At the end of the war, the political situation in the country began to deteriorate sharply. Powerful strikes of the working class and peasant uprisings swept northern India, especially in Bengal. In 1945-1946. Calcutta became the scene of mass demonstrations by the population, who more than once erected barricades in the fight against the British military and police punitive forces. In February, there was an uprising in the fleet, which received a wide response in North India. A revolutionary situation was created in the country.
The Labor government of England was forced to yield. On August 15, 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru raised the flag of independent India at the historic Red Fort in Delhi.

Two states were formed: India and Pakistan. The gain of independence was overshadowed by the grandiose clashes between Muslims and Hindus and Sikhs that took place during the division of the country, the resettlement of millions of refugees. The economic consequences of the partition were also severe. All this was most felt in the east and northwest of North India. The situation was complicated by the armed conflict of 1947-1949. between India and Pakistan due to the principality of Kashmir, which entered India as a separate state. In 1947, the national leader, M. K. Gandhi, was assassinated by an extremist religious fanatic.

During the first years of independence, when India remained a British dominion, efforts were made to overcome the negative economic consequences of the partition of the country in 1947, the Indianization of the government apparatus, and the integration of Indian principalities into the states of independent India. The Constituent Assembly in 1949 adopted a new constitution, according to which India became a sovereign republic on January 26, 1950, retaining some ties with the Commonwealth, the successor to the collapsed British colonial empire.

Achievement of the main goal of the liberation movement - political independence - led to a new broad regrouping of political forces. Intensified social class contradictions came to the fore. Against the backdrop of continued mass actions of workers and peasants, a split occurred in all organizations of workers, especially in trade unions, where three main trade union centers were organized: under the auspices of the INC - the Indian National Congress of Trade Unions, the CPI-VIKP and the United Congress of Trade Unions under the auspices of the congress socialists who left the INC who took shape in the People's Socialist Party. The left-wing trade unions in North India enjoyed the greatest influence in Bengal, in individual industrial centers such as Kanpur and Delhi.

The Communists retained their influence in the Kisan Sabha, which led powerful peasant uprisings in the 1940s and early 1950s in Bengal, Bihar, the United Provinces and Punjab. The peasants demanded the abolition of the zamindari system, the reduction of rents and taxes, and the granting of tenants' property rights. In 1948, the INC announced its intention to carry out an agrarian reform. In the party itself, a sharp struggle unfolded over the question of the strategy and tactics of the economic and socio-political development of the country. In 1951, the center-left wing led by J. Nehru won a victory, as a result of which a course began to be pursued towards the bourgeois

INDIA DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR

Declaration of India as a belligerent

On September 3, 1939, India, without the consent of its political parties represented in the Central Legislative Assembly, was declared a belligerent by the British Government. Immediately after that, the Indian Defense Act was introduced in the country, which provided for the creation of special tribunals to consider cases related to "crimes against the defense of the country." The law gave the authorities the right to ban rallies, dissolve any organization and arrest people if their activities were deemed dangerous to the defense of India.

India's involvement in the world war provoked protest from the Indian public in the form of anti-war, anti-imperialist demonstrations and strikes. On September 14, the leadership of the Congress issued a statement emphasizing the party's principled position on issues of war and peace. If the war is waged to protect the status quo, imperialist possessions, colonies, interests of certain groups and privileges, the statement said, the Indian people cannot allow the resources of the country to be used for such purposes. If it decides the fate of democracy and the world order based on democracy, then India is deeply interested in this. If Great Britain is to fight for the preservation and expansion of democracy, she must by all means put an end to imperialism in her own dominions and establish full democracy in India. Its people must have the right to self-determination. A free democratic India is ready to unite with other free countries for the sake of common defense against aggression and for the purpose of economic cooperation.

The leadership of the Congress also stated that the outbreak of war is a crisis of all mankind, which will change the face of the world in political, social and economic terms. India, with its vast resources, can play an important role in the reorganization of the world, but only as a free nation. The Congress urged the British Government to state its war aims for democracy, imperialism and the proposed new order, and how these aims would be carried out in India. "The greatest tragedy will happen if even this terrible war is waged in the spirit of imperialism and in order to preserve the present order, which in itself has become the cause of the war and human degeneration."

