beginning of the formation of the Slavic state to the 17th century.

)CM. Solovyov "On the history of ancient Russia". Description: an encyclopedia containing clippings from 13 volumes of the collected works of N.M. Karamzin S.M. Solovyov. In it you can read information from the beginning of the formation of the Slavic state and to the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich.

)Books taken from the Internet:

DI. Ilovaisky "On the imaginary calling of the Varangians". Description: a study on the calling of the Varangians.

Novgorod First Chronicle of the Senior and Junior Editions. // Complete collection of Russian chronicles. Feature: collection of annals.

A.N.Kirpichnikov "The legend of the calling of the Varangians - legends and reality." Description: a study on the calling of the Varangians.

Chapter 1. Eastern Slavs before the calling of Rurik

In the wooded area that Eastern Europe was in those days, the rivers were the only available roads, and the main trade routes passed along them. Therefore, the Slavs settled mainly along the rivers. Having mastered the region near the Dniester, the Bug and the Dnieper, the Slavs came to the upper reaches of the Oka, Volga, Don, Western Dvina, Volkhov, to the Ladoga and Ilmen lakes, to the White Sea.

The Dregovichi lived in the west, later the Krivichi, Drevlyans and Polans appeared here. The Ilmen Slovenes advanced even further north. Another branch - Tolochans - chose the banks of the Polota River for settlement.

The Slavs lived in small villages surrounded by a palisade. Behind the palisade lay the lands of the community. Members of the community cultivated the land together, grazed cattle, hunted and fished. The poverty of the northern soils more than redeemed the wealth of the northern forests, where there were many fur-bearing animals, highly valued in distant Byzantium. A considerable income was also brought by beekeeping.

Related families were united in tribal communities, headed by elders who ran the household together. Close tribal communities united into tribes, with leaders at the head. The elders and leaders of the tribes surrounded themselves with experienced warriors - squads. The leader of the tribe was called "Knez", hence the word "Prince". Relying on the strength of the squad, the prince subjugated the community members. the Lavians were active in trade both with their southern neighbors - Byzantium, and with the northern ones - the Norman states. At the most important points of these trade routes ("from the Varangians to the Greeks"), the first Slavic cities arose. Most of them stretched out in a long chain along the main river road of the Dnieper-Volkhov. Simultaneously with the emergence of cities, the problem of their protection and the protection of trade and trade routes arose. Cities began to arm themselves, to gird themselves with walls, to introduce a military device, to stock up on military men.

At the turn of the 8th - 9th centuries, newcomers from the shores of the Baltic Sea, called the Varangians, began to appear on the river routes. The Baltic Sea was also called the Varangian. The Varangians came to the lands of the Slavs either for trading purposes, or at the call of the tribal leaders, the first princes, who recruited their military squads from them. These Varangians became part of the armed class, which began to take shape in large trading cities under the influence of external dangers.

Thus, the Slavic tribes stood on the threshold of the emergence of statehood.

Chapter 2

Historians agree that the Russian state appeared around the 9th century. But, unfortunately, there are no written sources relating to that time. The only written source that tells about the events of those years is the famous chronicle "The Tale of Bygone Years", created by the legendary monk of the Kiev-Pechersk Monastery Nestor. The "Tale of Bygone Years" contains legends about the origin of the Slavs<#"justify">The Norman theory was officially disseminated in the 30-40s of the 18th century during the "Bironism", when many of the highest positions at the court were occupied by German nobles. Naturally, the entire first composition of the Academy of Sciences was staffed by German scientists. One of them, namely the professor of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences, the German G. 3. Bayer, who did not know the Russian language, and even more so Old Russian, in 1735 in his treatises in Latin "The Origin of Russia" and "Varyags" expressed the opinion, that the old Russian word from the annals - "Varangians" - is the name of the Scandinavians who gave the statehood of Russia. Later this theory was developed by the German scientists G.F. Miller and A.L. Schletzer.

Bayer's works were highly valued by Russian historians of the 18th century. Tatishchev borrowed from him the Norman theory of the origin of the Varangians-Rus, which he sets out in his history according to Bayer. The German scientist was an expert on the Scandinavian languages, but did not consider it necessary to get at least some knowledge of the language of the country whose history he took up. It seems to me that N. Nadezhdin said very precisely about Bayer: “Only due to an inexplicable strangeness, living in Russia, being a Russian professor, studying Russian history, he not only did not know a word, but did not even want to learn Russian.”

