The Time of Troubles is a difficult period in Russian history. For many it became fatal, but for the House of Romanov this period was the beginning of the rise. In modern domestic historical science, it is customary to believe that this period in the history of our Fatherland is a dynastic crisis. In fairness, I must say that this opinion is fully justified. After all, the main reason for the beginning of this period is the termination of the Rurik dynasty. Here it is necessary to note another important fact, this suppression affected only the Moscow branch of the dynasty, and not the whole family, as some believe.

The relevance of my little research is determined by the increased interest in the history of the Romanov dynasty in the year of its 400-year stay on the throne, the last 100 of which are nominal. Nevertheless, now the celebration has acquired a truly nationwide character: many exhibitions, conferences, as well as scientific and educational events are held. At the beginning of March of this year, the Head of the Russian Imperial House, Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna and her August son, the Sovereign Tsesarevich and Grand Duke Georgy Mikhailovich, visited Russia again, the focus was on the monastery of the House of the Romanovs - the Holy Trinity Ipatiev Monastery. The Grand Duchess again recalled a significant phrase from her address to compatriots dated March 1, 2012. "... the 400th anniversary of the end of the Time of Troubles is the anniversary of the feat of the People, and this is the only way it should be perceived."

The reason for the convening of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613. simple and obvious - the period ended, which in domestic science was called the Time of Troubles. For a long time, Russia was dominated by various court factions. First Godunov (until 1605), after the self-proclaimed Tsar False Dmitry I, then Vasily IV Shuisky, who were longtime enemies of Godunov. Let's not forget that in parallel Russia was "ruled" by the Tush thief - False Dmitry II. Then the boyar government came to power in Russia - the Seven Boyars, which, by its actions, actually let the Polish-Lithuanian interventionists into the capital. The Russian state could no longer remain in a fragmented state, it was necessary to restore the country, unite it and make the final choice regarding the new king.
But before starting to consider the activities of the only complete Zemsky Sobor in Russian history, we need to recall the reasons for its convocation and the events preceding this moment.

So, “on the night of January 6 to 7, 1598, after a serious illness, he passed away” Sovereign Fedor I Ioannovich, the youngest son of John IV Vasilyevich the Terrible. Little is said about the reign of this man in historical science, but when you begin to consider in detail this short period of 14 years, you understand how significant it was for the subjects of Fyodor Ivanovich. He was the "Prayer King", and the assertion of some historians about his insanity has to go against the grain. He was little involved in state affairs, shifting most of them to the closest associate of Boris Fyodorovich Godunov, but he was engaged in them. The military aspirations of his August father were far from him, he was concerned about the reverence of the Russian state. He performed prayers for days, which were aimed exclusively at the benefit of the country and the people. Under him, the people restored what was destroyed by his formidable parent. I would say that his 14 years of non-independent rule benefited the entire state, because Russia was rebuilding its forces after the Livonian disaster, strengthened the country's borders and managed to wage war with Sweden. It is noteworthy that the campaign against the enemy was personally led by Fedor Ioannovich. Among other things, it was under Fedor I that the Moscow Metropolis received the status of a patriarchy (1589). Most likely, the king himself contributed to this. It was the death of this Tsar, the penultimate Rurikovich on the Moscow throne, that served as the pretext for the beginning of the Time of Troubles.

It does not take much time to pay attention to all the events of the Time of Troubles. For the purposes of this study, this is not relevant. It is required to turn to the last stage of the struggle against the Polish-Lithuanian invaders, i.e. to the second militia under the leadership of the zemstvo headman Kuzma Minin and military governor Prince D. M. Pozharsky. In Nizhny Novgorod, from where the assembled militia began its movement to the capital, there was its administrative and political center - the Nizhny Novgorod "council of the whole earth." This “council” was a kind of mobile Zemstvo cathedral. This is due to the fact that, as a result of the transfer of the militia to Yaroslavl in March 1612, this mobile body of power acquired the "character of the supreme government body."

As Cherepnin rightly remarked, already during their stay in Yaroslavl, the militia worked out a political program, which set the restoration of the monarchy as its final goal. The final stage of the movement of the Zemstvo militia to the capital, which was still in the hands of the Polish-Lithuanian invaders, began. On October 26, 1612, after long battles for Moscow, the interventionists surrendered to the Russian forces. Members of the boyar duma, headed by Prince. F.I. Mstislavsky. Immediately after the occupation of the Kremlin, the provisional government began to prepare for the convening of the Zemsky Sobor.
Cherepnin, referring to sources, makes it clear that the cathedral had representation from all over the world. Letters were sent to the cities (Beloozero, Novgorod, Uglich, etc.) demanding that they send representatives to the cathedral. In fairness, it should be noted that until the Zemsky Sobor was convened, the government, created during the advance to Moscow by Prince Pozharsky and Zemstvo headman Minin, was in operation.

The consecrated cathedral (an integral curia of a full zemstvo sobor) was headed by Metropolitan Ephraim (Khvostov) of Kazan and Sviyazhsk, who, after the martyrdom of Patriarch Hermogenes, became the locum tenens of the Patriarchal throne, it is his signature that stands first on the approved charter of 1613. The second most important Russian bishop, who blessed and accompanied the second militia on the campaign, was Metropolitan of Rostov and Yaroslavl Kirill (Zavidov), it was his D.V. Tsvetaev calls the head of the consecrated cathedral, which is strange, because it is the locum tenens who is the temporary head of the church. Probably, this confusion is connected with the fact that in December of the same year Metropolitan Ephraim (Khvostov) died and the Metropolitan of Rostov and Yaroslavl became the first hierarch of the Russian Orthodox Church. Another possible explanation for this contradiction is that Metropolitan Kirill (Zavidov) was in the convoy of the second Zemstvo militia and blessed him for the feat of arms - to free the capital from the interventionists, which was indicated earlier.

The most important difference from other cathedrals of the Russian state is that this cathedral is complete, which, in principle, was neither before nor after the events described. The main sign of his high representation is the signatures made on the reverse side of the approved diploma. At the same time, it is noted that signatures were put on it until 1617, so the total number of 235 “assaults” does not indicate its full composition. Most likely, the total number of participants varies from 700 to 800 people.
Separately, it is worth dwelling on the candidates for the highest, as they would now put it, "public post". In addition to the Russian titled families, there were other applicants for the Russian throne at the beginning of the Zemsky Sobor - representatives of the royal houses of Europe: Sweden and Poland.

The Swedish pretender to the Russian throne was Prince Karl Philip, Duke of Södermanland (since 1611), son of the King of Sweden Charles IX and his wife Queen Christina, nee Princess of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp.
The Polish pretender was King Vladislav (later King of Poland Vladislav IV), son of the King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania Sigismund III and his wife Anna, nee Archduchess of Austria. It is noteworthy that on August 17, 1610, an agreement was concluded between the “Seven Boyars” and the Polish hetman Zholkevsky on the election of Vladislav to the Moscow throne. But this agreement has no factual grounds, because. Vladislav had to convert to Orthodoxy, which he did not. It is also noteworthy that both foreign candidates belonged to the same dynasty - Vasa. However, according to the approved charter, the Polish and Swedish princes should not be accepted to the kingdom.
Among other candidates, Marina Mnishek, the wife of the False Dmitrievs and the mother of the son of False Dmitry II Ivan, better known as "Vorenok", was also considered. But "Don't look for Marinka and your son and don't want to." Prince I.M. was also called another possible contender. Vorotynsky, but, according to the official version, the prince recused himself and personally went with an embassy to Mikhail Fedorovich when his candidacy was approved. There were also Prince D.M. Cherkassky, Prince D.T. Trubetskoy, Prince D.M. Pozharsky, Prince I.V. Golitsyn and others.

The official version of the election of a representative of the Romanov family to the kingdom is a compromise, i.e. the election of a person who, due to his age, could not light up in the political arena. Plus, the benevolent attitude towards Mikhail Fedorovich of the mob and Cossacks, who, according to various sources, wished to see on the throne even before the official election took place, and the last interesting remark, the Romanovs were relatives of the last Rurikovich, through the marriage of John IV with Anastasia Romanovna Zakharyina-Yuryeva . According to the fair remark of L.V. Cherepnin, it was the “set of circumstances” that played the main role in the choice of a new Sovereign, and with him the entire dynasty. The candidacy of Mikhail Fedorovich was accepted on February 7 and "by the unanimous will of the Russian land and with the blessing of the church" was approved on the 21st of the same month in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin.

