Philip III the Bold, King of France. Lerma - confidant of Philip III

Philip III(fr. Philippe III), nickname Brave(French le Hardi) from the beginning of the XIV century (April 30, 1245, in the castle of Poissy - October 5, 1285, Perpignan, buried in the Abbey of Saint-Denis) - King of France from August 25, 1270, crowned in Reims Cathedral on August 15, 1271.

Biography

Philip was the second son of King Louis IX and Margaret of Provence. He received his name in honor of his great-grandfather, Philip II Augustus. In 1260, after the death of his older brother Louis, he became heir to the throne.

Participated with his father in his last crusade and was proclaimed king in a camp on the African coast. Immediately upon his return to France, he humbled several recalcitrant vassals and achieved recognition of his supreme authority by the Archbishop of Lyons.

At the beginning of his reign, chamberlain Pierre de la Broce, a man of humble origin, enjoyed great influence in state affairs; but in 1278 he fell victim to the intrigues of the nobility, who acted on Philip through Queen Mary of Brabant. After the death of Bros, the abbot of the monastery of Saint-Denis Mathieu de Vendome and the seneschal Etienne Beaumarchais ascended. In addition to them, his uncle Charles of Anjou had an influence on the weak Philip. Yielding to his insistence, Philip put forward his candidacy for the throne of the German Empire, but unsuccessfully; because of Charles, he also got involved in Spanish affairs, in which defeat and death awaited him.

However, Philip also had his own interests in Spain. In 1275, he defended Navarre from the claims of the kings of Castile and Aragon, but his intercession for the French princess, who was married to the son of Alphonse X of Castile and deprived of her rights after the death of her husband (1276), did not lead to the desired goal.

Even more unsuccessful was the Aragonese expedition, undertaken after the Sicilian Vespers at the insistence of Charles of Anjou. Pope Martin IV, devoted to Charles and Philip, excommunicated Pedro of Aragon from the church, declared him deposed, and appointed one of Philip's younger sons in his place. The French army and navy, equipped to carry out these projects, suffered a complete failure: the fleet was twice defeated, and the army, delayed in its advance by the fortress of Girona, became a victim of disease. Philip, who led the campaign, also fell ill and died during the retreat.

In his reign the dominions of the crown grew. He took the escheated fiefs of the counts of Toulouse - Poitou, Saintonge, Toulon, Albijoie, Auvergne, Quercy, Agen, Rouergue, Vincennes; through the marriage of the heir to the throne with Joan of Navarre, Navarre, Champagne and Brie were annexed to France. In addition, the annexation of Lyon and Montpellier was prepared.

Family and Children

1st wife: (since May 28, 1262) Isabel(1247-1271), daughter of Jaime I the Conqueror, King of Aragon. They had 4 sons, two of whom died in childhood:
1. Louis (1264 - May 1276).
2. Philip IV the Handsome (1268-1314), King of France from 1285, King of Navarre by his wife Jeanne I.
3. Robert (1269-1276).
4. Charles (1270-1325), Count of Valois. Count of Anjou, Maine and Persh by his first wife, nominal Emperor of Constantinople by his second. From 1285 to 1295 he bore the title of King of Aragon.

2nd wife: (since 21 August 1274) Maria(1256-1321), daughter of Henry III, Duke of Brabant. Had 3 children:
1. Louis d'Evreux (1276-1319), Count d'Evreux.
2. Blanca (1278-1306), wife from 1300 of Rudolf III of Habsburg (1282-1307), Duke of Austria, then King of Bohemia (Rudolf I).
3. Margaret (1282-1318), 2nd wife from 1299 of Edward I (1239-1307), King of England.

Philip III of Spain. End of reign

With age, Philip III began to have doubts about Lerma's personal merit and politics. The king began to travel much less in Castile and stayed in Madrid for a long time, especially after the death of the queen. His independence grew before his eyes. Increasing scandals and changes in the international situation paved the way for a change in the course of Spanish politics. Clouds were slowly gathering in the political sky. The number of international conflicts in which Spain was drawn into grew steadily. In the autumn of 1618, Philip III finally dissociated himself from Lerma. Having thought more than once about taking holy orders, Lerma finally received the consent of the papal throne for the cardinal rank and retired to Valladolid.

Lerma gave way to his son, but the Duke of Useda never managed to take the position that his father had once achieved. On November 15, 1618, Philip revoked his ordinance, which allowed the signature of royal laws and favors by trustees. From now on, all important political matters considered in collegiate councils, and major personnel decisions required the personal signature of the king. Thus, towards the end of his reign, Philip III emerged from the shadow of the valido.

By the end of the second decade of the 17th century, the Spanish court became increasingly aware that the policy of peace did not bring any benefits to Madrid. This mainly concerned the truce with the Netherlands. After the founding of Paramaribo (1613), the Dutch further expanded their presence in the area between the Orinoco and the mouth of the Amazon. Three years later, Fort Hooge (Kikoverol) was built, the most important Dutch stronghold until the conquest of Penambuque (1630). And the Portuguese failed to stop the activities of the Netherlands in the Amazon. Finally, in 1615, Dutch ships appeared off the Peruvian coast to plunder the silver fleets. The fleet under the command of Jori van Spielbergen rose to the Mexican Acapulco, where the insufficiency of the Spanish defense in America also appeared in all its nakedness. The news about the further expansion of the network of Dutch trading offices in Asia was received with particular pain in Madrid.

The Spanish blockade by the Manila Armada, which in 1617 inflicted heavy losses on the East India Company, brought only short-term relief. Merchants and ships from the United Provinces from 1619 undeniably controlled trade between the Spice Islands and Europe. It was mainly the Portuguese who suffered from this turn of events. There was no end to their reproaches to Philip III that he had taken too little action to protect the Lusitanian fleet, and Lisbon's distrust of Madrid regarding the latter's desire to defend Portuguese interests took root. So, in such circumstances, there was nothing to even think about extending the already fragile truce expiring in 1621. The danger of a new war was looming.