According to Nehru, it would not be difficult for the mother country to publish a declaration on the freedom of India and link it to the needs of the war. If Great Britain had the desire and will to recognize the freedom of India, then all contradictions could be reconciled with the common consent of the parties concerned. Since local governments, formed after the elections of 1935, were already operating in the provinces, a national apparatus of power could be created in the center for the period of the war. He would organize the war effort on a national basis, secure co-operation with the army, and act as a link between the people and the provincial governments on the one hand, and the British government on the other. And further, all other constitutional issues could be postponed until the end of the war, after which the elected Indian representatives would draw up a permanent constitution and conclude a treaty with Great Britain that ensures mutual interests.

On October 17, 1939, the colonial administration published a "White Paper" in which it confirmed the promises made earlier: after the end of the war, to develop a new constitution with the participation of representatives of different communities, political parties of India, as well as Indian princes. The Congress, on the other hand, insisted that the constitution of India should not be drafted through consultations with the leaders of parties and communities, but by a Constituent Assembly, which would be elected by the Indian people on the basis of universal suffrage. As Nehru wrote, the colonial authorities “refused all our requests. It became clear to us that they do not want to see us as their friends and colleagues, but only slaves who would carry out their orders. Congress stated that Britain's refusal to comply with its demands was indicative of the imperialist nature of the war. Therefore, he invited his ministers in eight provinces to resign in protest, which was done. In response, the colonial administration introduced gubernatorial rule in these provinces and created governments from officials appointed by it.

The Muslim League also refused to support Britain in the war. At the same time, on the occasion of the cessation of congressional governments, Jinnah declared December 22, 1939, "the day of deliverance and thanksgiving." He emphasized that it is "the high command of the Congress that bears the main responsibility for the evil that has been inflicted on Muslims and other minorities." Although it was obvious that the congressional governments in the provinces did not have full power, but, on the contrary, were seriously limited by the entire system of colonial government, of which the 1935 law was part.

India's participation in the war was also opposed by the Communist Party of India, which was in an illegal position. In the resolution on war adopted by the party leadership in November 1939, German fascism was called the main warmonger, and British imperialism was viewed as a force encouraging fascist aggression with the aim of directing it against the USSR. The CPI considered it necessary to use the military crisis to achieve the independence of India. On this issue, the Communists collaborated with the Congress Socialist Party and the mass organizations of the Congress - trade unions and peasant unions.

The growing anti-war sentiment in the country forced the British authorities to issue a new statement on the British policy in India on January 10, 1940. It indicated that the mother country was ready to grant dominion rights to India after the war in "the shortest possible time." At the same time, the UK will be responsible for the defense of India for 30 years after India becomes a dominion. The leadership of the Congress rejected this proposal. On January 26, 1940, when "Independence Day" was celebrated, Congress called on the people to fight for the freedom of the country.

Subhas Chandra Bose played a prominent, albeit controversial, role in shaping Indian public opinion towards Great Britain and other participants in World War II. Even before the start of the war, he paid great attention to the analysis of the situation in Europe and Asia. At the Congress session in Tripuri in March 1939, he declared that the most important event of the past year was the Munich Treaty, which was the "direct surrender" of Great Britain and France of their positions to Nazi Germany. As a result, France ceased to be the dominant power in Europe. Hegemony passed to Germany without firing a shot. Somewhat earlier, the defeat of the republican government in Spain strengthened the positions of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. “The so-called democratic powers—France and Great Britain—joined Italy and Germany in conspiring to remove Soviet Russia from European politics, at least for the time being,” Bos wrote. But how long will this be possible? There is no doubt that as a result of recent international events in Europe, as well as in Asia, British and French imperialism will suffer significant damage.

According to Bos, who visited Europe on numerous occasions in the 1930s, Nazi Germany would never have dared to annex Austria and take over Czechoslovakia if Britain and France opposed it. He believed that British politicians were either deceived by Hitler or "deliberately helped" Germany to establish hegemony on the European continent. "Britain surrendered to Hitler, and this meant the actual creation of an Anglo-German alliance instead of an Anglo-French alliance." Bos also believed that France could save Czechoslovakia and prevent a subsequent war. "...If the French had resolutely told Britain and Germany that they supported Czechoslovakia, then Russia would have played its part."