An embassy was sent to the Holy Trinity Ipatiev Monastery near Kostroma to Mikhail Fedorovich and his mother, nun Martha (in the world, Ksenia Ivanovna Shestova), the purpose of which was to present the conciliar oath, which proclaimed him the Tsar and Grand Duke of all Russia. I must say that the adoption of the throne took place according to the ancient Russian tradition. The embassy came to the chosen tsar and his mother three times, persuading them to accept the Cap of Monomakh. For the third time, the icon of the Most Holy Theotokos arrived with the embassy. After long hesitation and persuasion, the Archbishop of Ryazan and Murom Theodoret blessed the new monarch for the Kingdom.

The betrothed Sovereign arrived in Moscow on May 2, 1613, by the same time copies of the approved letter were prepared. On July 11, 1613, in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin, Mikhail Fedorovich was crowned king. It is noteworthy that on this day he turned 17 years old.

Now let's move on to the second topic of my research. What can be compared with this record? The restrictive record of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich was equal in value to the conditions that were granted by the members of the Supreme Privy Council to the Empress of All Russia Anna Ioannovna in 1730. Those. this document presented those provisions, conditions, which the Sovereign had to be guided by. As we well remember, the conditions of 1730 were valid for only 37 days. The Russian Sovereign returned to his title the word "Autocrat", which explains the whole essence of the Russian monarchy. But if we have no doubts about the existence of conditions, then why does the question of restrictive notation remain open?

Now to the question of the existence of the record at the beginning of the 17th century. Kotoshikhin tells about the conditions under which the Russian Sovereigns, starting with Fyodor Ioannovich and ending with Alexei Mikhailovich, ruled on the Russian throne. The main problem of this issue lies in the fact that nowhere except in the work of Kotoshikhin, the Pskov legends of the early 17th century, the work of Philip John Stralenberg and a number of other foreign sources, points of such conditions are indicated.

Kotoshikhin himself gives the following description of the duties of the ruling monarch: “to be not cruel and not weeping, without trial and without guilt, do not execute anyone for anything, and think about all sorts of things with the boyars and thoughtful people sopcha, and without their knowledge secretly and openly don't do anything." Judging by this excerpt, we can understand that Mikhail Fedorovich, who had just become tsar, could not do anything without advice from the boyars and duma people. Thus, Kotoshikhin seeks to show that in Russia there is not an absolute, but a limited monarchy. And in this he is very clearly supported by the other mentioned foreign authors. Here is an excerpt from Starling, which Cherepnin also took: “1) Observe and protect religion. 2) Everything that happened to his father, to forget and forgive, and not to remember any private enmity, whatever it was. 3) Do not create new laws and do not repeal old ones. Important matters according to the law and not at one's own discretion, but by the right court to decide. 4) Do not accept either war or peace with neighbors alone and at your own discretion, and 5) Your estates, for the sake of justice and in order to avoid any processes with private individuals, either cede to your relatives, or attach them to state property.

The Russian historian S.F. Platonov. He says quite clearly that within the framework of establishing a new dynasty on the throne, the process of limiting his power is impossible. And in relation to the mentioned Pskov legends, early. In the 17th century, he says that this was how the process of becoming a new dynasty was perceived by the people. He accepts that there was a formal limitation of power, because then for almost 10 years the tsar rules, in accordance with the Zemstvo councils, but he points out that this was only a "consequence of unity." Other scholars have expressed similar views on the restricted record. There were also those who believed that the restrictive entry existed (V.P. Alekseev, M.A. Dyakonov, L.M. Sukhotin).

One way or another, there are no such materials among domestic sources, and the cited thoughts of historians give reason to doubt the validity of the data expressed by foreign sources. Of course, one must take into account the words of foreign sources, but it must be remembered that Kotoshikhin wrote his work by order of the Swedish government. Russia will face this state more than once in the 17th-19th centuries. Of course, at that time Grigory Karpovich did not assume this, but apparently he guessed. Another reason that allows me to trust S.F. Platonov is that, like ordinary people, Grigory Kotoshikhin could be subject to rumors. On the other hand, as an employee of one of the central orders, he worked with historical documents, but still he was not a contemporary of the cathedral of 1613. Therefore, in some moments it is necessary to treat Kotoshikhin with caution.

Thus, having analyzed in detail the events of January-February 1613, as well as various versions about the existence of a record that limits the power of the Russian Sovereign, we can come to some conclusions. The main conclusion is that the choice of the dynasty was truly popular, no more, no less. Interesting research was carried out, showing that, in addition to Russian boyar families, there were other contenders for the Russian throne, even foreign ones. It is worth paying tribute to the cathedral, which did not follow the path of the Seven Boyars and abandoned the idea of ​​calling Catholic princes to the Orthodox throne. And also I would like to note the phenomenon of the existence of the record. To our great regret, we cannot give an exact answer to this question, but we can agree with worthy domestic historians that, nevertheless, this record hardly existed. Nevertheless, let's hope that new research and research will give ground for reflection to modern scientists and open the veil of secrecy over the existence of a record about which almost nothing is known.

NOTES

The Rurikovichi of the Moscow branch had another "name" - Kalitichi.

Volodikhin D.M. Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich. - M .: Young Guard, 2011. S. 225.

Volodikhin D.M. Decree. op. pp. 34-35.

The first Zemstvo militia was created in 1611 under the leadership of P.P. Lyapunov, ataman I.M. Zarutsky and Prince D.T. Trubetskoy. In June 1611, Lyapunov was killed and the militia actually disintegrated. Some of its units remained near Moscow until the arrival of the second militia in August 1612.

Cherepnin L.V. Zemsky Sobors of the Russian state of the XVI-XVII centuries. – M.: Nauka, 1978. S. 180.

The date is given in Julian style.

Tsvetaev D.V. The election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom. - M., 1913. S. 13.

Holstein-Gottorp is a German ducal house that emerged from the Oldenburg dynasty. Members of the house at various times were the rulers of the Duchy of Schleswig-Holstein, as well as the All-Russian Empire, starting with Peter III.

Vasa is a Swedish noble family, later a royal dynasty.

The approved letter of election to the Moscow State of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov with a preface by S.A. Belokurova. M., 1906. P.71.

Prince Dmitry Mamstrukovich Cherkassky. Near boyar, governor. Repeatedly headed the order of the Kazan Palace. He died childless.

Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy. One of the leaders of the first Zemstvo militia. Known as the "Savior of the Fatherland".

Prince Ivan Vasilievich Golitsyn. Boyar. In 1624 he was the chief judge of the Vladimir order. He died in disgrace in Vyatka (according to other sources in Perm) in 1627.

Coronation collection with the permission of His Imperial Majesty the Sovereign Emperor. / ed. Krivenko V.S. SPb.: Expedition for procurement of state papers. 1899. Vol.1. S. 35.

To protect and observe the faith is the sacred duty of an Orthodox sovereign.

In this regard, Fedor Nikitich Romanov (Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Filaret), father of Mikhail I Fedorovich, is remembered.

Cherepnin L.V. Decree. op. S. 205.

REFERENCES

SOURCES

Acts related to the history of zemstvo cathedrals / Ed. Yu.V. Gauthier. Moscow: Typography Vilde, 1909. 76p.

The approved letter of election to the Moscow State of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov with a preface by S.A. Belokurova. // 2nd edition of the Imperial Society of Russian History and Antiquities at Moscow University. Moscow, 1906. 110 p., illustration.

Kotoshikhin G.K. About Russia in the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich. - M., 2000.

LITERATURE

Belyaev I.D. Zemsky Sobors in Russia. - M., 1902 - 80s.

Volodikhin D.M. Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich. - M .: Young Guard, 2011. - 255 p.

Kozlyakov V.N. Mikhail Fedorovich. - 2nd ed., Rev. - M .: Young Guard, 2010. - 346 p.

Coronation collection with the permission of His Imperial Majesty the Sovereign Emperor. T.1. / ed. Krivenko V.S. SPb.: Expedition for procurement of state papers. 1899. -

Platonov S.F. Essays on the history of the Time of Troubles in the Muscovite state. - M., 1978.

Tsvetaev D.V. The election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom. - M., 1913.

Cherepnin L.V. Zemsky Sobors of the Russian state of the XVI-XVII centuries. – M.: Nauka, 1978. – 417p.

The election of Mikhail Romanov to the kingdom today, from afar, seems to be the only right decision. There can be no other attitude to the beginning of the Romanov dynasty, given its venerable age. But for contemporaries, the choice of one of the Romanovs for the throne did not seem the best. All the political passions that usually accompany elections were present in 1613 in full measure.