The Norman theory denies the origin of the ancient Russian state as a result of internal socio-economic development. Normanists associate the beginning of statehood in Russia with the moment of calling the Varangians to reign in Novgorod and their conquest of the Slavic tribes in the Dnieper basin. They believed that the Vikings themselves, of which Rurik was with his brothers, there were no tribe and Slavic language ... they were Scandinavians, that is, Swedes . The Slavic tribes were depicted in the writings of these "learned" men as completely wild and completely incapable of creating their own state. The "calling" itself was depicted as the conquest of the Slavic lands.

The creators of the Norman theory extracted individual phrases from the chronicle without any critical consideration. 3. Bayer, G. Miller, A. Schletzer caught in the chronicle text phrases about the "bestial way" of life of the ancient Slavs, arbitrarily attributed them to the contemporaries of the chronicler (although in fact a contrasting description of the "wise and meaningful" meadows and their forest neighbors should be attributed to the first centuries of our era) and were very pleased with the legend about the calling of the Varangians by the northern tribes, which allowed them to claim that the Norman-Varangians brought statehood to the wild Slavs. Throughout its subsequent two-hundred-year journey, Normanism more and more turned into a simple anti-Russian political doctrine, which its propagandists carefully guarded from contact with science and critical analysis.

In itself, this theory is barbaric in relation to our history and its origins in particular. Practically on the basis of this theory, the entire Russian nation was imputed to a certain secondary importance, it seems that, on the basis of reliable facts, a terrible failure was attributed to the Russian people even in purely national issues.

In addition, adherents of the Norman theory argue that the term "Rus" itself is of ancient Swedish origin. Thus, all those whom the Russian chronicles, messages of Eastern writers and other sources call Russ turn into Varangians. Then it turns out that the entire initial history of the Old Russian state was made by the Vikings. But Rus, as we have already said, at first, medieval sources called a strictly limited area in the Middle Dnieper, where Kyiv was located, "the mother of Russian cities." When Novgorodians or Suzdalians were going to Kyiv, they said that they were going "to Russia". Long before the appearance of the Varangians, the people of the Ross, or Russ, were known. In the reports of the authors of the VI century - Jordan and Syrian writers - a description of the Russians and the geographical position of their lands in the middle reaches of the Dnieper River is given.

M. V. Lomonosov, who defended the southern sources of ancient Russian statehood and denied the role of the Scandinavians in its formation, was a sharp opponent of this theory. His "Ancient Russian History" was the first work of an anti-Normanist, the work of a fighter for the honor of the Russian people, for the honor of their culture, language, history, a work directed against the theory of the Germans. He knew the past of Russia, believed in the strength of the Russian people, in their bright future.

The fight against this "theory" was carried out by V.G. Belinsky, A.I. Herzen, N.G. Chernyshevsky and others. The Norman theory was criticized by Russian historians S.A. Geodonov, I.E. Zabelin, A.I. Kostomarov, Ilovaisky D.I.

In addition to Lomonosov, other Russian historians, including S. M. Solovyov, also refute the Norman theory: “The Normans were not a dominant tribe, they only served the princes of native tribes; many served only temporarily; those who remained in Russia forever, due to their numerical insignificance, quickly merged with the natives, especially since in their national life they did not find obstacles to this merger. Thus, at the beginning of Russian society, there can be no question of the rule of the Normans, of the Norman period.

The famous Russian historian S.F. Platono<#"justify">Followers of M.V. Lomonosov, step by step, destroyed the heap of conjectures with which the Normanists sought to maintain and strengthen their positions. Many facts (especially archaeological ones) have appeared that show the secondary and secondary role of the Varangians in the process of creating the state of Russia.

Chapter 3. Comparative analysis of The Tale of Bygone Years and the Novgorod Chronicle

How does the text of The Tale of Bygone Years speak of the calling of the Varangians?

This chronicle was compiled in Kyiv<#"justify">This is how the story of Rurik's calling sounds in the original in the language of the chronicler Nestor. "In the summer of 6367 (859 A.D.) to Imakh, tribute to the Varangians from the sea to Chud, Slovene, Mary and all Krivichi. And Khozari to Imakh to glades, Vityachs .... In the summer of 6370 (861 A.D.). X) expel the Varangians at sea, not giving them tribute and more often in their own possession. And there will be no truth in them, leading generation after generation and former strife, and more often fight against each other. And deciding for yourself: let's look for a prince, and go beyond the sea to the Varangians, to the Russ. so and so. Decide Rusichi, Chud, Meri, Krivichi and all this: our land is great and plentiful, but there is no dress in it. Yes, go to reign and rule over us. The eldest, Rurik, is sitting near Novgorod, and the other Sineus is on Lake Bela, and the third, Izborst Truvor. In two years, Rurik's brothers died. And having taken power, Rurik distributed hail to his husband. Now Rurik began to eat all the possessions.