After the “Prague throwing out of the window” on May 23, 1618, which led to a sharp deterioration in the position of the House of Habsburg in the Empire, Madrid was seriously alarmed by the formation of an anti-Spanish coalition in Europe, as it almost happened over the conflict with Venice. The Czech crown was claimed not only by Frederick of the Palatinate, the "winter king", but also by the Duke of Savoy. The fact that the Dutch will not stand aside, in Madrid were absolutely sure.

The Lerma group, which wanted to strengthen itself more strongly in the Mediterranean, was losing ground under its feet. In the summer of 1618, the faction that opposed any regional localization of political security interests won. The old guard of politicians and officials, formed under Philip II, demanded from now on the global protection of the interests of the entire state. The experienced Swing, who knew the position of the state firsthand, and his nephew Olivares now stood for a policy of unconditional support for the Austrian line. The extent to which this already apparent change in foreign policy and, in particular, the “Prague throw out of the window” contributed to the fall of Lerma remains to be seen by researchers.

Baltasar de Zuniga even insisted that, due to Bohemian unrest, the trip to Portugal planned by Philip III was once again postponed, since decisions of state affairs made it necessary for the presence of the king in Madrid. However, this time the king did not want to cancel the trip. In his absence, the now leading faction championed a close rapprochement with Vienna. Spanish troops played a decisive role in the defeat of the Bohemians at the Battle of White Mountain (November 3, 1620). Subsequently, they also occupied the Rheinpfalz from Brussels onwards. Until the end of his reign, Philip III placed at the disposal of his cousin in Vienna approximately 40,000 soldiers and 3.4 million guilders.

Philip's trip to Portugal, due to disturbing processes in the state, was significantly reduced and perceived by the Portuguese class assembly with annoyance, in addition to taking the oath of allegiance to the son of Philip III, the future king of Spain and Portugal, did not give any tangible results. On the way back, which, due to the events in Bohemia, the king set off earlier than planned, Philip began to have bouts of fever. On his return he fell ill and never recovered. Meanwhile, the State Council was pursuing a new foreign policy line. So at the end of the reign of Philip III, Spain returned to the dynamic foreign policy that Philip II had led and which, under Philip IV, his valido, the Count of Olivares, was destined to continue.

King of Spain and Portugal

Philip III of Habsburg, Felipe III de España

“I'm afraid that they will manage it. God gave me vast countries, but did not give me an heir, ”the complaint that Philip II expressed at the end of his life regarding his son Philip II, to this day defines the portrait of Philip III. With this monarch in Spanish historiography begins the age of three "Austrias menores" (ordinary Habsburgs), the era of decline and the loss of Spain's dominant position in Europe. Philip III took over as world superpower. He was king not only of Spain and its territories, that is, the American and Asian colonies, but also king of Sicily and Naples, duke of Milan and heir to the Burgundian imperial lands; he owned the Portuguese kingdom with its colonies and trading offices spread across America, Africa and Asia.

A young monarch in the shadow of a mighty ancestor

It took quite a bit of time for Philip III to win over the public. In the first weeks after the death of his father, the messengers of the Italian cities almost unanimously praised the energetic, young monarch of Madrid. Against the background of the paralysis that struck state affairs in the last years of the painfully fading Philip II, his son seemed to radiate new energy. First, the young king tried his military fortune. In 1601, the Armada was equipped, which was to sail to the shores of Ireland to assist the Irish rebels in the fight against the British. The operation failed as the troops landed in the wrong place and entered the battle too late. At the same time, the eyes of the new monarch turned to the North African coast. There was a tradition in this, for even Charles V tried to destroy the pirate nest - Algeria.
But Philip's fleet also had to turn back at the very entrance to the harbor (1603). But the Marquis Ambrosio di Spinola, the commander-in-chief of the Spanish troops in the Netherlands, managed to recapture Ostend in 1604. And yet, after 1606, military fortune again turned away from the Spaniards.

It wasn't long before the brilliance of the new monarch began to fade. The characteristic features that Philip III was endowed with even before his accession to the throne began to appear more and more clearly. There was a rumor about the heir to the throne, who was constantly ill in childhood and adolescence, that he was weak-willed and indifferent to state affairs. But, they say, he is greedy for fun and entertainment, mainly preferring hunting and tournaments. He is completely unaware of the difficult financial situation of the monarchy. If his father, as a rule, spent fourteen hours a day parsing documents, then his son was not at all distinguished by such industriousness. His wedding in Valencia (1599), celebrated a few months after taking the throne with Margaret of Austria, who arrived from Vienna, was furnished with excessive luxury, which, in view of the empty treasury, immediately caused criticism of the new ruler.

Not only Philip III is guilty of a categorically negative assessment of his reign. Of course, in terms of willpower, he was far from his father or grandfather. In addition, Charles V and Philip II knew how to present themselves skillfully, thanks to which they appear to us almost as the first sovereigns of the Counter-Reformation. And if the grandfather and father constantly traveled around and saw many parts of Europe with their own eyes, then Philip III never left the Iberian Peninsula. Only once (1599) did he visit Catalonia. The repeatedly postponed trip to Portugal - to present and take the oath - he, to the great displeasure of the class assembly, made only at the end of his reign (1619). In general, for Philip III, who ascended the throne at the age of twenty, the comparison with his ancestors must have been completely disadvantageous and painful.

Only in the historiography of the last two decades there are attempts to correct this portrait inherited from the past and treat the reign of Philip III more fairly. Although the undoubted weaknesses of the king's character weighed down his reign, it is still necessary to take into account the heavy economic and military legacy inherited by Philip III from his father. After all, it was in the last years of his father's regime that the overstrain of military and economic resources was clearly manifested. Two years before the accession of Philip III to the throne, his father was forced to declare bankruptcy of the state for the third time. Both the internal and external political situation, completely independent of the economic depression that had begun, made it urgently necessary to respite, which was finally obtained under Philip III.