Bos proceeded from the fact that Russia was persistently and persistently striving to conclude an agreement with Great Britain and France. "And only after she was convinced of the complete hopelessness of achieving this, she decided to sign a non-aggression pact with Germany." Bos responded to this event with an article in his Forward Bloc newspaper on August 26, 1939: "... if war breaks out between Germany and Poland, the sympathies of the Indian people will be on the side of the Poles." And in relation to India, he wrote: “If the Russians and Germans, who only yesterday were sworn enemies, can bury the hatchet in the event of a world crisis, then should not Congress put an end to internal differences and unite efforts to lead the country to achieve complete independence? » And further: “The time has come to tell Britain in the most understandable way that India will not allow her human, financial and material resources to be used for an imperialist war ... If the war does not start within a few days and if the current storm clears, we should not be so stupid to consider that the crisis is finally resolved ... If Herr Hitler wants war, he will never have trouble finding a convenient excuse. Therefore, we in India must be aware that the current international tension will continue and we must prepare accordingly.”

The subsequent course of events forced the Indians to rethink the situation, taking into account the changed situation. “When the German hordes captured Paris (June 14, 1940),” Bos wrote in his newspaper the day after, “who would have thought that they would be able to achieve their goals so quickly?” It is difficult to predict how events will develop “if Great Britain is also captured. The United States of America cannot go beyond certain limits in its assistance to the allies, unless Japan creates any problems in the Far East ... ". What should be India's position in such a political situation? Bos asked.

This way of thinking of Bos was associated primarily with the events in Europe, where an extremely unfavorable situation was developing for England. It is quite possible that it was then that he matured a plan of his own actions for the liberation of India. On January 17, 1941, Bose escaped from house arrest in Calcutta, first to Peshawar, then to Kabul. There, through the embassies of Germany and Italy, he received a transit visa for a trip through Moscow to Berlin. On March 31, Bos met in Moscow with the German ambassador to the USSR, Schulenburg, and left for Berlin by train. He reportedly had no meetings in Moscow with Soviet political leaders.

The reaction of Indian political parties to world events

At the beginning of the war, the statements and actions of the British leaders and Hitler's war plans were of particular importance to the Indians. The German occupation of Belgium and the surrender of France in June 1940 caused great concern in India. In those days, Hitler declared (in the presence of the Chief of the General Staff of the German Army, Halder): "We are looking for points of contact with England on the basis of the division of the world." And soon after that, in a narrow circle of close employees, he said: “The army is the backbone of England and her empire. If we defeat her expeditionary force (in Europe), the empire will perish. Since we do not want and cannot become her heirs, we must leave her a chance.

Hitler later confirmed this idea in a conversation with US Deputy Secretary of State S. Welles, who, as Roosevelt's personal representative, visited Rome, Berlin, Paris and London in February-March 1940. In a conversation with him, Hitler spoke of the desire to live in peace with England. He stressed that the Germans did not want the destruction of the British Empire. The same idea was expressed to Welles and H. Goering, declaring their readiness to guarantee the integrity of the British Empire. Attempts to reconcile Germany and England continued later. One of the main conditions was the preservation of the integrity of the British Empire.

Further events in Europe - the German occupation of Belgium, France, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, German air raids on England - led to the strengthening of the position of those Indians who supported the British military efforts.

Under these conditions, the Muslim League, at its session in Lahore on March 24, 1940, adopted a resolution that contained a requirement for the British authorities to create independent states in the North-West and East of the country where Muslims constituted the majority of the population, in which the constitutional units that form them should be autonomous and sovereign. The resolution stated that this should have been provided for in the drafting of India's future constitution. The resolution was introduced to the League by the Chief Minister of Bengal A.K. Fazlul Haq. It is possible, notes V.Ya. Belokrenitsky, that it was for this reason that it provided for the creation of not one, but two Muslim states. Jinnah supported the resolution, but spoke in favor of one Muslim state.

In his speech at the session, Jinnah emphasized: “We know that the history of the last 1200 years… has shown that India has always been divided into a Hindu India and a Muslim India… The present artificial unity of India dates back only to the British conquest and is supported by British bayonets. But also the end of the British regime... will proclaim a complete collapse with the worst disasters that have ever occurred during the last thousand years under Muslim rule.