Can this message be trusted? After all, doubts arise even with a cursory examination of the text.

How can one imagine that having just driven out the newcomers "from the sea" Varangians in 861, the very next year, the victorious tribes of the Slavs and Finno-Ugric peoples again call the same Varangians to themselves?

If the Varangians were expelled, then why are they called again to establish order? The key to this contradiction, I think, is not that the Slavs and Finns were not able to appease internal strife themselves and went "for extradition" to recent enemies. Explanation elsewhere. The northern tribes, having freed themselves from burdensome requisitions, were preparing to repel a new onslaught of the Scandinavians. The threat was real. Rimbert's "Life of St. Ansgar" describes an attack by the Danes in 852 on a wealthy city "within the land of the Slavs," which can be compared with Ladoga. This campaign, probably accompanied by the imposition of tribute, showed the growing danger of expansion to the east from the Vikings. The further development of events can be judged by the "Legend of the calling of the Varangians." The meaning of inviting strangers, obviously, was to attract an experienced commander with a detachment of warriors, in this case Rurik, so that he could protect the Slavic and Finnish confederates. The newcomer - a Scandinavian, of course, knew the military methods of his compatriots, including those who came to Russia with predatory, pirate goals. The choice of the commander turned out to be successful; until the end of the 10th century, the Scandinavians did not dare to attack the northern lands of Russia.

And if, nevertheless, they were first driven out, and the next year they were called up, then the question is who drove out and called? The multilingual tribes of the Slavens, Krivichi, and Mary, dispersed throughout the dense forests? Or by that time some local state formations headed by local leaders had already taken shape. But then how to imagine that these leaders, who have just experienced the taste of victory, voluntarily give power to strangers. After all, it is not for nothing that the self-name of many peoples is translated as “people”. They did not consider a foreign tribe even for people!

Three alien brothers appear in the story of Rurik's vocation. Scientists have long paid attention to the strange names of two of them - Sineus and Truvor, childless and somehow suspiciously died at the same time in 864. A careful study of the Scandinavian documents of those years, it turned out that the ancient Scandinavians had such names "from across the sea" simply did not have!

It's no secret that the plot about three brothers-strangers - the founders of cities and ancestors of dynasties - is a kind of folklore cliché. Similar traditions and legends were ubiquitous in Europe in the Middle Ages.

It is suggested that Sineus and Truvor did not exist, and the chronicler literally conveyed the words of the Old Swedish language "sune hus" and "thru varing", meaning "with his kind and faithful squad".

Another account of the calling of Rurik has been preserved in the Novgorod annals.

Although the Novgorod Chronicle is a 13th-century revision of Nestor's original text, it was made in the "homeland" of the events that took place. Let's consider this version and find out how it differs from the Kyiv version and to what extent these differences bring it closer to the reality of those years when Novgorod was just beginning.

“In the times of Kiev and Shchek and Khoriv, ​​people of Novgorod, the recommendations of Slovenia, and Krivitsi, and Merya: Slovene had their own parish, and Krivitsi had their own, and Mere had their own; each owning his kind; and Chud's kind; and a tribute to the dayah by the Varangian from her husband for white veveritsi; and if they beat them, then violence to the deahu by Sloven, Krivich, and Meryam and Chudi. And vstasha Slovene and Krivitsi and Merya and Chyud to the Varangians, and I drove out across the sea; and start owning themselves and setting up cities. And you yourself will fight against yourself, and the army between them will be great and strife, and you will rise hail to hail, and there will be no more truth in them. And he decided to himself: "Let's look for a prince, someone who would own us and dress us by right." Idosha across the sea to the Varangians and rkosha: "Our land is great and plentiful, but we have no outfit; come to us to reign and rule over us." I chose 3 brothers from my generations, and girded with me a squad of many and wonderful, and came to Novgorod. And gray-haired elders in Novgorod, be his name is Rurik, and others are gray-haired on Beleozero, Sineus; and thirds in Izborsk, his name is Truvor. And from those Varangians, the finder of those, nicknamed Rus, and from those the Russian land will speak and the essence of Novgorod people until today is from the Varangian family.