Lerma - Confidant of the King

The bad reputation of the reign of Philip III is mainly due to the style of its implementation. Whereas under Philip II a system of collegiate bodies, councils and special special commissions was established, the new ruler primarily relied on only one adviser, who, as special chancellor or prime minister, assumed a variety of official duties - a trend that was already beginning to appear. at the end of the reign of Philip II. This new position of first trustee (valido, privado) was held by Francisco Gómez de Sandoval y Rojas, 5th Marquis of Déña, later Duke of Lerma. The influence of Lerma, who as head equerry accompanied the infante on horseback and hunting, began to show itself, to the petty jealousy of his colleagues at court, even in the time of Philip II. After that, he was appointed Viceroy of Valencia (1595) and thus removed from the court, but returned to Madrid two years later. The day after his accession to the throne, Philip III instructs the members of the royal councils that the entire flow of documents should henceforth pass through the hands of his privado. In December 1598, Lerma received the no less important post of chamberlain to the post of equerry, allowing him to enter the royal chambers at any time. From now on, Lerma follows the monarch on the heels and thus controls all the activities and contacts of Philip.

To the best of his ability, Lerma tried to clear the yard of unwanted critics. The former supporters of Philip II, who at the same time turned out to be opponents of the favorite, had to leave Madrid. Garza de Loyas, archbishop of Toledo and former teacher of the new king, who once expressed doubts about the abilities of the monarch and Lerma, was also removed from the court, as was Cristobal de Moura, who, as an experienced member of the State, Military Councils and the Council of Portugal, was entrusted with the position of Viceroy of Portugal . In May 1599, the experienced politician Rodrigo Vasquez de Arce, who belonged to Philip II's close confidants and acted as president of the Council of Castile, left the capital. The Grand Inquisitor Pedro Porto Carrero, another detractor of the valido, was removed from his post.

Among the former close confidants of Philip II, few managed to maintain a prominent position at court; among them Juan de Idaqués. And yet, not all appointments required Lerma's personal approval. The Military Council appointed directly by Philip III and the Spanish representations in Italy consisted entirely of trusted military officers and officials. Therefore, it is a mistake to speak of Lerma's complete control over the bureaucracy, as is done in classical historiography.

It goes without saying that the valido used his power to place his trusted agents in important government positions. Lerma purposefully created his group, where family and kinship ties played a decisive role. In order to protect the young king from the influence of the court in the very first year, the experienced, almost twice his age, forty-five-year-old Lerma organized trips for the monarch. However, the privado could hardly make full use of the freedom of action thus obtained. He himself lacked those qualities that are necessary for a person occupying such a responsible position. His penchant for self-deception did not go unnoticed by his contemporaries. He was as receptive to flattery and praise as he was reluctant to study documents. Decisions were often shelved. Nevertheless, not only this method of government, but also the local personnel policy aroused criticism of contemporaries, because it inevitably turned into corruption. Therefore, Lerma's reign was accompanied by endless financial scandals.

At the end of 1606, members of the Council of Castile and the Council of Finance, the Marquis of Villalonga and Alonso Ramirez de Prado, as well as Pedro Alvarez Pereira, a member of the Council of Portugal, were arrested on charges of embezzling tax revenues. All three defendants belonged to the closest henchmen of the privado. The investigation revealed embezzlement on such a scale that soon people in Madrid started talking about the "second Indian fleet", since the value of the embezzled property was almost equal to the royal income from the supply of American silver. In 1611, a close confidant of Lerma, the royal secretary Rodrigo Calderon, who managed to obtain the title of "Marquis of Siete Iglesias" and who also appropriated huge sums, fell under the scope of criticism - he was sent to Italy. In both cases, the dissociation of the king from Lerma was expressed in his passivity. The fact that since 1612 the privado could, on behalf of the king and instead of him, sign all administrative orders, changed little in that by this time the power of the first confidant of Philip III had already begun to decline. Both his henchmen and the favorite himself provoked public opinion with their proverbial greed.

Although there was never a shortage of critics who scourged the extravagance of the court, Lerma nevertheless aroused a special dislike for Philip III's aunt, the Empress Maria. The wife of Emperor Maximilian II and the mother of Emperors Rudolf II and Matthias I, she retired to the Madrid Franciscan monastery Descalzas Reales in her old age. In her understanding, royal dignity did not fit in with the manipulations of the privado. Lerma also met a dangerous opponent in the person of Queen Margaret, the wife of Philip III. Repeatedly, it was she who demanded the favorite to answer for his machinations, making it clear that by his behavior he harms the royal reputation. Not least because of the influence of the empress, and also in order to resist the opposition palace party, Lerma succeeded in moving the court to Valladolid. This migration to the old Castilian city undoubtedly marked the high point of his official career (1601-1606). And yet he himself had to capitulate to the significance of the old capital. At the beginning of 1606 (the empress died in 1603), the court returned to Madrid. Lerma was cunning enough to, shortly before the announcement of the decision to move to Madrid, to sell his king a house in Valladolid for a high price.

The reason for the nomination of Lerma today is seen not only in the weakness of the king, who allowed himself to be urged on by his first confidant. The figure of valido should be seen as the first step towards the development of the office of head of government, a kind of prime minister, called upon to manage the growing and increasingly time-consuming bureaucracy and to carry out the day-to-day duties of state. This would allow the sovereign to concentrate on essential and important matters. Similar tendencies also appeared in England and France. In addition, the figure of valido should be regarded as an attempt by the high nobility to regain that influence in the kingdom, which the collegiate councils and state bureaucracy threatened to deprive the aristocracy of. So it was not the role of the privado as such that was attacked, but rather Lerma's specific methods of exploiting this provision.