Suffice it to say that among the contenders for the Russian throne was a representative of a foreign royal court and several of his own boyars, including the leaders of the Moscow Boyar Duma in 1610-1612. Prince Fyodor Ivanovich Mstislavsky and Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Vorotynsky, as well as the main governors of the militia that recently liberated Moscow - Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy and the prince. The Romanov circle, if anything, stood out against this background, then the abundance of proposed candidates, including Ivan Nikitich Romanov (Mikhail Romanov's uncle), Prince Ivan Borisovich Cherkassky and Fyodor Ivanovich Sheremetev. To these seven contenders, according to The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, there was also the “eighth” Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Pronsky, who became noticeable due to his service in the Zemstvo militia. It was the same young and well-born steward, like Mikhail Romanov, only of princely origin. During the discussions at the Electoral Council and around it, the names of Prince Ivan Ivanovich Shuisky, Prince Ivan Vasilyevich Golitsyn and Prince Dmitry Mamstrukovich Cherkassky, who was in Polish-Lithuanian captivity, were also heard.

The opening of the Cathedral was postponed and postponed, because Moscow was in the power of the Cossacks, because a sufficient number of elected representatives did not come, because there was no Kazan Metropolitan Ephraim, and because there was no head of the Boyar Duma - the boyar Prince Fyodor Ivanovich Mstislavsky, who retired to his estates after liberation of the capital. There were too many reasons why the Council was unwilling or unable to take full responsibility. Probably because of this, the election of the tsar at first resembled veche meetings, where the recent heroes of the battles near Moscow, the electors who came from the field, as well as ordinary residents of the capital who crowded around the Kremlin, could express their opinion. Election campaigning was also carried out, taking, however, the forms of feasts appropriate for their era, which were arranged by the candidates.

The main pre-election intrigue was to reconcile the opposing positions of the boyar curia at the Council and the Cossacks in the election of a new tsar. It would seem that the boyars, experienced in the intricacies of palace politics, had an advantage here, but the Cossacks continued to represent a significant force, which could not be ignored.

Back in the summer of 1612, when Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky was negotiating the election of Duke Charles Philip to the Russian throne, he “confidentially” informed Jacob Delagardie that all the “most noble boyars” had united around this candidacy. Opponents of the election of a foreign sovereign were "part of the simple and unreasonable crowd, especially the desperate and restless Cossacks." Jacob Delagardie conveyed to his king the words of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky about the Cossacks, who “do not want any definite government, but want to elect such a ruler under which they could continue to freely rob and attack, as was the case until now” .

Boyar ideas about the Cossacks could hardly change quickly after the liberation of Moscow. In the autumn of 1612, according to the testimony of Ivan Filosofov, there were four and a half thousand Cossacks in Moscow, and “in everything, the Cossacks are strong by the boyars and the nobles, they do what they want, and the nobles de, and the children of the boyars dispersed to the estates.” Bogdan Dubrovsky from Novgorod described the situation in the capital in a similar way in November - early December 1612. According to him, in Moscow there were 11,000 "best and senior Cossacks" selected for analysis. Despite the analysis carried out, designed to divide the Cossacks, they continued to act together and in the end were able not only to unite around one candidate, but also to insist on her election. They did not leave Moscow at all, as the boyars wanted, but waited for the moment when all the names of possible applicants were heard in order to propose their candidate. It is this version of events that is contained in the Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613.

The exact time of the beginning of the conciliar sessions remains unknown. Most likely, the official opening of the Cathedral did not take place, otherwise the news of this should have been included in the “Approved Charter on the Election of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich”. After January 6, 1613, endless discussions began, which are reported by contemporaries. “And we, elected people from all over the Council and all sorts of ranks, have been talking and thinking about the sovereign’s deception for a long time ...” - this is how they wrote in the first letters of election of Mikhail Fedorovich, describing the course of the electoral Council. The first conclusion, which satisfied the majority, was the rejection of all foreign candidates: “... so that the Lithuanian and Svean king and their children, and other German faiths and some states of the non-Christian faith of the Greek law in the Vladimir and Moscow state, do not rob both Marinka and the son don’t want her on the state.” This meant the collapse of many political hopes and passions. Those who were part of the Boyar Duma, which concluded an agreement on the calling of Prince Vladislav, lost, there were no more prospects for the claims of the former Tushino people, especially the Cossacks of Ivan Zarutsky, who continued their war for the underage pretender Tsarevich Ivan Dmitrievich. But the organizer of the zemstvo militia, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, also suffered a sensitive defeat, consistently adhering to the candidacy of the Swedish prince Karl-Philip. A different point of view prevailed at the Council, the experience of the Time of Troubles taught me not to trust anyone from the outside: “... because the Polish and German kings saw untruth and cross-crime and peaceful violation of themselves, how the Lithuanian king ruined the Muscovite state, and the Swedish king Veliky Novgorod took Oman for the kiss of the cross." Having agreed on who “the whole earth” did not want to see on the throne (there were no special surprises), the elected ones made another important common decision: which God will give."

Everything returned “to normal”, the situation that arose at the time of the suppression of the Rurik dynasty in 1598 was repeated, but there was no such figure as Boris Godunov. Whatever candidates for kings were named, each of them lacked something for the unification strongly felt by everyone in the face of an external threat that continued to emanate from the Commonwealth and Sweden. What had to be invented in order for the new tsar to be able to cope with the establishment of internal control and eliminate Cossack self-will and robberies? All applicants belonged to noble princely and boyar families, but how to give preference to one of them without immediately starting internecine struggle and local disputes? All these intractable contradictions led the members of the Electoral Council into a dead end.

Closest to the "crown of Monomakh", it seemed, was Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy, he was supported for some time by the Cossacks of the regiments near Moscow, which he commanded. In January 1613, he was issued a letter of commendation for Vaga, which Boris Godunov and the Shuisky princes had owned before him, which meant the continuity of the power tradition coming from them. But the Romanovs turned out to be closer to the Cossacks: the echoes of memories of the activities of Nikita Romanovich Yuryev, who hired the Cossacks to serve in the arrangement of the southern border of the state under Tsar Ivan the Terrible, played their role. The martyrdom of the Romanovs under Tsar Boris Godunov, and the stay of Metropolitan Philaret (Romanov) in the Tushino camp as the betrothed patriarch, also mattered. Due to the absence of the captive Filaret in Moscow, they remembered his only son, the steward Mikhail Romanov. He was barely 16 years old, that is, he entered the age at which the service of a nobleman usually began. In the reign of Vasily Shuisky, he was still small and did not receive any official appointments, and then, being under siege in Moscow, he could no longer go to work, being all the time with his mother, nun Marfa Ivanovna. Thus, if Mikhail Romanov was elected, no one could say that he had once commanded the tsar or performed the same service as he did. But the main advantage of a candidate from the Romanov family was his kinship with the vanished dynasty. As you know, Mikhail Romanov was the nephew of Tsar Fedor Ivanovich (their fathers were cousins). This circumstance eventually overpowered all other arguments for or against.

On February 7, 1613, about a month after the start of the council meetings, a decision was made to adjourn for two weeks. In the “Approved Charter” they wrote that the election of the king “for a great strengthening was postponed from February 7th to February 21st.” Secret envoys were sent to the cities "in all sorts of people their thoughts about the state's ripping off." The news of the "Approved Charter" gave reason to talk about the "pre-election" to the Russian throne of the stolnik Mikhail Romanov already on February 7. However, if by this date everyone had already agreed with the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov, then what other "strengthening" was expected? Most likely, behind the decision to adjourn the council sessions, there was a previous desire to wait for the presence of Metropolitan Ephraim of Kazan, the head of the Boyar Duma, Prince Fyodor Ivanovich Mstislavsky, and uncertainty due to the incomplete representation of cities at the Council. Two weeks is a very short time to find out what the people of the Muscovite state were thinking about, to different ends of which at that time it was possible to travel for months, or even years (as, for example, in Siberia). To whom were the information collected in the country to be sent, who was involved in summarizing them, were these “opinions” announced at the Council? All this, too, should have been taken care of with the proper organization of the Council. But the electoral Zemsky Sobor, which met in emergency conditions, itself established the rules for its work.