Jinnah specifically noted that "Muslims are a nation ... and they must have their fatherland, their territory and their state." According to O.V. Pleshov, the theory of two nations was needed by Jinnah not so much as an ideology of state building, but as a means of achieving political goals. The most important of these was the division of India and the creation on its territory of separate, independent states of Hindus and Muslims.

Congress at its annual session in April 1940 at Ramgarh decided to begin preparations for a civil disobedience campaign to protest India's participation in the war. However, no concrete steps have been taken in this direction. Then in July 1940 the leadership of the Congress made another attempt to reach an agreement with the British government. It declared that it was ready to take part in the British military operations if a provisional responsible national government was created in India and the British authorities announced the granting of independence to India after the war. Congress proposed that a national government be formed by the Viceroy within the framework of the current constitution.

During this critical period of the war for Britain, Prime Minister Churchill spoke frankly about the importance of colonial possessions for the preservation of his own country. The attention of the Indians was especially attracted by Churchill's speech in the House of Commons on May 13, 1940, in which he said: “It is necessary to understand: the British Empire will not be able to survive - everything for which it existed will perish, what mankind has defended for centuries, what for centuries what it aspired to and what it will aspire to. In another speech in Parliament on June 4, 1940, Churchill declared: “... we will never surrender; but even if, which I do not for a moment admit, this island, or the greater part of it, is captured... then our Empire across the oceans, armed and guarded by the British fleet, will continue the fight until, in God's blessed hour, the New World will advance forward with all your strength and might to save and liberate the Old World." When Churchill spoke of "our Empire", he had in mind, of course, India first of all.

At that time, the question of the invasion of the Nazi army into the British Isles was widely discussed in the world. This is also evidenced by the fact that a month before the fall of Paris, Churchill was forced to take an extreme and even humiliating step - to address Mussolini with a message in order to keep Italy out of the conflict. Mussolini's response, in Churchill's words, "was cold." And on June 10, 1940, Italy declared war on France and England. In those days of 1940, Churchill wrote: “... we were completely alone. Not a single English dominion, neither India, nor the colonies could give us decisive help or send us what they themselves had in time.

On June 16, 1940, Churchill sent a message to the Prime Ministers of the British Dominions (Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa) to show them his determination to continue the fight. He did not consider it necessary to send anything like this to India, since it was under the direct control of Great Britain. He wrote: “I personally believe that ... even if we are defeated due to superior numbers of enemy aircraft, it will always remain possible ... to send our fleets across the ocean, where they will protect the empire and enable it to continue the war and the blockade, I hope, together with the United States until Hitler's regime collapses under tension."

That is, at the most critical hour, Churchill saw the salvation of Great Britain precisely in the empire, the main part of which was India. England used India not only as a source of huge resources, but also for the education and training of troops there, who were relocated from her dominions and colonies (Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, etc.) for military operations in the Middle East and North Africa. In June 1940, he wrote to the British Ambassador to the United States, Lothian: “You must dispel ... the unconcerned assumption of the United States that they will be able, as a result of their policy, to pick up the wreckage of the British Empire. On the contrary, they are exposed to the terrible risk that their power at sea will be completely broken.

The British government was seriously concerned about developments in Europe and under these conditions refused to reconsider its previous position towards India. His response to Indian demands for independence, dubbed the "August Proposal", ignored the views of most Indian political parties and their leaders. Nehru noted that this refusal was formulated in the most arrogant terms and was accompanied by the glorification of English domination and English politics. Behind all this was hidden “a firm intention to the last opportunity to cling to India as the possession and property of the empire; imperialism did not want to unclench its claws, which it had sunk deep into the living body of India.

On August 29, 1940, The National Herald, which is close to Congress, published an article emphasizing that the liberation of India would have a strong impact on world public opinion, including the British. It also directly stated: "We are confident that if the war is long, England will not be able to win without the cooperation of America, India and Russia." “India offered the UK cooperation on terms that are honorable for both sides. A whole year of negotiations, consultations, speeches and debates ended with a complete refusal by Britain to grant freedom to India.

Gandhi, Nehru and other leaders of the Congress believed that the liberation of India was not only her business. India, in their view, was the symbol of all colonial and exploited peoples, the touchstone against which world politics was tested. If hundreds of millions of people in the colonies knew and believed that a war was being waged for their liberation, this would be a moral factor of great importance, even from a military point of view. But the policy of the colonial government prevented this. During the war, all attempts by the Congress to at least temporarily solve the "Indian problem" failed, and its demands were rejected.