It can be seen that The Tale of Bygone Years attributed the foundation of Novgorod to Rurik, then, according to the Novgorod Chronicle, Novgorod already existed when Rurik was called. And the inhabitants of Novgorod themselves called him. Was the Novgorodian of the 13th century wrong when he imagined Slovenes, Krivichi and Merya as city dwellers, Novgorodians? Imagine that it is not about city dwellers, but about the population of the vast expanses of the north of the East European Plain. So, these expanses are included in the union of tribes, Slavic and non-Slavic. But such a union must have some kind of center or capital. Novgorodian of the beginning of the 13th century. reasonably sees Novgorod in such a capital. Further, if an alliance of tribes drives out the Varangians, then from this one should assume an extraordinary unity of actions of the inhabitants of the vast expanses.

Such unity is possible only if the representatives of these tribes live in one center. The Novgorodian considers Novgorod to be such a center.

Imagine that these tribes expelled the Varangians and strife began between them. It would seem that these feuds must inevitably lead to the disintegration of tribal unions, to the separation of tribes from each other, to the formation of their centers. However, for some reason, the union not only does not break up, but, on the contrary, the warring clans make a joint decision to call on a new Varangian prince who would rule this federation "by right".

And then the Novgorod chronicler is right when he believes that such actions could be shown by Slovenes, Krivichi and Meryans only if they were not separate tribes, but separate parts of one people who could no longer disperse, but were forced to develop together and therefore they did not find any other way out than in the calling of the prince, vested with the task of reconciling the warring parties.

"And rise from city to city," the Novgorod Chronicle points out instead of Nestor's words that "they rise from generation to generation."

Archaeological finds made on Novgorod land prove that Novgorod originally consisted of several cities. Is it not them that the Novgorod chronicler has in mind? Moreover, it is difficult to imagine why the tribal centers had to fight if they existed hundreds of kilometers away from one another. It would be easier for them to disperse rather than fight.

Thus, the Novgorod version of the beginning of the XIII century. about the vocation of Rurik differs sharply from the original Kyiv record not only by the "ancientization" of the existence of Novgorod, not only by the assertion of its origin independent of the prince, but also by such details that correct the Kyiv chronicler's misconception about some group of tribes, capable, despite separating them vast expanses, to act together against the Varangians, to call them together again, to build their own cities not in order to be separated, but in order to unite again, etc.

The picture of events, according to the Tale of Bygone Years, is unusually contradictory from the point of view of scientists' ideas about the mixed ethnic composition of the population of the forest north. On the contrary, the text of the Novgorod Chronicle, reducing all these events to the territory of one city, eliminates and explains the contradictions in the chronicle of the monk Nestor.

In addition, the very famous words of the ambassadors themselves about the calling of a foreign ruler in The Tale of Bygone Years, which sound: “Our land is great and plentiful, but there is no order in it,” are only one of the possible options for translating the text of the chronicle into modern language. The expression "there is no order" is often taken literally, as an indication of chaos from anarchy. However, the word "order" is not in the original source. In The Tale of Bygone Years, according to the Ipatiev list in Old Church Slavonic, it is written: “our land is great and plentiful, but there is no dress in it”, moreover, a number of other lists (for example, in the same Novgorod Fourth Chronicle it is written “our land is good and great is , is abundant in everything, but there is no worker in it.” At the same time, researchers understand the word outfit as the authority for certain activities, in this case, to exercise power functions, and under the worker - the ruler of the principality.

Thus, the assumption put forward by M.V. Lomonosov, an ardent opponent of the theory of the Normanists, that it was not the weakness and inability of the Russians to govern, as the supporters of the Norman theory stubbornly tried to assert, but the class contradictions that were suppressed by the strength of the Varangian squad were one of the reasons for calling the Varangians.

About the Varangians, Lomonosov writes the following: ““ Whoever prescribes the Varangian name to one people does not argue correctly, many strong evidences assure that they consisted of different tribes of languages. They were united only by one thing - by robbery, which was then common across the seas.

According to Lomonosov, all northern peoples were called Varangians, as proof of this, he refers to Swedish, Norwegian, Icelandic, Slavic and Greek historians of that time. The Varangian tribes were warlike and made many military campaigns. Passing through the land where the Slavs and Chuds lived, they periodically stopped in the area of ​​the city of Kyiv where they kept the loot.

Referring to the Varangians - the Russians, Lomonosov wrote that: "" The Varangians and the Prussians descended from the same generation ... "" And Rurik, in his opinion, was called to the possession of the Slavs from the Varangians - the Russians, while he refers to the chronicler Nestor.