In mid-February 1613, some elected officials actually left the capital (to consult with their voters?). The news of this was preserved by chance, because several Toropetsk deputies were captured by Alexander Gosevsky, who by that time was acting as the Lithuanian referendary, but continued not only to closely monitor Moscow affairs, but even, as we see, to interfere in them. He informed Prince Christopher Radziwill that the “Toropetsk ambassadors”, who traveled to the capital to elect a king, returned empty-handed and, being caught on the way back, told him that new elections were scheduled for February 21. There are also references to a trip to Kostroma before the final election of Mikhail Romanov by brothers Boris Mikhailovich and Mikhail Mikhailovich Saltykov, relatives of the Tsar's mother Marfa Ivanovna, who tried to find out their opinion on the conciliar decision. The question to what extent the election of Mikhail Romanov was a foregone conclusion on February 7 remains open. The most plausible explanation for the break is its coincidence with Maslenitsa and the Lent that followed. At the same time, 15 years ago, Tsar Boris Godunov was elected. The election of a new king was scheduled for the first Sunday of Great Lent - February 21.

The circumstances of the two-week break before the election of Mikhail Romanov were also written in a letter to Metropolitan Ephraim of Kazan on February 22-24, 1613, announcing the election. It also talked about the secret collection of information about the future candidacy of the king:

“... and before his sovereign abuse, we sent the Muscovite state in all the cities and districts of those cities in all sorts of people to secretly see the faithful people, which the sovereign tsar hopes for the Muscovite state, and in all cities and counties, from small to large, the same one thought that to be in the Moscow state the sovereign Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov Yuryev.

Nothing was said about the “pre-election” of Mikhail Romanov by the Council on February 7. Due to the “winding” associated with the absence of elected people from the Kazan kingdom, and the ongoing ruin of the state, the Council decided “to ask for a term in the state’s swindle until Sunday of the one hundred and twenty-first year of February until the twenty-first day” . In all the temples of the state, prayers were held for the gift of "a tsar from the Russian people for the Moscow state." Most likely, this was the official decision reached by the Council on February 7, and the mood of the first, one of the most severe weeks of Great Lent, when worldly passions were inappropriate, should have helped to make the right choice from all the contenders for the throne.

Gathered anew by the scheduled date "on Election Sunday", February 21, 1613, the Zemsky Sobor made a historic decision to elect Mikhail Fedorovich to the kingdom. In a letter to Kazan to Metropolitan Ephraim, they wrote how “for a trial period” on February 21, a prayer service was first held, and then the meetings of the Zemsky Sobor resumed:

“... we had all sorts of ranks in the reigning city of Moscow with elected people from all cities and the reigning city of Moscow with all sorts of tenant people, and they spoke and advised everyone with a common council, what to turn the sovereign tsar to the Muscovite state, and they talked about it for a long time, and sentenced and having advised everything with a single and irrevocable advice and with the advice of their entire Muscovite state of all ranks, people brought to us the metropolitan, and the archbishop, and the bishop, and to the entire Consecrated Cathedral, and to us boyars and kokolniki and all sorts of ranks people, their thought separately.

This is the description of that very Council that changed the Russian. You can understand the essence of what was happening only by revealing what is behind each of the etiquette formulas of the text of the letter. It is only obvious that the Council lasted a long time, different ranks - Moscow and city nobles, guests, townspeople and Cossacks - had to formulate their unanimous opinion, i.e. "thought". This practice corresponded to the order of meetings of Zemsky Sobors in later decades. Important, but not fully disclosed, is the reference to the fact that the decision was made "with all sorts of tenant people" from Moscow. The separately mentioned participation of the Moscow "world" in the events is by no means accidental and is additional evidence of its "invasion" in the affairs of the tsar's election. Confirmation of this is contained in the questioning speeches of the stolnik Ivan Ivanovich Chepchugov (and two other Moscow nobles) in Novgorod in 1614. they burst into the Kremlin with noise "and began to accuse the boyars that they" do not choose any of the local gentlemen as sovereigns in order to rule themselves and use the country's income alone. Mikhail Romanov's supporters never left the Kremlin until the "Duma and Zemstvo ranks" swore allegiance to the new tsar.

Another story about the royal choice contains "The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613". According to this source, on February 21, the boyars came up with the idea of ​​choosing the tsar from several candidates, by lot (a selection procedure borrowed from church law, according to which one of the Moscow patriarchs was elected in the 17th century). All plans were mixed up by the Cossack atamans invited to the Council, who accused the highest state officials of striving to usurp power. The name of the new Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich at the Council was also pronounced that day by the Cossack chieftains, who believed in the transfer of the royal staff by inheritance from Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich to “prince” (so!) Fyodor Nikitich Romanov: “And he is now full in Lithuania, and from the good the roots and branch are kind, and there is his son, Prince Mikhailo Fedorovich. May it be fitting, according to the will of God, to rule.” Speakers from the Cossacks very quickly moved from words to deeds and immediately proclaimed the name of the new tsar and “many years for him”: “By God’s will, in the reigning city of Moscow and all Russia, let there be a tsar sovereign and grand duke Mikhailo Fedorovich and all Russia!” .

Although the name of Mikhail Romanov as a pretender to the royal throne had been discussed for a long time, the call of the Cossack chieftains at the Cathedral, supported by ordinary Cossacks and the Moscow "peace" who had gathered in the Kremlin squares, took the boyars by surprise.

The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 gives very truthful details about the reaction of members of the Boyar Duma, who believed that the name of Mikhail Romanov would not be seriously considered at the Council. There is no doubt that the author of the Tale, if he himself was not an eyewitness, then wrote down everything from the words of a very informed person. In any case, the reader of this story has a “presence effect”: “The Bolyara at that time was obsessed with fear and trembling trembling, and their faces were changing with blood, and not a single one could say anything, but only one Ivan Nikitich Romanov said:“ That is Prince Mikhailo Fedorovich is still young and not in full mind.

An awkward phrase that betrays the excitement of the boyar Ivan Romanov. In an effort to say that his nephew was not yet so experienced in business, he completely accused Mikhail of lack of intelligence. This was followed by a remarkable response in its own way from the Cossack chieftains, who turned this reservation into a joke: “But you, Ivan Nikitich, are an old verst, in full mind, and to him, sovereign, you are a born uncle in the flesh, and you will be a strong potor to him.” After that, "the boyar, on the other hand, dispersed all his way."

But the main blow was received by Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy (accusations of striving for "autocracy" were largely directed precisely at him as the head of the government of "all the earth", who still decided all affairs in the country). “Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy,” the author of The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 writes about him, “his face is blacker, and falling into an ailment, and lying for many days, without leaving his yard from the mountain, that the Cossack exhausted the treasury and knowing them are flattering in words and deceit. Now it becomes clear why the signature of Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy is not on the charters that informed the cities about the election of a new tsar.

Thus, the conciliar meeting on February 21, 1613 ended with the fact that all the ranks agreed on the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov and "they wrote the verdict on that and put their hands on it." The decisive circumstance was, nevertheless, the relationship of the future king with the former dynasty. Notifying Metropolitan Ephraim of this, they could not resist “correcting” the genealogical arguments:

“And by the grace of God and the Most Pure Theotokos and all the saints, through the prayers of our council and all the ranks of people, in one thought and in one agreement, we were committed to being in the Muscovite state the sovereign tsar and the great prince of all Russia of the blessed branch of the blessed memory of the great sovereign tsar and great Prince Ivan Vasilievich of all Russia, autocrat and the great empresses of the tsarina and grand duchess Anastasia Romanovna to her grandson, and the great sovereign of the tsar and grand duke Fedor Ivanovich of all Russia by matter of affinity to his nephew Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov Yuryev.

A slight discrepancy with the reality of the degree of relationship of Mikhail Romanov with the tsars Ivan the Terrible and Fedor Ivanovich was already insignificant. More needed was a unifying idea associated with a return to the names of former rulers. The young man Mikhail Romanov in 1613 could still only symbolically unite the past with the present in the minds of the contemporaries of the Time of Troubles. The main thing was to indicate something else, which was reported in the first letters of election to the kingdom of Mikhail Fedorovich: "... for no one's plant and kromole, God chose him, the sovereign, to such a great royal throne, past all people."