Third Civil Disobedience Campaign 1940

In September 1940, Congress passed a resolution calling for a campaign of civil disobedience against the British authorities. In order to prevent widespread popular unrest, under the leadership of Gandhi, a form of individual civil disobedience was chosen, which had the character of moral protest. Members of Congress appointed for this purpose, mainly from among the leaders of the party in the center, provinces and localities, made anti-war appeals and thereby violated the laws and regulations introduced by the colonial administration.

In accordance with the plan developed by Congress, the participants in this campaign were to formally declare to the authorities their intention to break the law, indicate the date, time and place of their action. Their task was to explain to the audience the essence of the following appeals: “Do not contribute money to the military fund; not to send Indians to war; not to give materials for military purposes. In case of arrest and subsequent release from prison, the campaigners had to continue their speeches again and again.

Prominent members of the Congress, including Nehru, joined the civil disobedience campaign. On October 31, 1940, he was arrested and sentenced by a court to four years in prison. An account of his speech at the trial was given in a number of newspapers, despite government persecution and censorship. The National Herald in Lucknow even managed to publish its full text on 5 November under the heading “The British Empire before a world court… Freedom in danger. Let's protect it with all our might." The authorities immediately issued a warning to the newspaper and banned Nehru's speech from being published in other print media.

At the trial, Nehru declared that he was not an enemy of the people of Great Britain, but opposed her imperialism, against the refusal of the colonial government to grant freedom to the Indian people. In Britain's war against Nazism and Fascism, Congress offered the British government cooperation on honorable terms. This collaboration was rejected. Therefore, the Congress was forced to resort to civil disobedience to give the Indian people the opportunity to express their opinion and decide what they should and should not do in this British war.

The last speech of Rabindranath Tagore on April 14, 1941, can also be attributed to this time. “The day will come when, by the will of fate, the British will have to leave India,” Tagore said. “But what terrible poverty they will leave behind, what devastation! When at last the stream of their two centuries of rule dries up, how much dirt and abomination will remain at the bottom! .. When I look around me, I see the crumbling ruins of a proud civilization, scattered like a big pile of garbage. Nevertheless, I will not commit a terrible sin - the loss of faith in Man. I believe that after the storm, in the sky cleared of clouds, a new light will shine: the light of selfless service to Man.

But then events developed in a different direction. By February 1941, about 25 thousand leaders and activists of the Congress - participants in the campaign of civil disobedience, were arrested, and it itself did not evoke a wide response in society. From the point of view of the colonial authorities, the campaign of civil disobedience posed no threat to the British Empire. Recruitment into the army continued at the same pace, the military industry increased production, and the number of jobs increased. The colonial authorities personally accused Gandhi and the Congress of preventing the victory of the allied forces over Germany. At the same time, full information about the activities of the Congress, its positions on the issue of war and the independence of India were carefully censored.

It was not until the end of 1941 that most of the participants in the civil disobedience campaign were released from prison. And this meant that for a whole year the leadership of the Congress was excluded from the struggle to defend their positions. The Muslim League took advantage of this, which launched a movement for the formation of an independent Pakistan, attracted large masses of Muslims to its side. In contrast to this, the Hindu Mahasabha began to propagate the slogan of a single indivisible India (Akhand Hindustan), but its influence among the masses was not so noticeable.

After the German attack on the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, there was a turn in attitude towards the war in a certain part of Indian society. At that time, the authority of the USSR in India was very significant. The leadership of the KPI announced that the nature of the world war had changed, and it had become a "people's war." The Communist Party called for support for Britain's military efforts and cooperation in the fight against Germany and Japan.

On December 24, 1941, Gandhi wrote an open letter to Hitler, in which he protested against the invasion of fascist Germany into the countries of Europe. He accused the Fuhrer of starting a war: “... your publications and statements by your friends and admirers leave no doubt that many of your actions are monstrous and contrary to human dignity…” Of India, Gandhi wrote: “We are in a unique position. We oppose both British imperialism and Nazism. If there is any difference between them, it is only in degree. One-fifth of humanity has come under the British heel, and this has been achieved by means that cannot withstand serious scrutiny... We know what British power means to us and to non-European races throughout the world. But we would never want to end British rule with the help of Germany." And then Gandhi directly condemned Hitler: “You will not leave your people a legacy that they could be proud of. He will not be able to take pride in a list of cruel deeds, no matter how skillfully they are planned. Therefore, I appeal to you – in the name of humanity, stop the war.” However, the censor prevented the publication of Gandhi's letter.