Lomonosov puts forward a hypothesis about the origin of the name of the Prussian family: "" When Rurik with his brothers with the whole family and with the Varangians - the Russians moved to the Novgorod Slavs, then the remaining inhabitants after them in their former places were renamed Porussians or the remaining Russians. Based on ancient sources, Lomonosov wrote: that Lithuania, Zhmut and Podlyakhia were called Rus. Even before the arrival of Rurik to the Novgorodians and spread along the southeastern shores of the Varangian Sea, based on this, we can say that the territory of the Varangians - Russ extended to the eastern limits of White Russia, and maybe to Staraya Rusa, from which it got its name . At that time, several peoples submitted to Rurik: Slavic - Novgorod, Izborsk, Polotsk, from Chud - measuring, all, muroma, i.e. Rostov, Belo - lake, Murom land. The southern Slavs - glades, Krivichi, Drevlyans, northerners and others, were partly ruled by their elders, and partly paid tribute to the Khazars. The northern Slavs from their new owners were nicknamed the Russians.

Another of the possible reasons (in addition to the above) calling Rurik was his blood relationship with one of the Novgorod posadniks - Gostomysl. The first legends about Gostomysl appeared in the 15th century. in the First Sofia Chronicle, which tells that the Ilmen Slovenes set up the city of Novgorod and planted the elder Gostomysl in it.

In the annals of the Novgorod Book of Degrees, it is indicated that Gostomysl died at a ripe old age. His grave supposedly exists in the area of ​​Bolotov Hill near Novgorod. According to the Ioakimov Chronicle of the 17th century, before his death (844), Gostomysl invited his grandson Rurik, the son of Umilya's daughter, who was married to one of the West Slavic princes from the island of Rugen (modern Rügen in Germany), to reign in Novgorod to observe dynastic succession.

According to the chronicle, Gostomysl is a very brave man and a wise ruler. His own subjects were deeply respected and honored, because he was a great justice, and the neighbors, fearing a war with him, sent him gifts and tributes. Many foreign rulers came by sea and land to see his court, ask his advice, taste his wisdom.

The chronicle tells that Gostomysl had four sons and three daughters. The daughters married neighboring princes. Some sons died a natural death. Others died in the war. Therefore, there was no one to inherit power. But one day in a dream, Gostomysl saw how a large and fruitful tree grew from the womb of his middle daughter Umila, which covered the entire Great City and from the fruits of which all the people of his land were fed. Gostomysl demanded to interpret his dream. The magicians-prophetists declared that the son of Umila would be the heir, who would lead to the flourishing of his land. Before his death, Gostomysl gathered the elders from the Slavs, Rus, Chud, Vesi, Mary, Krivichi Dregovichi, told them about his dream and sent the chosen people "over the sea" - for his grandson.

Unfortunately, no exact confirmation of this legend has yet been found, but such a combination of circumstances was quite possible, and in the history of many European states there are examples that, in the absence of a direct legal heir in the male line, they turn to heirs in the female line.

Thus, Rurik can be regarded as a completely legitimate "heir" of the ruler of the Slavic lands.

Causes, however, some doubt about the exact dating of the events set forth in the "Tale of Bygone Years".

Why did the chronicler attribute the appearance of Rurik to 862? You can try to explain this. The chronicle was created during the time of Yaroslav the Wise, that is, in the first half of the 11th century (and the first version was completed by 1039). The chronicler had to refer to the events of almost a century and a half (for him) ago, and he could rely mainly on folk legends, which, of course, do not fix any exact dates. The chronicler reasoned as follows: Prince Igor, as he knew, was a contemporary of the Byzantine emperor Roman I Lecapenus, and therefore they had to end their careers at the same time. The emperor retired from the political scene (although he did not die) around 945, and the chronicler attributed the legend of Igor's death to the same year. (The fact that he used dates from the creation of the world does not change anything in the course of the argument. We also note in parentheses that in the same Byzantine sources Igor is also mentioned as alive in 949.)

Further, he reasoned as follows: according to medieval ideas, the human age is 33 years, and if you subtract 33 from 945, you get 912, and made 912 the date of Igor's reign and the death of his predecessor Oleg. Then he repeated the operation, subtracting 33 from 912 - and received 879, the date of Oleg's coming to power and the death of Rurik. And isn’t an amazing coincidence alarming you: both Oleg (879 - 912) and Igor (912 - 945) ruled for exactly the same period, and this period corresponds to the epic figure “thirty years and three years”! But Rurik came to Russia as a mature husband and head of his kind. Therefore, it would be too much to give him a full century, 33 years - and the chronicler divided this figure in half and subtracted from 879 not 33, but only 17. And he got 862, which thus became the "beginning of Russian statehood."

Thus, in 2012 another anniversary date is celebrated - 1150 years of Russian statehood.