One conciliar "verdict", adopted on February 21, 1613, was still not enough to immediately transfer power to the new king, who, moreover, was absent from the capital and did not know about the election. The government of the “Council of the Whole Land” continued to act and make decisions and issue letters on behalf of the boyars, Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy and Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky until February 25. Only from February 26, according to the observation of L. M. Sukhotin, the distribution of estates and the appointment of salaries to service people began to be carried out "according to the sovereign's decree." The basis for such a transfer of power was another conciliar decision on February 24 to send representatives of “the whole earth” to Mikhail Fedorovich “on Kostroma in the patrimony of his royal majesty” and to take the oath to the new sovereign. This was told by a letter to the Kazan Metropolitan Ephraim, prepared on February 22, and sent after February 25. Events in Moscow changed literally by the hour, and the decision on the oath was taken at the moment when another embassy of the members of the Council was being prepared "to the great lord to Ephraim the Metropolitan and to all the people of the Kazan state." In the Kazan charter, written during the days of the Electoral Council, its composition is listed in the most complete way, in contrast to the sources of a later time, when “volost peasants” and other categories of elected people were hidden under the general name “people of all ranks”:

“And at that time they came to us, to power, to the Cathedral, the boyars, and the courtiers, and the cup-holders, and the stewards, and the solicitors, and the great nobles, and the duma nobles, and the clerks, and the nobles from the cities, and the tenants, and boyar children, and heads of archers, and merchant guests, and atamans, and Cossacks, and archers, and gunners, and zatins, and all sorts of service and tenant people, and of the entire Moscow state and from cities of all ranks people, and volost peasants from Lithuanian, and from the Crimean, and from the German Ukraine, Zavolsky and Pomeranian and northern all cities, Moscow residents, all kinds of black people with wives and children and real babies and beat with their foreheads to send us to him, the great sovereign, soon and pray to him, great sovereign, so that he, the great sovereign, would commit his feat to the reigning city of Moscow on his royal throne given to him from God, and without him, the great sovereign would kiss the cross.

On February 24, the same thing happened again as it happened three years ago, when the Cossacks and the Moscow “peace” interfered in the course of the conciliar sessions. This is reflected in the mention in the "Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613" that the Cossacks almost by force forced the boyars to kiss the cross to Mikhail Fedorovich. It was the Cossacks who turned out to be most interested in ensuring that no turnaround happened and the accession of Mikhail Romanov took place, on whose choice they so insisted:

“The bolyar, having intended to kiss the cross for the sovereign as a Cossack, they would have to leave Moscow, but not to kiss the cross themselves under the Cossacks. The Cossacks, however, knew their intention and forced them, the boyar, to kiss the cross. And kissing the boyar cross. Also, then the Cossacks brought six crosses to the Execution Ground, and the Cossacks kissed the cross, and glorified God all.

In the official documents issued on behalf of the Council, of course, not a word was said about the forced oath of the boyars. On the contrary, in the letter to Kazan and other cities, it was emphasized that the kissing of the cross is done "according to the general world council" and "by the whole earth." However, the acute rejection by some boyars and participants of the electoral Council (including the temporary rulers of the state, Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky) of the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov was known to his contemporaries. At the beginning of 1614 in Novgorod, the boyar son Nikita Kalitin spoke about the alignment of forces during the election of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich:

“Some princes, boyars and Cossacks, as well as ordinary people, the most notable of them - Prince Ivan Nikitievich Yuryev, uncle of the now chosen Grand Duke, Prince Ivan Golitsyn, Prince Boris Lykov and Boris Saltykov, son of Mikhail Saltykov, cast their votes for Feodorov's son and chose and installed him as their grand duke; they are now very attached to him and have sworn allegiance; but Prince Dmitry Pozharsky, Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy, Prince Ivan Kurakin, Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, as well as Prince Vasily Borisovich Cherkassky, stood firmly against and did not want to agree to anything that others did so. Especially Prince Dmitry Pozharsky spoke openly in Moscow to the boyars, Cossacks and Zemstvo officials and did not want to approve the choice of his son Theodore, arguing that as soon as they accept him as their Grand Duke, order could not last long, but it would be better for them to stand on the fact that all of them decided earlier, precisely not to elect any of their fellow tribesmen to the grand dukes.

The position of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky was understandable, he had to continue to adhere to the agreements of his Zemstvo government on the calling of Prince Karl-Philip. Now it is difficult to say for sure when the turn in the views of Prince Pozharsky came, but it is indisputable that the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov was approved in the most acute political struggle.

The oath to Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich began on February 25, and since that time there has been a change of power. The first letters were sent to the cities announcing the election of Mikhail Fedorovich, and crucifixion notes were attached to them. The text of the oath included a rejection of all other possible applicants, obliging everyone to serve "the sovereign, and to direct and want good in everything without any tricks."

The letter of the Moscow Zemsky Sobor was sent out on behalf of the Consecrated Cathedral, headed by Metropolitan Kirill, which consisted of diocesan and monastic authorities and "the great monasteries of the honest monasteries of the elders, who are gathered for the royal swindling of Moscow."

All other ranks were only listed in order. And this is no coincidence. Strictly speaking, in those days only the Consecrated Council could be perceived as having been convened with a sufficiently full representation (with the exception of Metropolitan Ephraim). All other deputies, as well as people who simply happened to be in Moscow, turned to this church council, which consecrated such general gatherings of people who had gathered for the election of the tsar. Letters were sent to the cities, addressing first of all also to the local Consecrated Cathedral, and then to the governors, district nobles and boyar children, archers, Cossacks, guests, townsmen and county "all kinds of people of the great Muscovite state."

From Moscow, they reminded of the “suppression of the royal root” and of the time that came after the deposition of Tsar Vasily Shuisky: “... due to the common zemstvo sin, but out of the envy of the devil, many people hated his sovereign, and lagged behind him; and became strife in the Muscovite state. Further, briefly recalling the agreement with Hetman Zolkiewski, about the “cleansing” of Moscow from Polish and Lithuanian people, they came to the main thing - the royal choice. Here, there could be nuances in the letters, since some cities, despite all the requests, did not send their representatives "for the state's abuse." Now they were reminded of this and informed everywhere that the “elected people” from the cities outside Moscow, Pomerania and Ukraine had long ago gathered and were living in Moscow “for a long time”. There was a general opinion that "without the sovereign, the Muscovite state is nothing of a builder, and thieves' factories divide into many parts, and theft multiplies a lot." Describing the list of candidates discussed at the Zemsky Sobor, the elected ones explained why they had abandoned the “Lithuanian and Sviatian king and their children”, reported that “Marinka and her son do not want to go to the state.” So - on the principle of negation - the decision was born to choose "a sovereign from the Moscow clans, whom God will give." According to the general opinion, such a candidate was Mikhail Fedorovich, whose election to the Russian throne took place on February 21. They kissed the cross to the new tsar, promising him “to serve and straighten both with the enemies of his sovereign and with the enemies of the Moscow state with the Polish and Lithuanian and German people, and with the Tatars, and with the traitors who will not teach him to serve the sovereign, fight to death” . At the end of the letter of election, Mikhail Fedorovich was called upon to sing for many years and conduct “prayers with ringing” about the health of the new king and about calm in the country: “... and the Christian state would have arranged peacefully and in peace and prosperity.”

However, there were still many places in the Muscovite state where the decisions of the electoral Zemsky Sobor on the election of Mikhail Fedorovich to the kingdom were not recognized. The greatest danger continued to come from another Cossack pretender - the son of Marina Mnishek, Tsarevich Ivan Dmitrievich. At this time, he and his mother were in the hands of Ivan Zarutsky, who settled in Epifan, in the upper reaches of the Don. Immediately after the election of Mikhail, the "zemstvo council" sent three Cossacks from the regiment of Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy - Vaska Medved, Timoshka Ivanov and Bogdashka Tverdikov - with letters of commendation. What came of it, they told themselves in their petition:

“How, sir, with all the land, and all the military people kissed the cross on Moscow to you sovereign, we are sending from Moscow from your sovereign boyars and from all the land to Zarutsky. And how we your serfs came to Epifan to Zarutsky with boyar and zemstvo letters, and Zarutsky your serf gave us for strong bailiffs and robbed naked, horses and a gun and a dress and money robbed everything. And because of the bailiffs, sovereign, your servants, robbed in soul and body, let us go with letters to Moscow, to your sovereign boyars and to the whole earth.

One can only guess about the content and style of the correspondence of the “Council of the whole earth” with the rebellious Cossack ataman, apparently, he was asked (as it will be done again in 1614, when Zarutsky will be in Astrakhan) to refuse to support Marina Mnishek’s claims to royal regalia for his son. However, Ivan Zarutsky has already crossed the line separating the fighter for the "right" applicant from the ordinary robber, which he will soon prove with his campaign against the Tula and Oryol cities - Krapivna, Chern, Mtsensk, Novosil, Livny - burning fortresses, "carving" people and with ruining the estates of the elected representatives who were in Moscow during the election of Mikhail Fedorovich with particular bitterness.