Institutes

Of course, the characterization of royal rule is far from exhausted by the negative coverage of the figure of Lerma. From Philip III and his favorite, of course, also came stable positive impulses for state institutions. Already his father, along with collegiate councils, very often relied on special commissions, which, however, often led to overlapping functions and administrative friction. This administrative dualism continued under Philip III. For example, in 1600, the Council of War of America was created to assist the Council of India in order to increase concern for the defense of the American coast and sea lanes.

Of particular note is the increased attention given to the Council of India, which has resulted in the establishment of a dedicated personnel department. The importance of the Military Council, which included ex officio members of the Council of State, also increased. However, the Council of State, which under Philip III rose to the position of the supreme deliberative body, is destined to remain so in the following time and throughout the stagnant regime. After intense activity in 1598, his institutional position in 1600 was further strengthened. Since then, the State Council met at least once a week.

The composition of the State and Military Councils clearly demonstrates that Lerma's dominance was not undivided. The most influential representatives of the highest aristocracy gathered in the meeting room of the State Council, and not all of them can be considered adherents of privado. Among them were, for example, the dukes: Alba, Infantado, Albuquerque, Najera and Medina Sidoña; Counts: Fuensalida, Fuentes, Chinchon and Adelantado de Castilla. Whereas under Philip II the high nobility felt left out of the deliberative bodies, under Philip III they seized the opportunity to regain influence over the court and politics.

After joining the Council of State between 1610 and 1620, the confessor of King Luis de Allaga and the ambassador Baltazar de Zuniga, the decision-making process began to be influenced by individuals who cannot be considered Lerma's henchmen. How much this body cared about the reconciliation of various currents and social groups is evidenced by the fact that it was not the highest aristocracy that played the leading role in the State Council. Such prominent figures as Idiakes, Ambassador Suniga and confessor Allaga had a very modest origin: from the small and service nobility or the middle clergy.

Crisis symptoms and public finances

Lerma's long reign was based not only on personal control over the monarch. It is also explained by his policy aimed at saving the resources of Castile and ending the war on several fronts. There were signs of a crisis in the Iberian Peninsula itself. Its first serious harbingers (demographic) were the plague epidemics that broke out in 1596-1602. According to some estimates, 500,000 people died, mainly in Castile, i.e. approximately 8 percent of the population. Compared to this, the loss of life in the areas of the Aragonese crown was much less. These areas were generally in a privileged position due to tax incentives. As the number of households in the Castilian cities dwindled, the capital had to take in an ever-increasing number of visitors. After the return of the court from Valladolid, the population of Madrid grew in a short period from 50,000 to over 100,000 inhabitants - with all the accompanying social and sanitary problems.

Economic data also point to crisis trends. Thus, from about the eighties of the 16th century, the production of grain in Castile decreased, as a result of which, in the first decade of the 17th century, the level of gross harvest fell sharply. In the second and third decades, stagnant production indicators became characteristic of the entire economy. If under Philip II such old Castilian cities as Burgos, Medina de Rioseco and Medina del Campo were still centers of trade and textile production, then under Philip III their importance steadily decreased. Not least the responsibility for the decline of the textile industry lies with cheap imports. By the end of the reign of Philip III, the first disruptions in overseas trade also became noticeable. Residents of the American territories increasingly made do with goods of their own production, such as wine, vegetable oil, and textiles. American attempts to provide themselves with local wheat were greatly stimulated, in particular, by the high price of Castilian grain.

The problem of public finances must have first arose in all acuteness in 1602. In that year, the necessary expenses for the next year could only be covered by the crown from tax revenues. Consolidation of finances was not least hampered by the epidemic, which reduced the number of taxpayers. Therefore, during the reign of Philip III, when it was never possible even approximately to equalize incomes with constantly growing expenses, there are large volumes of issuance of copper money - vellons (vellones). The Vellones increasingly forced silver coins out of circulation, which gave rise to protests by the Castilian class assembly (Cortes) against the devaluation of money that followed.

The supply of American silver had always been an important factor for Philip II, on average covering 25 percent of government revenues, but by the end of the reign of Philip III there was a turnaround. With even higher production - it did not fall sharply until 1640 - most of the silver settled in America itself.

In attracting financial resources, the crown primarily focused on Castile. In no other territory - not in the lands of the Aragonese crown, nor in Portugal, the Spanish Netherlands or the Italian possessions - could she succeed in increasing tax revenues. Castile and - through overseas supplies of silver - the American possessions bore the main financial burden of imperial policy. During his father's reign, taxes quadrupled. Under Philip III, despite a respite from hostilities, there was no tangible improvement for the Castilians.

The meaning of the estate assembly

Contrary to the previous assertion that after the defeat of the comuneros - the rebellious Castilian cities (1521) - the Cortes allegedly lost political significance, in the reign of Philip III the Castilian class assembly again showed its invincible strength. Recent studies clearly point to the important role of the Cortes in the voting of taxes. In 1594, financial volumes approved by the Cortes barely accounted for 40 percent of the total revenues to the treasury. In the reign of Philip III, taxes and duties authorized by the Castilian Cortes rose from six million (1601) or, respectively, from more than five million (1621), to exactly half of all royal income.

How important this institution continued to be is shown by the fact that between 1573 and 1664 the Cortes met on average for eight months a year. Without the approval of the Castilian class assembly (it consisted of the nobility and clergy from representatives of 18 Castilian cities after leaving it in 1539), it was impossible for the crown to raise taxes, and especially the ever-increasing excise taxes on wine, vegetable oil and meat. The cities and their envoys demanded a high price for these financial concessions: tax exemptions, other privileges for city communes, not forgetting personal gain. Therefore, from a socio-historical point of view, it is worth noting that the nobles, that is, the estate, which formally no longer participated in the Cortes since 1539, acted as deputies of the cities. During the 17th century, more and more representatives of the highest aristocracy began to appear among them, in which the struggle of this class for the right to participate in the government of the state was clearly manifested.