Chapter 4

The further circumstances of the life of the first Russian prince are described in the Joachim Chronicle. This source notes that Rurik had a son, Igor. The son was a minor when, in 879, his father died and Oleg, who was called in the Russian chronicles either a governor or a grand duke, came to power. The uncertainty of the chronicles regarding the status of Oleg is explained by the fact that he was a relative of Rurik, and not his heir. According to the Joachim Chronicle, he is called the "prince of Urman", that is, Norwegian, the brother of Rurik's wife. Oleg, nicknamed the Prophet, successfully continued the aspirations of his predecessor. Most importantly, he succeeded in a fateful business - to unite the north and south of the country. Kyiv became the capital. In Europe, the formation of a powerful state - the "empire of Rurikovich" - was completed.

The founder of the new dynasty and his successor, having come to rule in a foreign country, realized that they should take into account local interests and carry out the internal tasks of the young Russian state. The tributes and irregular trade and trips were replaced by the growing regular direct and intermediary trade of Russia with Scandinavia. Not only coins, but also Russian and oriental things began to arrive in increasing quantities in the lands of the Vikings. During this period, contacts between Eastern and Northern Europe sharply expanded. Scandinavian newcomers, whether they were warriors, the court elite, merchants, craftsmen, joined the local life, willingly settled in Russian cities, built ships and forged weapons, made jewelry, and later went into the service of Russian princes. Where paying off their Scandinavian neighbors, where encouraging their military, diplomatic and merchant activities, the Varangian (Norman) leaders of Russia by origin strengthened the country, built new fortresses, created a multi-tribal army and equipped it with heavy weapons, directed for their own purposes the military activity of the Varangians who found themselves on expanses of the Russian plain. They used them as a foreign mercenary part of the state army. In place of disparate tribal areas, a single economic and social space arose. The actions of the rulers of Russia contributed to the security of the northern lands and expanded international trade. The choice of Rurik militarily seems to have justified itself. Until the end of the tenth century. the Scandinavians did not attack the regions of Ladoga and Novgorod, preferring trade, transport and interstate ties to war. At first glance, this looks paradoxical. The warrior Varangians, who became an integral part of the ancient Russian ruling class, brought not shocks, but peace to several generations of the inhabitants of Northern Russia. Its economic growth accelerated. Perhaps this was one of the reasons for the powerful political and military impulse that came from the north and contributed to the formation of an all-Russian state.

In commemoration of the 1000th anniversary of Russia in 1861-1862. in Novgorod, a multi-figure monument was erected, made by the sculptor M.O. Mikeshin and his assistants. Among the main characters, we see Rurik in the form of a warrior in a helmet, chain mail, with a sword. The year 862 is marked on the shield. Russia turned out to be perhaps the first country in Europe at that time, where a monument was erected to the Norman, in this case the founder of the dynasty and, as they thought, the state.

The figures cast on Rurik's shield - "862", for all their conventionality, are a major milestone in the life of Russia and Scandinavia. Then the peoples of these countries entered the arena of European history together. The year 862 is worthy of being recognized as a state date, not ashamed of the fact that it is imprinted on the shield of a Norman stranger. The Tale of the Calling of the Varangians, which has preserved precious moments of historical truth, also encourages this.

Russia has always been distinguished by life-giving ties with the whole world, including Scandinavia. Russian-Norman contacts during the period of the creation of the state enriched the technology and culture of both countries and accelerated their development. From the Slavs and other Eastern European peoples, the Scandinavians received furs, slaves, honey, wax, grain, adopted the techniques of cavalry combat and eastern weapons, and joined the construction of cities. The Scandinavians, Slavs and Finns enriched themselves with Arab silver, which poured into European markets along the great waterways from the "Varangians to the Greeks" and from the "Varangians to the Arabs."

The influence of the Varangians on Russia, no doubt, was quite significant. In addition to legislation and statehood, the Scandinavians bring with them military science and shipbuilding. Could the Slavs on their boats sail to Constantinople and capture it, ply the Black Sea? Tsargrad is captured by Oleg, the Varangian king, with his retinue, but he is now a Russian prince, which means that his ships are now Russian ships, and for sure these are not only ships that came from the Varangian sea, but also cut down here in Russia. The Vikings brought to Russia the skills of navigation, sailing, orienteering by the stars, the science of handling weapons, and military science.

Thanks to the Scandinavians, trade is developing in Russia. At the beginning of the 9th century, Ancient Russia was just some settlements on the way of the Scandinavians to Byzantium, then the Varangians began to trade with the natives, some just settled here - who would become a prince, who would be a combatant, who would remain a merchant. As a result, the Slavs and Varangians together continue their journey "from the Varangians to the Greeks." Thus, thanks to its Varangian princes, Russia first appears on the world stage and takes part in world trade.