The oath to Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich began at a time when his consent to take the throne had not yet been received. What must the young man Mikhail Romanov, who was in Kostroma, in the Ipatiev Monastery, feel when this fate fell on him?

From the 16th to the 17th century, Zemsky Sobors were convened in Russia, they played the role of an advisory body under the monarch. The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was convened in a crisis, and its main goal was to elect a new monarch and a new ruling dynasty. The meeting was opened on January 16, 1613, and its result was the election of the first tsar from the Romanovs. How it happened, read below.

Reasons for calling the Council

The main reason for the meeting was the dynastic crisis that began in 1598 after the death of Fyodor Ioannovich. He was the only son of Tsar Ivan the Terrible - John was allegedly killed by his father, Dmitry was killed in Uglich under unclear circumstances. Fedor had no children, so the throne passed to his wife Irina, and then to her brother Boris Godunov. In 1605, Godunov dies, and his son Fyodor, False Dmitry I and Vasily Shuisky take turns in power.

In 1610 there was an uprising, which resulted in the overthrow of Shuisky from the throne. Power passed to the interim boyar government.

But chaos reigns in the country: part of the population swore allegiance to Prince Vladislav, the north-west is occupied by the Swedes, and the camp of the murdered False Dmitry II remains in the Moscow region.

Preparations for the Zemsky Sobor in 1613

When in 1612 the capital was liberated from the troops of the Commonwealth, there was an urgent need for a new monarch. Letters were sent to the cities (on behalf of Pozharsky and Trubetskoy) with invitations to the authorities and elected people for a great cause. However, people came for longer than expected, because the country was still seething. The Tver region, for example, was devastated and burned out completely. Some lands sent only one person, some - for a whole detachment of 10 people. As a result, the cathedral was postponed for a month - from December 6, 1612 to January 6, 1613.

The number of elected representatives gathered, according to historians, varies from 700 to 1500. In Moscow at that time, destroyed by military clashes and uprisings, there was the only building that could accommodate such a number of people - the Assumption Cathedral in the Moscow Kremlin.

Here the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 met.

Composition of the meeting

The composition of the meeting today is known only from the electoral letter of Mikhail Fedorovich, on which elected people from different cities left their signatures. But there are only 227 signatures on the charter, while the number of people present at such a significant event clearly exceeded this number. Some of them simply did not sign the letter. There is also evidence for this. 4 people signed for Nizhny Novgorod, but 19 arrived. In total, representatives of 50 cities gathered in Moscow, so the cathedral was crowded.

Now it is worth analyzing the class affiliation of the participants in the Zemsky Sobor of 1613. The representation of people of all classes was complete. Of the 277 signatures on the charter, 57 belong to clergy, 136 to service officials, and 84 to city elected officials. There are traces of participation in the elections of the king and county people - petty service people and peasants.

Candidates for the throne: who are they?

The Zemsky Sobor (1613) elected Mikhail Romanov as tsar, but there were many contenders for the Russian throne besides him. Among them were representatives of local noble families and dynasties of neighboring powerful states.

The Polish prince Vladislav was immediately weeded out because of his unpopularity among the people. The Swedish prince Karl-Philip had more adherents, including Prince Pozharsky (in fact, the latter simply carried out a competent distraction and was a supporter of Mikhail Romanov). According to the version presented to the public, the prince opted for a foreign candidate due to distrust of the Russian boyars, who during times of unrest more than once switched from one favorite to another. The boyars nominated the king of England, James I.

Among the representatives of the local nobility, the following candidates stand out:

1. Golitsyns - due to the absence of the head of the clan (he was held captive by the Poles), the Golitsyns did not have strong candidates.
2. Mstislavsky and Kurakins - ruined their reputation, as they collaborated with the Commonwealth. In addition, Mstislavsky announced 3 years ago that he would be tonsured a monk if they tried to seat him on the throne.
3. Vorotynsky - the representative of the family himself renounced his claims to the throne.
4. Godunovs and Shuiskys - were rejected due to kinship with previously ruling monarchs.
5. Pozharsky and Trubetskoy - did not differ in nobility.

Despite this, Trubetskoy nevertheless unfolds a stormy activity, offering his candidacy for the throne.

Thus, the Romanovs at the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 became the ruling dynasty.

Why the Romanovs?

But where did the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov come from? It is, of course, not accidental. Mikhail was the nephew of the deceased Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich, and his father, Patriarch Filaret, was very popular with the clergy and Cossacks.

Fyodor Sheremetiev actively agitated the boyars to vote for Romanov, since he is young and inexperienced (that is, he can be made his puppet). But the boyars did not succumb to persuasion. When, after a second vote in 1613, the Zemsky Sobor elected Mikhail Romanov, another problem arose. The elected people demanded that he come to Moscow, which could not be allowed under any circumstances. The timid and modest Mikhail would obviously have made a bad impression on the cathedral, so the Romanov party convinced everyone that the path from the Kostroma region was very dangerous in the current political situation. After long disputes, Romanov's adherents still managed to convince the cathedral to cancel the decision on the arrival of the chosen one.

Decision dragged on

In February, the delegates got tired of the endless arguments and announced a break for two weeks. Messengers were sent to all cities with assignments to find out what the people thought about the election of the king. Does it suit everyone that in 1613 the Zemsky Sobor elected Mikhail Romanov? In fact, the goal was not at all to monitor the thoughts of the population, because two weeks is a very short period. You can't get to Siberia even in two months. The boyars hoped that Romanov's supporters would get tired of waiting and disperse. But the Cossacks were not going to give up. More on this below.

The role of Prince Pozharsky in the formation of a new dynasty of Russian tsars is also great. It was he who pulled off the cunning operation, forcing everyone to believe that he was a supporter of Karl Philip. This was done only to ensure that the Swedes did not interfere in the election of the Russian ruler. Russia barely managed to hold back the onslaught of Poland, the Swedish army could not be stopped. The new tsar appreciated Pozharsky's efforts and favored him to the very end.

The role of the Cossacks in the election of a new dynasty

A large role in the election of Mikhail is attributed to the Cossacks. A vivid story about this is contained in the "Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613", which was written by an eyewitness of what happened.

In February, the boyars decided to elect a tsar "at random", simply by casting lots. It is clear that in such a situation a forgery of any name is possible. The Cossacks did not like this course of events, and their orators staged a loud speech against the boyars' tricks. Moreover, the Cossacks shouted out the name of Mikhail Romanov, offering to seat him on the throne, which was immediately supported by the "Romanovites". So the Cossacks achieved the final election of Mikhail.

He said that Mikhail was still young and not quite in his mind, to which the Cossacks replied that his uncle would help in business. The future tsar did not forget this, and after that he removed Ivan Kasha from all political affairs forever.

Embassy in Kostroma

At the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, Mikhail Romanov was elected the new ruler of his country. The news of this to the future monarch is sent in February. He and his mother were in Kostroma and did not expect such a turn of events. The embassy was led by the archbishop of Ryazan Theodoret Troitsky. It is known that the delegation also included the boyar Sheremetyev, Bakhteyarov-Rostovskaya, children of the boyars, archimandrites of several monasteries, clerks and elected representatives from different cities.

The purpose of the visit was to present Mikhail Romanov with a conciliar oath and to announce his election to the throne. The official version says that the future monarch got scared and refused the right to be king. The ambassadors were eloquent and persuaded Michael. Critics of the "Romanov" concept argue that the conciliar oath has no historical or political value.

Mikhail Romanov arrives in Moscow in May 1613, and his coronation took place two months later, in July.

Recognition of the king by Britain

It is authentically known that the first country to adopt the decision of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 was Britain. The embassy of John Metric arrives in the capital in the same year. Apparently, it was not in vain that all the years of his reign, Mikhail Romanov showed a special disposition towards this country. After the Time of Troubles, the tsar restores relations with the British "Moscow Company". The freedom of action of British merchants was somewhat limited, but they were offered preferential terms of trade both with representatives of any countries, and with Russian big businessmen.

What is the historical significance of the choice?

The main result of the election of Mikhail Romanov to reign is the end of the dynastic crisis. This had further positive results - the end of the turmoil, a sharp rise in the economy, an increase in the number of cities (by the end of the century there are 300 of them). Russian people are rapidly moving towards the Pacific Ocean. Agriculture also rose, increasing momentum.

Between the remote regions of the country, small and large trade, the exchange of goods is being established, which contributes to the formation of a single economic system.