Of course, the crown also tried to control the Cortes, for example, Lerma himself represented the cities of Madrid (1607) and Burgos (1615). But every time the compromises reached at the meetings of the Cortes fell a burden on the shoulders of ordinary Castilians, therefore, in the general circles of the population, these class meetings did not enjoy good fame.

Although the reign of Philip III was spared from major uprisings and even minor manifestations of regional separatism, dangerous signs of a social crisis still made themselves felt. The most striking symptom was the high rise in crime. Those who set off along the roads of Catalonia and Valencia had to reckon with the risk of attack by robbers. It was in these areas that banditry became regular, which the Catalan nobles even partly condoned. But in the following decade, the number of robbers increased even more. Travel in Castile also became extremely dangerous. Night attacks were especially widespread in the rapidly growing capital.

These manifestations of the social and economic crisis were imprinted in a wide stream of treatises, for the authors of which (arbitristas) a kind of "golden age" began in the 17th century. The most frequent complaints expressed, for example, by the clergy Martin González de Sellorigo and Sancho de Moncada, are primarily the unbearable tax pressure that put pressure on the Castilians, while taxes were much lower in other parts of the state. In a somewhat different vein, there were calls to the Castilians and, accordingly, the Spaniards: to revive the crafts and return them to their proper prestige. The wasteful way of life of the nobility was condemned, as well as the exorbitant possessions of the church, which, according to many authors, did not benefit the entire population, but only a few. In particular, for many among the Castilians, a fair division of farmland was the desired goal; prospects for the development of agriculture were associated with this.

Decline of Science and Economics

The cultural life of Spain consisted of very contradictory phenomena. Despite the "golden age" of literature associated with such names as Cervantes, Lope de Vega and Quevedo, there were clear signs of a crisis in spiritual life. Although important works of state-legal and social-legal content were still being published, nevertheless, Spanish academic literature was declining. The share of scientific titles in publishing products has decreased, as the centers of the Castilian book trade show, by a third. The spiritual climate, not least under the influence of the Inquisition, gave rise to an over-prudence that stifled everything new in the bud. So university science gradually became stagnant and degenerated into routine scholasticism.

A noteworthy exception was the Jesuit-led schools. Since 1559, Castilian students could study only in Spain - the only exceptions were Naples, Coimbra, as well as the papal universities of Rome and Bologna. For the unification of spiritual life, due to the desire to resist the spread of heretical ideas, Spain paid the price of academic backwardness. It can be considered that the spread of natural science knowledge of the 17th century practically did not affect Spain.

The peaceful respite provided the regime with an opportunity to approach the "problem" that, in his opinion, had long been in urgent need of solution: the expulsion of the Arab population (1609). The connection between the truce with the Dutch, who gave the Spanish a free hand in the North Atlantic, and the expulsion of the Moriscos, which indicates increased attention to the Mediterranean theater of operations, is quite obvious. After the conquest of Granada (1492), part of the Arab-Muslim population remained to live on the Iberian Peninsula. After an uprising in 1568-1570, the Moriscos were settled in Castile, however, as it turned out, they were reluctant to succumb to cultural and religious assimilation. The share of the Arab population was especially numerous in the region of Valencia, where the Moors conducted intensive vegetable growing and horticulture with extensive use of irrigation systems according to the Arab model. The cause for concern was their alleged ties to the Ottoman Empire. Such rumors were born more and more often.

The Moriscos were also associated with numerous predatory attacks by North African pirates on the Spanish coastline and the capture of Spanish ships. It was rumored that the French king allegedly incited them to revolt in order to open a front in Spain itself. Recent studies unanimously agree that the expulsion of the Moriscos laid a heavy burden on the Spanish economy. About 270,000 mostly industrious, skilled small peasants and artisans left the country. Together with the demographic losses from the plague of 1598-1602, Spain lost a good ten percent of its population in just a decade.

On the contrary, Antonio Canovas del Castillo, a 19th-century Spanish historian and statesman, argued that through the expulsion of the Moors, Spain had eliminated an explosive hotbed of internal political crisis. The presence of the Moriscos later, in the crisis year of 1640, would allegedly have contributed to the exacerbation of the separatism and regional conflicts that rocked the Iberian Peninsula that year.

Pax Hispanica (Maritime Spain - lat.) and military conflicts

In foreign policy, the reign of Philip III and his privado is considered the time of Pax Hispanica. Yet in the beginning, peace politics did not come to the fore at all. Even under Philip II, preparations began to end the conflict with France. Philip II, who stubbornly tried to influence the religious war in France, was forced, however, to understand that with France united by Henry IV, a peaceful understanding was henceforth inevitable.

An important prerequisite for Pax Hispanica in Western Europe was the conclusion of peace with England. The failure of the Irish expedition especially favored the readiness to settle conflicts. After the death of Elizabeth I (1603) and the accession to the throne of James I (1604), they managed to reconcile with the second main enemy in the North Atlantic.

The rebellious Netherlands represented a highly problematic legacy. Already under Philip II had to say goodbye to the idea of reconquering these territories. The presence of the Dutch in the oceans has long been the sole cause of the war. Since 1598, they took control of Punta de Araya, a coastal strip of the Venezuelan coast rich in salt deposits. It was at this time that the beginning of the development of Dutch Guyana between the Orinoco and the Amazon fell. 1605 dates back to the successes of the Dutch in Asia, namely the Moluccas, and 1607 marked the beginning of their activity on the Guinean coast.