Already Princess Olga understands how important it is to declare Russia among other states, and her grandson, Prince Vladimir, finishes what she started by carrying out the Baptism of Russia, thereby transferring Russia from the era of barbarism, from which other states left long ago, into the Middle Ages.

Thus, despite the obvious inconsistencies in the contradictions in chronicle sources, it is clear that The Tale of Bygone Years still contains real facts in its basis - the coming of the Varangians to Russia is a historical event that positively influenced the development of Russian statehood.

Rurik Norman Varangian

Conclusion

1150 years have passed since the events in question. Of course, now it is impossible to imagine exactly how the process of Rurik's reign took place. It seems to me that the proud and not at all weak Slavic tribes could not call just a stranger to lead their people, and even more so, a sea robber, which was then the majority of the Varangians. I am still inclined to believe that Rurik really was a blood relative of one of the Slavic leaders (posadniks). And he took the title of the first Russian prince by birthright.

List of used literature

1."The Tale of Bygone Years" translated by D.S. Likhachev. Perm, Perm book publishing house, 1991

2.N.M. Karamzin "On the history of the Russian state." Moscow, Enlightenment, 1990.

.IN. Klyuchevsky "Course of Russian History" 1 volume Moscow, "Thought", 1987.

.History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 17th century, ed. A.N. Sakharov. Moscow, "AST", 1997.

.CM. Solovyov "On the history of ancient Russia" Moscow, Drofa Publishing House, 1997.

.Books taken from the Internet:

DI. Ilovaisky "On the imaginary calling of the Varangians"

Novgorod First Chronicle of the Senior and Junior Editions. Complete collection of Russian chronicles.

A.N. Kirpichnikov "The legend of the calling of the Varangians - legends and reality" A. Degtyarev, I. Dubov "Beginnings of the Fatherland. Russian history»

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). The Varangians from overseas levied tribute from the Chuds, and from the Slovenians, and from the Mary, and from the Krivichi. And the Khazars took from the glades, and from the northerners, and from the Vyatichi, a silver coin and a squirrel from the smoke.
In the year 6368 (860).
In the year 6369 (861 ).
In the year 6370 (862). They expelled the Varangians across the sea, and did not give them tribute, and began to rule themselves, and there was no truth among them, and clan stood against clan, and they had strife, and began to fight with each other. And they said to themselves: "Let's look for a prince who would rule over us and judge by right." And they went across the sea to the Varangians, to Russia. Those Varangians were called Rus, as others are called Swedes, and others Normans and Angles, and also other Gotlanders - like these. The Russians said Chud, Slovenes, Krivichi and all: "Our land is great and plentiful, but there is no order in it. Come reign and rule over us." And three brothers were chosen with their clans, and they took all of Russia with them, and they came, and the elder sat down, Rurik , in Novgorod, and the other, Sineus, on Beloozero, and the third, Truvor, in Izborsk. And from those Varangians the Russian land was nicknamed. Novgorodians are those people from the Varangian family, and before that they were Slovenes. Two years later, Sineus and his brother Truvor died. And one Rurik took all power, and began to distribute cities to his men - Polotsk to that, Rostov to that, Beloozero to another. The Varangians in these cities are nakhodniki, and the indigenous population in Novgorod is Slovene, in Polotsk - Krivichi, in Rostov - Merya, in Beloozero - all, in Murom - Murom, and Rurik ruled over all of them. And he had two husbands, not his relatives, but the boyars, and they asked for leave to Tsargrad with their family. And they set off along the Dnieper, and when they sailed by, they saw a small city on the mountain. And they asked: "Whose town is this?". The same answered: "There were three brothers" Kiy "Shchek and Khoriv, ​​who built this town and disappeared, and we are sitting here, their descendants, and pay tribute Khazars ". Askold and Dir remained in this city, gathered many Varangians and began to own the land of the meadows. Rurik reigned in Novgorod."

It follows from the text that they did not turn to all the Varangians for help, but to the Varangians-Rus. And it was these Varangians-Rus, together with Rurik, who came to the Slovenes. With the advent of Rurik and the influx of the Varangians-Rus, the chronicler connects the fact that all the East Slavic tribes began to be nicknamed Rus. The chronicler finds confirmation of this in the Greek chronicles.