The election of the ruler contributed to an increase in the role of the estates in the administrative system. The activities of the cathedrals motivated the growth of public consciousness and strengthened the system of political administration in the capital and counties. The election of the tsar at the council prepared the ground for the development of the monarchy in Russia into an absolutist one. At further councils (1645, 1682), the elections were changed to the procedure for confirming the legitimacy of the heir. The ability to choose a king on their own disappears.

By the middle of the 17th century, cathedrals completely lose their significance and power. They are replaced by meetings with representatives of certain estates under the tsar. The principle of election was replaced by the principle of official delegation.

The uniqueness of the Zemsky Cathedral

Although historians are still arguing about how Mikhail Romanov was elected, their opinion clearly agrees on one thing - the cathedral was unique in the history of Russia. Its main distinguishing feature is the mass nature of the collection. None of the cathedrals has ever been so multi-class, everyone took part in it, except perhaps the serfs.

Another feature of the meeting is the importance of the decision and its ambiguity. There were plenty of contenders for the throne (including strong ones), but the Zemsky Sobor (1613) elected Mikhail Romanov as tsar. Moreover, he was not a strong and noticeable candidate. It is clear that many intrigues, conspiracies and bribery attempts were not made here.

Summing up, we can say that the unique Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was of tremendous importance for Russia. Power was concentrated in the hands of one person, the legitimate tsar, who laid the foundation for a strong ruling dynasty of the Romanovs. This election saved Russia from the constant attacks of Sweden and Poland, as well as Germany, who had plans for the country and its throne.

Already in November 1612, the leaders of the Second Militia sent letters to the cities with an appeal to gather at the Zemsky Sobor "for the royal ripping off." The period of waiting for the elected was extended for a long time, and, most likely, the work of the cathedral began only in January 1613. The messengers arrived from 50 cities, in addition, the highest clergy, boyars, members of the "Council of the whole earth", palace officials, clerks, representatives of the nobility and the Cossacks. Among the elected were also service people "according to the instrument" - archers, gunners, townspeople and even black-haired peasants. In total, about 500 people took part in the work of the cathedral. The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was the most numerous and representative in the entire sobor practice of the 16th-17th centuries.

The work of the Council began with the adoption of a significant decision: "The Lithuanian and Sviatian king and their children, for their many lies, and no other lands of people to the Muscovite state ... and do not want Marinka and her son." The candidacies of “princes who serve in the Muscovite state” were also rejected, i.e. Siberian princes, descendants of Khan Kuchum and the ruler of Kasimov. Thus, the Council immediately determined the circle of candidates - the "great" families of the Moscow State, the big boyars. According to various sources, the names named at the Cathedral are known - Prince Fyodor Ivanovich Mstislavsky, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Vorotynsky, Prince Ivan Vasilyevich Golitsyn, Prince Dmitry Timofeevich Trubetskoy, Ivan Nikitich Romanov, Prince Ivan Borisovich Cherkassky, Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Pronsky, Fyodor Ivanovich Sheremetev. The dubious news has been preserved that Prince D.M. Pozharsky. In the heat of a parochial dispute, the nobleman Sumin reproached Pozharsky that he "sovereigned and reigned" and this "became him twenty thousand." Most likely, this is nothing more than a slander. Subsequently, Sumin himself renounced these words, and the leader of the Second Militia simply did not and could not have that kind of money.

The candidacy of Mstislavsky, undoubtedly one of the most noble applicants in origin from Gediminas and kinship with the dynasty of Muscovite tsars (he was a great-great-grandson of Ivan III), could not be taken for serious consideration, since back in 1610 he announced that he would take the monastic vows, if he is forced to accept the throne. He did not enjoy sympathy for his openly pro-Polish position. Candidates for the boyars who were part of the Seven Boyars were also assigned - I.N. Romanova and F.I. Sheremetev. The candidates who were part of the militia had the greatest chances - princes D.T. Trubetskoy, I.B. Cherkassy and P.I. Pronsky.

Trubetskoy developed the most active pre-election activity: “The establishment of a meal and honest tables and feasts is many for the Cossacks and in a month and a half for all Cossacks, forty thousand, inviting crowds to their yard all day long, receiving honor for them, feeding and singing honestly and praying to them, so that he be king in Russia ... ”Shortly after the liberation of the Kremlin from the Poles, Trubetskoy settled down in the former court of Tsar Boris Godunov, emphasizing his claims. A letter was also prepared for the award of Trubetskoy to the huge volost of Vaga (on the Dvina), the possession of which was a kind of stepping stone to royal power - Boris Godunov once owned Vaga. This letter was signed by the highest hierarchs and leaders of the united militia - princes D.M. Pozharsky and P.I. Pronsky, however, ordinary participants in the cathedral refused to sign the letter. They were well aware of the hesitations of the former Tushino boyar during the battles for Moscow, and, perhaps, could not forgive him for his oath to the Pskov thief. Probably, there were other claims against Trubetskoy, and his candidacy was not able to get enough votes.

The struggle unfolded in a second round, and then new names arose: the steward Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, Prince Dmitry Mamtryukovich Cherkassky, Prince Ivan Ivanovich Shuisky. They also remembered the Swedish prince Karl-Philip. Finally, the candidacy of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov prevailed, whose merits were his kinship with the former dynasty (he was the nephew of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich) and his untaintedness in the betrayals and strife of the Time of Troubles.

The choice of Mikhail Romanov was close to several political groups at once. Zemsky and noble figures recalled the sympathy for Mikhail of Patriarch Hermogenes and the tragic fate of this family under Godunov. Romanov's name was very popular among the Cossacks, whose decisive role in the election of the young tsar is noted in a special literary monument - "The Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613". For the Cossacks, Mikhail was the son of the Tushino "patriarch" Filaret. The young applicant also inherited the popularity among Muscovites, which was enjoyed by his grandfather Nikita Romanovich and father Fyodor Nikitich.

Many supporters were found among Mikhail Romanov and among the boyars. This was no longer the close-knit, kindred Romanov clan against which Godunov directed his repressions, but a circle of people from the defeated boyar groups that spontaneously formed at the Council. Basically, these were young representatives of famous families who did not have sufficient weight among the boyars - the Sheremetevs (with the exception of the boyar Fedor Ivanovich), Prince I.F. Troekurov, Golovin, M.M. and B.M. Saltykovs, Prince P.I. Ironsky, L.M. and A.L. Naked, Prince P.L. Repnin and others. Some were related to the new tsar, others through the Tushino camp were connected with Mikhail's father, Filaret Romanov, others had previously supported Trubetskoy's candidacy, but reoriented themselves in time. However, for the "old" boyars, members of the Seven Boyars, Mikhail Romanov was also his own - I.N. Romanov, he was a native nephew, Prince B.M. Lykov - nephew by wife, F.I. Sheremetev was married to Mikhail's cousin. Princes F.I. were related to him. Mstislavsky and I.M. Vorotynsky.

True, the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov "passed" far from immediately. In mid-February, the Council took a break in meetings - Great Lent began - and political disputes were left for a while. Apparently, negotiations with the “voters” (many of the participants in the council left the capital for a while and then returned) made it possible to achieve the desired compromise. On the very first day of the beginning of work, February 21, the Council made a final decision on the election of Mikhail Fedorovich. According to the “Tale of the Zemsky Sobor of 1613”, this decision of the elected was influenced by the decisive call of the Cossack chieftains, supported by the Moscow “world”: “By God’s will, in the reigning city of Moscow and all of Russia, let there be the Tsar Sovereign and Grand Duke Mikhailo Fedorovich and the weight of Russia! »

At this time, Mikhail, together with his mother, nun Martha, was in the Kostroma Ipatiev Monastery, the ancestral monastery of the Godunovs, richly decorated and gifted by this family. On March 2, 1613, an embassy was sent to Kostroma, headed by the Ryazan Archbishop Feodorit, the boyars F.I. Sheremetev, Prince V.I. Bakhteyarov-Rostovsky and roundabout F.V. Golovin. The ambassadors were still preparing to leave the capital, and letters had already been sent throughout Russia with a notice of the election of Mikhail Fedorovich to the throne and the oath to the new tsar began.