In January 1942, the Congress adopted a resolution expressing sympathy for the Soviet people in their struggle against fascism. The Soviet Union, it said, protects certain human, social and cultural values ​​that are of great importance for the progress of mankind, and it would be a tragedy if the cataclysms of war led to the destruction of these aspirations and achievements. The Congress expressed admiration for the amazing self-sacrifice and heroic struggle of the Soviet people for the freedom of their country.

India's contribution to the struggle against the Axis powers

India's strategic importance to the British Empire played an important role in the war. In a certain sense, the words of the former British Foreign Secretary George Curzon, who spoke about the central position of India, its huge resources, its growing population, its army, which can be transferred to any point in Asia or Africa, were confirmed. Curzon believed that "India is the center of defense of the British Empire."

Events in Europe (Munich, Germany's Anschluss of Austria, its capture of Czechoslovakia, the occupation of Poland, France, etc.) were accompanied by the preparation of Great Britain for war. Organizational and mobilization measures were taken in India in industry, transport, and the production of military materials. In 1939–1940 production was expanded at metallurgical plants. Eight factories were opened for the production of weapons and ammunition, including field guns, tanks, armored cars, machine guns, machine guns, bombs, shells, the construction of patrol boats and minesweepers, the first aircraft factory on equipment purchased from the United States, began. Work was underway to create chemical industry enterprises whose products could be used for military purposes.

In the very first days of the war, Indian industry received significant military orders for the supply of ammunition, steel and coal, iron ore, manganese, mica, jute products, khaki cotton fabrics, woolen products (blankets, overcoats and etc.). In the nine months since the beginning of the war, the production of military enterprises in India has grown six to seven times compared to the previous year. In connection with the war, the British administration introduced incentives for India's trade with the United States.

On the whole, during the war years, the greatest growth was observed in the branches of industry for military purposes and serving the needs of the army (cotton and food). During the war, India supplied food to the Anglo-Indian army stationed in the country itself, as well as to South African, American and Chinese troops stationed in India and Burma. In addition, India provided food for the Indian and British troops operating in North Africa, as well as in the Near and Middle East. And this despite the fact that before the war, it imported grain (1.5-2 million tons per year) from Burma, Thailand, and the countries of Indochina.

In November 1939, the British government concluded an agreement with the colonial administration of India (that is, with its own agent) on the distribution between the mother country and the colony of the costs of maintaining the Anglo-Indian army and conducting a number of military actions. The metropolis took upon itself the obligation to support the Anglo-Indian troops stationed outside India, and the Indian troops themselves stationed in India. In reality, however, most of these costs were passed on to India. According to official figures, military spending in India's budget during the war years amounted to 1,275 million pounds. In general, the cost of material resources withdrawn by Great Britain from India during the same period cost India no less than 2800 million pounds sterling.

In 1940, Frank Noyce, adviser to the British government on trade with India, described the importance of India during the war as follows: “Its most important economic function is to serve as a supply center for countries ranging from Egypt, where part of its troops are already stationed, to Malaya. She will ... do everything to supply raw materials and finished goods to the entire coast of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, thus freeing up the resources and, most importantly, the fleet of England for use in more important purposes. This is exactly what happened during the war. Through India, a part of American Lend-Lease supplies was also realized, which amounted to more than 2.1 billion dollars from March 1941 to September 1945.

The extreme strain during the war of India's resources, especially food, with its usual shortage and the absence of state stocks of grain, led to famine. In 1943, about a third of the country's population was starving. Most people died in Bengal and its largest city, Calcutta: according to official figures - from 1.5 to 2 million people, according to other estimates - from 3.5 to 4.5 million people. At the same time, as V.L. Pandit, who was in Calcutta at the time, “hunger coexisted alongside abundance. In Calcutta, the rich—foreigners and Indians—continued to live in abundance, surrounded by every kind of luxury, while the people outside their gates were dying of hunger and despair. Corruption was so great that fortunes were made during this period, and every death meant huge profits for food speculators and the like.