"In the year 6360 (852), indicta 15 when he began to reign Michael , began to be called Russian land. We learned about this because, under this king, Russia came to Constantinople, as it is written about this in the Greek annals.
"In the year 6374 (866). Askold and Dir went to war against the Greeks and came to them in the 14th year of the reign of Michael. The king was at that time on a campaign against the Agarians, had already reached the Black River, when the eparch sent him a message, that Russia is marching on Tsargrad"
Thus, with the appearance in Novgorod and Kyiv of the Varangians, called Rus, the chronicler connects the appearance of mentions of Rus in the Greek chronicles in connection with the campaign of Askold and Dir against Tsargrad a few years after the capture of Kyiv.
For us, the story about the calling of the Varangians is also important because here again, as in the undated part of the chronicle, Nestor stubbornly contrasts the Varangians with the Swedes and the Normans. I specifically highlighted this place. This once again shows that the Varangians-Rus had nothing to do with Scandinavia, the Swedes and the Normans.

The formation of the Russian state is inextricably linked with such an event as Today, there are heated discussions between historians about whether this event takes place in the history of the country or whether it was skillfully invented by the chroniclers. First you need to figure out who these same Varangians are - the descendants of Russian princes. According to the theory of some scientists, Scandinavian Vikings were called Varangians in ancient times. From some sources, the Byzantine origin of the Varangians is also known. This term was used to refer to warriors who were in a special position at the court of the Byzantine emperors, starting from the 11th century. In accordance with ancient Russian sources, mercenaries from across the sea (in this case, the Baltic) were considered Varangians, regardless of their nationality.

According to the chronicle, in the fall of 862, the calling of the Varangians took place, this date, of course, is very arbitrary, however, it is she who appears in many written sources of those years. The main source that contains detailed information about the origin of this event is The Tale of Bygone Years. However, the Varangians appeared in Russia long before their calling. It is known that, starting from the ninth century, the tribes of Slovenes, Chuds, Krivichs and others regularly paid tribute to the soldiers who came from behind the Varangian, that is, the Varangians. By 862, these warriors were expelled from the Russian lands by the combined forces of the Slavic tribes, however, soon after this event, fierce internecine wars began between the tribes themselves. It was then that their representatives decided to call for the reign of the prince from the side and went in search of him across the sea.

The first Varangians called to rule in foreign lands were three brothers: Rurik, Sineus and Truvor, who occupied the cities of Izborsk and Ladoga, as well as the shores of the White Lake. By the way, today there is a certain point of view according to which the names Sineus and Truvor are fictitious chroniclers. At the same time, there are many sources indicating that these names really existed and were very common among the ancient Scandinavians. The management of the first princes of the lands consisted in collecting tribute from them in favor of maintaining the troops in case of war. In 864, he moved from Ladoga to the new and well-fortified city of Novgorod and gave Polotsk, Beloozero, Murom and Rostov, the capital of the Krivichs, to the rule of his brothers. This distribution of land contributes to the formation of the first autocratic state in the north of Europe called Upper Russia. Thus, the calling of the Varangians to the Russian lands took place and the beginning of the rule of the ruling country was laid right up to the end of the 16th century.

This event never ceases to excite the minds of modern researchers and history buffs. For example, in the chapter of The Tale of Bygone Years devoted to vocation, one can find a lot of contradictions. If the Varangians were expelled from the Russian lands, why was it decided to turn to them to call the prince? Historians explain this strange behavior of our ancestors as follows: the tribes, freed from the exactions of some invaders, were preparing for a new, more crushing onslaught of others. The threat of a Scandinavian attack on the northern Russian lands was very real. The calling of the Varangians to rule and the choice of Rurik as a manager contributed to the preservation of peace in the Slavic lands, and also protected them from attacks by previously hostile Scandinavians.

The formation of the Russian state is associated with the name of Rurik. The existence of this historical figure today is confirmed by many facts, however, disputes about who Rurik really was are still ongoing. Some scientists identify him with a certain wandering Danish knight Rorik, who was an excellent warrior and bravely served his masters, competently defended their lands and made successful raids on the lands of their neighbors. By the time the Varangians were called to the Russian lands, Rorik had gained invaluable experience as a diplomat, commander and adventurer. Perhaps it was he who was called as a prince by the envoys of the ancient Russian tribes.

Despite all the disputes of scientists about whether the elders of the tribes did the right thing by calling on a foreigner to rule their lands, this event had a great impact on the development of the country as a whole. The Varangians brought with them good weapons capable of protecting against the onslaught of the enemy, perfect ships, contributed to the organization of trade between Russia and other European states. At the same time, they received honey, wax, grain from the Slavic peoples. The Scandinavians were enriched by Arab gold, which poured into their lands along the famous sea routes "from the Varangians to the Arabs" and "from the Varangians to the Greeks."