The Dutch onslaught on the Portuguese-Spanish empire served as the main impetus for the start of negotiations for a truce. At the end of 1606, Spinola's troops in the Spanish Netherlands rebelled because of a delay in pay. The desire for peace became even stronger among the Spaniards in the following year, all the more so as the financial collapse of the monarchy became more and more obvious. With annual revenues of approximately 5-6 million ducats, expenses rose to 13 million (1607). Following the example of his father, Philip III declared the state bankrupt.

At the end of 1609, Madrid was perplexed about a twelve-year truce with the United Provinces. The reaction of the court was highly hostile, if only because Spain saw that none of its essential demands had been met. Although the peace process was initiated by Philip III and Lerma, nevertheless Spinola and Archbishop Albrecht, acting in Brussels in the interests of public finances and realizing that further continuation of hostilities would not lead to a solution to the problems, agreed to the proposed conditions, without asking for direct confirmation. from Madrid. Spain compromised on two significant points: the Dutch could not be persuaded either to cede their American possessions, or to abandon the project of the West India Trading Company and reduce the activity of the East India Trading Society. Otherwise, both sides recognized each other's overseas possessions.

No less painful for Madrid was the lack of guarantees of tolerance for Catholics in the United Provinces. Even at this point, the Counter-Reformation stronghold failed to win a formal concession from the Dutch. On the contrary, Spain recognized the independence of the Netherlands, a move that the Dutch allies France, England and Venice were quick to repeat. Palace circles and the public placed the blame for such an unfavorable world personally on Lerma. After it became obvious that the Dutch not only did not stop the hostilities at sea, but, on the contrary, even intensified them, the peace negotiations were completely discredited.

The truce was met with hostility not only by the military-political opposition. Over time, voices began to be heard in Castilian cities calling for tougher protectionism in view of the increased influx of cheap imports from Western and Northern Europe into Castile. The peace policy once again made it easier for foreigners to trade in Castile. And Dutch shipping forwarders flooded the Spanish market with Baltic grain. In addition, inexpensive northern European cloth began to compete dangerously. The Cortes insistently put forward the demand for an increase in customs duties to protect local producers.

The latest research shows that Lerma's peace policy did not seek a truce at any cost. Rather, the valido saw the Mediterranean as the main sphere of Spanish hegemony. Therefore, first of all, it was necessary to take care of protecting their own coast. At the same time, he proceeded from the fact that Charles V and Philip II acted much more successfully in the Mediterranean than in the North Atlantic. Thanks to the respite obtained, it seemed that an opportunity arose to strengthen the position of Spain in the Maghreb and the Levant. The Ottoman Empire was in conflict with the Shah of Persia, Abbas I, and according to the calculations of the valido could only half-heartedly resist Spanish expansion.

In order to prevent attacks by North African pirates, Spain sought an alliance with Mouli el-Sheikh, who ruled in Marrakech. The conquest of the Moroccan port of Larache (1610) and the attack on the pirate citadel of La Mamora were further steps in the fight against sea robbery. The Viceroy of Naples, the Duke of Osuna, was instructed to push the Turkish fleet off Malta and the Greek coast. And if the Atlantic fleet was barely manned and in great financial difficulty, the sailors of the Mediterranean were in a better position. On the contrary, for financial reasons, the project of the oceanic Windward Fleet (Armada de Barlovento), which was supposed to protect the coast of the American colonies from European corsairs, fell through.

Lerma's peace policy relied heavily on the calm conduct of the French king. Although in those years Henry IV was not looking for a direct confrontation with Madrid, he did not sit idly by either. In Upper Italy, the classic arena of Habsburg-French tensions, which played the role of a counterbalance to Spanish hegemony, he secured a freedom of action, which he willingly used. In 1613, the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel, after the death of Francis IV, Duke of Mantua, claimed the margraviate of Montferrat, which belonged to this duchy. This alarmed the Spaniards, who feared the expansion of the Savoy sphere of power and the loss of the strategic route from Italy to the Netherlands (the "Spanish road"). Thanks to his pro-French and accordingly anti-Spanish position, Charles Emmanuel became one of the first fighters for the cause of freedom in Italy.

Despite the defeat of Savoy, the Treaty of Asti concluded in 1615, which provided for the preservation of Montferrat as part of Mantua, was celebrated in Italy as a diplomatic victory. On the Spanish side, because of the small benefits, it was regarded as a shameful peace and again brought severe criticism to Lerma, especially since the military operations of the Savoyards did not stop.

But it came to a serious confrontation between Madrid and Henry IV only in connection with the Lower Rhine inheritance, when the French intervened in the dispute over the order of succession to the throne of the duchies of Jülich, Cleve and Berg on the side of the Protestant Union (1610). However, the assassination of Henry IV by a member of one of the monastic orders, the Frenchman Ravaillac, who was repeatedly associated with Spanish agents and Jesuits, averted the possible danger of war. Since Bourbon was about to drag the Netherlands into this conflict, the death of the most Christian king meant a double relief. It affected not only the Empire, but also had a positive impact on the peace process between the Netherlands and Spain. Without the assassination of the French king, the truce would certainly not have lasted twelve years. In addition, Spain managed to strengthen its position on the Lower Rhine. In 1614, Spinola captured the strategically important Wesel, which he held until 1629.

Italy remained the arena of anti-Spanish policy even after the death of Henry IV and the Treaty of Astia. Following the Savoys, the Venetians intensified their resistance to Spanish rule. After the Uskoks, the Albanian-Serbian pirates operating off the Croatian coast of the Adriatic and which had long been tangibly disturbing maritime communications in these waters, switched to open hostilities, the Venetian Republic again felt squeezed from all sides. The Austrian Empire tolerated the Uskoks, even supported them. After fruitless attempts at mediation, the conflict escalated again in 1615 into the war for Gradisca and Friol.