The famine in Bengal in 1943 demonstrated the inability and unwillingness of the mother country to solve the problems that arose in India, including through the fault of Great Britain. During the Second World War, England exported grain from India, aggravating its already difficult food situation. In the autumn of 1942, a cyclone and the ensuing tidal waves flooded vast crop areas in Bengal. As noted in the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Famine in Bengal (1944), much of the crop was lost. In 1943, about 6 million people were in the grip of hunger.

Viceroy Wavell sent a series of telegrams to Prime Minister Winston Churchill informing him that several million people were dying of starvation and food aid was needed. In response, Churchill sent a telegram to the Viceroy, in which he sarcastically asked: "Why hasn't Gandhi died yet?"

Indian Secretary of State Leopold Emery wrote to Churchill in connection with the Bengal famine: “Once it becomes known that food supplies from outside sources are not reaching India, the government of India will not be able to prevent the widespread concealment of food, and famine will spread with devastating speed throughout India. … The result could be absolutely fatal for our participation in the Second World War, and not only from the point of view of India as a base for our further operations. I don't think you have any idea how deep public opinion is already against the government on the issue of the Bengal famine, and what damage it has done to us in the eyes of the Americans. This is the heaviest blow that has already been dealt to our name as an Empire in our entire life. We simply cannot allow this to happen again, and on an even larger scale… After that, nothing will be able to keep India in the Empire.”

Despite enormous pressure from the Viceroy and the Indian Secretary of State, writes the English historian Alex von Tunzelmann, Churchill and the Bengali government insisted on a policy that resulted in "a kind of genocide by capitalism." The Government of India, in a panic, lied and deceived, saying that food was on its way. Later, an official government report claimed that the famine could have been avoided and that all actions in this regard were disastrous.

Anglo-Indian armed forces during the war years

The Anglo-Indian army was divided into two parts. The first is the regular units of the British army located in India, recruited in the mother country. The second is the so-called Indian army, manned in India. By the beginning of the war, the Anglo-Indian army was second in size in the empire after the English army proper, and at the end of the war even surpassed it. The Indian army was recruited as a mercenary. There was no conscription law in India. Most of the soldiers were recruited from Muslims, Sikhs, Hindu "military" and agricultural castes. During the war years, representatives of other castes, including the untouchables, began to be recruited.

Congress opposed sending Indian troops outside the country. This was the case in July 1939, when the British government sent some of these troops to Malaya, Iraq and Egypt. Seeing this as a preparation for the outbreak of hostilities, the Congress called on its members, the deputies of the Central Legislative Assembly, who constituted the majority in it, to boycott its meetings. The parties that supported the colonial government in this matter - the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and the liberals, on the contrary, continued to participate in the meeting.

In the Anglo-Indian army, the principle was strictly observed - an Englishman cannot obey an Indian. There was huge salary discrimination: an English officer received 4–5 times more than an Indian one. Indian soldiers and officers swore allegiance to the King-Emperor of England, were brought up in the spirit of protecting the security and integrity of the British Empire.

On the eve of the war, the Anglo-Indian armed forces numbered about 350 thousand people. The main group of armed formations (206 thousand) - the regular army - consisted of mercenary Indian troops recruited in India and Nepal (159 thousand), and British units (47 thousand) sent for a certain period from Great Britain. As part of the Indian divisions, one English was relied on for every three Indian regiments.

All aviation and armored units, as well as almost all artillery, were exclusively English. In addition, all responsible command positions in the Indian units were occupied by British officers. By the beginning of the war, there were only about 500 Indians in the rank of junior officers in the army. By 1944, the number of Anglo-Indian troops amounted to more than two million people. The Indian army was still mercenary. During the war years, the number of Indian officers increased markedly, of which in 1945 there were 8 thousand people (approximately 20% of the total number of officers of all armed forces). Among them were two brigadier generals, but basically the Indians were only junior officers, many of whom were in non-combatant units, administrative, sanitary, transport services.

During the war, about 2.5 million Indians were recruited into the army, who took part in the hostilities in North Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and Europe, in securing the transportation of goods from India and other parts of the empire through the Indian ocean, red and mediterranean seas. There were twice as many Indian soldiers in World War II as there were in World War I. Thus, India's contribution to the Allied war effort was very significant.