To prevent the emergence of a Spanish-Austrian alliance, Venice concluded a defensive pact with Savoy and Holland. The Habsburg-Venetian confrontation culminated in the execution and display of the corpses of three supposedly Spanish agents accused of plotting against the Republic of St. Mark (i.e., the Venetian Republic). Undoubtedly, the official policy of Madrid and its representatives, the energetic governor of Milan, the Count of Fuentos and the Neapolitan Viceroy Osun, who, on his own initiative, sent ships to the Adriatic Sea, so that they, together with the Uskoks, annoyed the Venetians, was openly directed against the Maritime Republic. However, there is no evidence of a secretly prepared conspiracy, which the other side accused of.

The main pillars of Spanish foreign policy were, as before, dynastic relations with the Austrian line, despite Lerma's strenuous efforts to forge strong ties with France. The marriages concluded in 1612 and 1615, respectively, between Philip's daughter Anna and the French king Louis XIII and the heir to the throne Philip IV with Isabella Bourbon were prepared with the direct participation of valido. The succession dispute in the House of Habsburg again raised the importance of the Spanish line. The treaty of 1611 confirmed that the branching of the Austrian line could only take place with the consent of the Spanish Habsburgs.

The unity of the House of Austria was also the subject of the Treaty of Oñate (1617) - named after the Madrid ambassador in Vienna - by which the line of Ferdinand II in the Empire was given precedence over the Spanish cousins. However, being the grandson of Emperor Maximilian II, Philip III could lay claim to Bohemia and Hungary if Ferdinand had not left male heirs. With regard to the succession to the throne in Bohemia, the treaty immediately after promulgation provoked protests in Prague.

In return, the Spanish cousin demanded a part of Alsace and Northern Italy, which were to serve to ensure the safety of the "Spanish road". And although there were no concessions to the Alsatian territory, the demands of Madrid in Upper Italy were partially satisfied. And again, as in the case of Philip II, there was talk of the possibility of his candidacy for the emperorship in the Holy Roman Empire, so similar speculations were repeated in relation to his son. However, this was as unrealistic as Philip II's aspirations for a "Spanish heritage" in the Empire.

Madrid was connected not only with dynastic treaties with the policy of the Austrian line. Both ambassadors, Baltasar de Zuniga, the future member of the Council of State, and his successor, Count Ognate, both in Vienna and in the rest of the Empire, especially zealously advocated the unity of the Catholic camp. It was Suniga who played a decisive role in the formation of the Catholic League under the leadership of the Duke of Bavaria. His negotiations at the Munich court made a significant contribution to the implementation of this alliance. For his part, Oñate, on the issue of succession to the throne in the House of Habsburg, supported the counter-reformist Ferdinand of Stirsky, the future Ferdinand II.

End of Lerma

After the “Prague Throwing Out of the Window” (a conflict called the “Prague Defenestration”) on May 23, 1618, which led to a sharp deterioration in the position of the House of Habsburg in the Empire, Madrid was seriously alarmed by the formation of an anti-Spanish coalition in Europe, as it almost occurred over the conflict with Venice. The Czech crown was claimed not only by Frederick of the Palatinate, the "winter king", but also by the Duke of Savoy. The fact that the Dutch will not stand aside, in Madrid were absolutely sure.

The Lerma group, which wanted to strengthen itself more strongly in the Mediterranean, was losing ground under its feet. In the summer of 1618, the faction that opposed any regional localization of political security interests won. The old guard of politicians and officials, formed under Philip II, demanded from now on the global protection of the interests of the entire state. The experienced Suniga, who knew firsthand the position of the state, and his nephew Olivares now stood for a policy of unconditional support for the Austrian line. The extent to which this already apparent change in foreign policy and, in particular, the “Prague throw out of the window” contributed to the fall of Lerma remains to be seen by researchers.

Philip III, was born on 04/14/1578 in Madrid. 09/13/1598 proclaimed king, died 03/31/1621 in Madrid, was buried in the pantheon of the Spanish kings in Escorial.

Father: Philip II (1527-1598), King of Spain and Portugal (1556-1598). Mother: Anna of Habsburg (1549-1580), fourth wife of Philip II. Half-siblings: Carlos (1545-1568), from his father's first marriage to Mary of Portugal; Isabelle Clara Eugenia (1566-1633) and Catalina Michaela (1567-1597), from her father's marriage to Isabella of Valois. Philip III's siblings died in early childhood.

04/18/1599 marriage to Margarita Habsburg (1584-1611).

Children (except those who died early): daughter Ana Mauricia (1601-1666), queen of France, wife of Louis XIII; son Philip IV (1605-1665), king of Spain (1621-1665); daughter Maria Ana (1606-1646), empress, wife of Emperor Ferdinand III; son Carlos (1607-1632); son of Fernando (1609-1641), cardinal archbishop of Toledo.

Margaret of Austria, wife of Philip III

1. First steps

The main directions of King Philip III at the beginning of his reign were: the fight against England, the subjugation of the North African coast, the restoration of Spanish power in the north of the Netherlands. But in all directions, Spain was waiting for failure. The expedition to Ireland of the new Armada in 1601 was defeated. An attempt in 1603 to capture Algeria was also unsuccessful. In 1604 Ambrosio di Spinola defeated the rebel troops in the Netherlands and captured Ostend. But since 1606, military luck turned away from the Spaniards here too.

2. Domestic policy

Unlike their father Philip II and grandfather Charles V, they constantly moved around their lands, the period of Philip III is characterized by an almost constant stay in Madrid. Only once - in - he visited Catalonia and Valencia. The same was true in Portugal. He came to this country subject to him in 1619 only to take the oath of the Cortes.

Almost all the time of the reign of Philip III, the kingdom of Spain was in a difficult financial situation, the treasury was empty.

Unlike his predecessors, Philip III relied on a single adviser who, as chancellor or first minister, took over various official duties. With this kings post such a trustee (valido, privado) held by Francisco Gómez de Sandoval y Rojas, 5th Marquis of Déña, Duke of Lerma.

With the accession of Philip III to the throne, Lerma almost immediately assumed significant power levers. Got rid of enemies and opponents at the royal court.

The nomination of LERM by a number of scientists is considered as the first step towards the creation of the post of head of government, whose purpose was to manage the bureaucratic mechanism of the state, took a lot of time from the king. This allowed the king to concentrate on the main, priority tasks.

The main goal of the policy of the LERM was to preserve the resources of Castile in a crisis thrust into Spain. Evidence of a general crisis were:

The first significant financial crisis happened in 1602. It was possible to fill the budget by increasing taxes. The production of copper coins began in large volumes - welloniv(vellones). The Wellons increasingly pushed silver coins out of circulation. In 1607, Philip III declared himself bankrupt.

In addition, the supply of silver from America has decreased. If under Philip II, American silver covered 25 percent of government revenues, then under his successor, this share also significantly decreased. More and more silver remained in the colonies.

At the initiative of Philip III, the Cortes of Castile raised taxes twice - in 1601 and 1621. As a result, they began to equal half of all royal income. Under these conditions, the significance of the Cortes is being revived. On average, they began to sit for 8 months a year. Without their consent it was impossible to raise taxes. in return, the cities demanded a concession: exemption from taxes. other privileges to city communes.

There were no major uprisings during the reign of Philip III, not even regional separatism. At the same time, crime increased significantly, and banditry became commonplace in Castile, Valencia and Catalonia.

Despite the continuation of the cultural development of Spain (Lope de Vega, Quevedo), a significant crisis began in spiritual life, as well as in science. This was a consequence of the activities of the Inquisition. University science gradually degenerated into routine scholasticism.

3. Relations with non-Christians

In 1609, the Arab population (Moriscos), who remained after the completion of the Reconquista, was expelled from Spain. The reason for such actions was their alleged ties with the Ottoman Empire and the opinion that the Moriscos supported the North African pirates. As a result of the actions of the Spanish authorities, 270 thousand people left the country (mostly skilled peasants and artisans), or 2 percent of the total population, which significantly worsened the economic situation in Spain.

Sources

Ciriaco Perez Bustamente. La Espana de Felipe III. Madrid. 1979

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With a small stature, Philip was well built and had a pleasant appearance. In terms of character, Philip had little resemblance to his father. He was mild-mannered, kind-hearted, obedient, extremely pious, and completely incapable of making decisions on his own. Philip's physical and mental development was slow: only in the 14th year of his life did he change his milk teeth, and of all the sciences, they could only teach him a little grammar. he was quite reasonably afraid to leave the state to his son, as he considered him unsuitable for the throne.

Having become king, Philip immediately transferred powers to his favorite ( "valido"), to the Duke of Lerma, while issuing the command that "the signature of Lerma is equivalent to the king's own signature." Unfortunately, Lerma turned out to be an ambitious but mediocre ruler and only exacerbated the crisis in the country, without doing anything to improve finances and improve the well-being of the people. In 1609-1614, half a million Moriscos (baptized Moors), the best farmers and artisans, were expelled from Spain. Particularly noticeable gaps arose in the economies of Valencia and Aragon.

Having transferred state affairs into the wrong hands, Philip spent all his time in idleness. However, his pleasures were innocent enough: playing ball, dice, attending a comedy. Philip also performed official duties, such as audiences, but treated them without interest. The only thing he indulged in with enthusiasm was the works of faith. He did not miss a single mass and surrounded himself with holy relics. Thanks to his piety, Philip was known almost as a saint. The consequence of such mediocre rule was an even greater increase in the external debt of Spain.

In general, the foreign policy of the reign of Philip III was more successful than the domestic one. By the end of the 16th century, it became obvious that the country was no longer able to withstand the previous foreign policy activity, and the Lerma government entered into peace negotiations with the main opponents of Spain in the previous reign: and the Netherlands. After her death in 1603, her successor agreed in 1605 to a peace favorable enough to Spain.

Relations with at first remained tense, but after the murder in 1610 in infancy, they improved significantly. The marriages of the king with the daughter of Philip III Anna of Austria and Crown Prince Philip (the future) with his sister Isabella of Bourbon were concluded. However, the contradictions between the two countries persisted (in Northern Italy, on the Rhine and in general on the issue of European hegemony), and by the end of the reign of Philip III, relations between them escalated again, indicating the approach of a decisive clash in the framework of the Thirty Years' War.

In 1618 the Duke of Lerma was dismissed. Philip took all his powers away from him and declared that from now on he would rule personally. However, no serious sanctions against the former "valido" did not follow: a "scapegoat" was found, the secretary of the Duke Rodrigo Calderon, who was accused of murdering Queen Margarita with the help of witchcraft in 1611, was tortured and put to death. The son of the disgraced Lerma, the Duke of Useda, retained influence in the new government, although he did not have such wide powers as his father.

Spain entered the Thirty Years' War in 1620, and it was her position that most of all contributed to the fact that the regional conflict between Catholics and Protestants escalated into the first all-European war. In the Netherlands, in the early years of the 17th century, Ambrogio Spinola, an outstanding commander in the Spanish service, managed to achieve important victories over the Dutch, but a fatal lack of money crossed out these successes and forced the Spaniards to conclude a Twelve Years' Truce in 1609, thereby effectively recognizing the independence of the northern provinces of the Netherlands that had broken away from Spain. By the end of the reign of Philip III, Spain retained all its vast possessions in the Old and New Worlds, and imperial ambitions. However, the economic foundations of the still majestic edifice were already irreparably destroyed.

According to an anecdote ridiculing the Spanish court etiquette of that time, Philip died, pissed by the fireplace, as the courtiers could not timely find the only grandee who had the right to move the king’s chair, and the high position did not allow the king himself to put out the fire.

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