The embassy reached Kostroma on 13 March. The next day, a procession with the miraculous images of the Moscow saints Peter, Alexy and Jonah and the miraculous Fedorovskaya Icon of the Mother of God, especially revered by the Kostroma residents, went to the Ipatiev Monastery. Its participants begged Mikhail to accept the throne, just as they persuaded Godunov fifteen years ago. However, the situation, although similar in appearance, was fundamentally different. Therefore, the sharp refusal of Mikhail Romanov and his mother from the proposed royal crown has nothing to do with Godunov's political maneuvers. Both the applicant himself and his mother were really afraid of what was revealed to them. Elder Martha convinced the elect that her son “has no idea of ​​being a king in such great glorious states ...” She also spoke about the dangers that lie in wait for her son on this path: “People of the Muscovite state of all ranks have become faint of heart. Having given their souls to the former sovereigns, they did not directly serve ... ”Added to this was the difficult situation in the country, which, according to Martha, her son, due to his infancy, would not be able to cope.

The messengers from the Council persuaded Michael and Martha for a long time, until finally the “plea” with the holy things did not bear fruit. It was supposed to prove to young Michael that the human "want" expresses the Divine will. Mikhail Romanov and his mother gave their consent. On March 19, the young tsar moved to Moscow from Kostroma, but he was in no hurry on the way, giving the Zemsky Sobor and the boyars the opportunity to prepare for his arrival. Mikhail Fedorovich himself, meanwhile, was also preparing for a new role for himself - he corresponded with the Moscow authorities, received petitions and delegations. Thus, in a month and a half of his “march” from Kostroma to Moscow, Mikhail Romanov got comfortable with his position, gathered loyal people around him and established relations that were convenient for him with the Zemsky Sobor and the Boyar Duma.

The election of Mikhail Romanov was the result of the finally achieved unity of all sections of Russian society. Perhaps for the first time in Russian history, public opinion has solved the most important problem of state life. Innumerable disasters and the fall in the authority of the ruling strata led to the fact that the fate of the state passed into the hands of the "land" - the council of representatives of all estates. Only serfs and serfs did not participate in the work of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613. It could not be otherwise - the Russian state continued to be a feudal monarchy, under which entire categories of the population were deprived of political rights. The social structure of Russia in the 17th century. contained the origins of social contradictions that exploded in uprisings throughout the century. It is no coincidence that the 17th century is figuratively referred to as "rebellious". However, from the point of view of feudal legality, the election of Mikhail Romanov was the only legal act throughout the entire period of the Troubles, starting from 1598, and the new sovereign was the true one.

Thus, the election of Mikhail Fedorovich ended the political crisis. Distinguished by neither state talents, nor experience, nor energy, the young king possessed one quality important for the people of that era - he was deeply religious, always aloof from enmity and intrigue, strove to achieve the truth, showed sincere kindness and generosity.

Historians agree that the basis of the state activities of Mikhail Romanov was the desire to reconcile society on a conservative basis. Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich was faced with the task of overcoming the consequences of the Time of Troubles. King Sigismund could not come to terms with the collapse of his plans: having occupied Smolensk and a vast territory in the west and south-west of Russia, he intended to go on the offensive against Moscow and take the capital of the Russian state. Novgorod land was captured by the Swedes, who threatened the northern counties. Gangs of Cossacks, Cherkasy, Poles and Russian robbers roamed the entire territory of the state. Mordovians, Tatars, Mari and Chuvashs were worried in the Volga region, Bashkirs in Bashkiria, Khanty and Mansi on the Ob, and local tribes in Siberia. Ataman Zarutsky fought in the vicinity of Ryazan and Tula. The state was in the deepest economic and political crisis. To fight the numerous enemies of Russia and the state order, to calm and arrange the country, it was necessary to unite all the healthy forces of the state. Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich throughout his reign sought to achieve this goal. The leaders of the zemstvo movement of 1612 were the tsar's firm support in the fight against external enemies, restoring order within the state and restoring the destroyed economy and culture.

Zemsky Sobor of 1613- a constitutional assembly of representatives of various lands and estates of the Moscow kingdom, drawn up for the election of a new tsar to the throne. It was opened on January 7, 1613 in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. On February 21 (March 3), 1613, the cathedral elected Mikhail Romanov as king, marking the beginning of a new dynasty.

Zemsky Sobors

Zemsky Sobors were convened in Russia repeatedly over a century and a half - from the middle of the 16th to the end of the 17th century (finally abolished by Peter I). However, in all other cases, they played the role of an advisory body under the current monarch and, in fact, did not limit his absolute power. The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 was convened in the conditions of a dynastic crisis. His main task was to elect and legitimize a new dynasty on the Russian throne.

background

The dynastic crisis in Russia erupted in 1598 after the death of Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich. At the time of his death, Fedor remained the only son of Tsar Ivan the Terrible. Two other sons were killed: the eldest, John Ioannovich, died in 1581 at the hands of his father; the younger, Dmitry Ioannovich, in 1591 in Uglich under unclear circumstances. Fedor had no children of his own. After his death, the throne passed to the wife of the king, Irina, then to her brother Boris Godunov. After the death of Boris in 1605, they successively ruled:

• Boris's son, Fyodor Godunov
• False Dmitry I (versions about the true origin of False Dmitry I - see the article)
• Vasily Shuisky

After the overthrow of Vasily Shuisky from the throne as a result of the uprising on July 27, 1610, power in Moscow passed to the provisional boyar government (see Seven Boyars). In August 1610, part of the population of Moscow swore allegiance to Prince Vladislav, son of the Polish King Sigismund III. In September, the Polish army entered the Kremlin. The actual power of the Moscow government in 1610-1612 was minimal. Anarchy reigned in the country, the northwestern lands (including Novgorod) were occupied by Swedish troops. In Tushino near Moscow, the Tushino camp of another impostor, False Dmitry II, continued to function (False Dmitry II himself was killed in Kaluga in December 1610). To liberate Moscow from the Polish army, the First People's Militia (under the leadership of Prokopiy Lyapunov, Ivan Zarutsky and Prince Dmitry Trubetskoy), and then the Second People's Militia under the leadership of Kuzma Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky, were successively assembled. In August 1612, the Second Militia, with part of the forces remaining near Moscow from the First Militia, defeated the Polish army, and in October completely liberated the capital.

convocation of the council

October 26, 1612 in Moscow, deprived of support from the main forces of Hetman Khodkevich, the Polish garrison capitulated. After the liberation of the capital, it became necessary to choose a new sovereign. Letters were sent from Moscow to many Russian cities on behalf of the liberators of Moscow - Pozharsky and Trubetskoy. Information came about the documents sent to Sol Vychegodskaya, Pskov, Novgorod, Uglich. These letters, dated mid-November 1612, ordered representatives of each city to arrive in Moscow before December 6th. However, the elected for a long time gathered from the distant ends of the still seething Russia. Some lands (for example, Tverskaya) were devastated and burned completely. Someone sent 10-15 people, someone just one representative. The opening date of the meetings of the Zemsky Sobor was postponed from December 6 to January 6. In dilapidated Moscow, the only building left that can accommodate all the elected ones is the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. According to various estimates, the number of those gathered varies from 700 to 1500 people.

Candidates for the throne

In 1613, in addition to Mikhail Romanov, both representatives of the local nobility and representatives of the ruling dynasties of neighboring countries claimed the Russian throne. Among the last candidates for the throne were:

• Polish prince Vladislav, son of Sigismund III
• Swedish prince Karl Philip, son of Charles IX

Among the representatives of the local nobility, the following names stood out. As can be seen from the above list, they all had serious shortcomings in the eyes of voters.

• Golitsyn. This clan descended from Gediminas of Lithuania, but the absence of V.V. Golitsyn (he was in Polish captivity) deprived this clan of strong candidates.
• Mstislavsky and Kurakin. Representatives of these noble Russian families undermined their reputation by collaborating with the Poles (see Seven Boyars)
• Vorotynsky. According to the official version, the most influential representative of this family, I. M. Vorotynsky, recused himself.
• Godunov and Shuisky. Both those and others were relatives of the earlier ruling monarchs. The Shuisky family, in addition, descended from Rurik. However, kinship with the overthrown rulers was fraught with a certain danger: having ascended the throne, the chosen ones could be carried away by settling political scores with opponents.
• Dmitry Pozharsky and Dmitry Trubetskoy. They, undoubtedly, glorified their names during the storming of Moscow, but did not differ in nobility.

In addition, the candidacy of Marina Mniszek and her son from marriage with False Dmitry II, nicknamed "Raven", was considered.

Versions about the motives for the election

"Romanov" concept

According to the point of view officially recognized during the era of the Romanovs (and later rooted in Soviet historiography), the council voluntarily, expressing the opinion of the majority of the inhabitants of Russia, decided to elect Romanov, in accordance with the opinion of the majority. This position is held, in particular, by the largest Russian historians of the 18th-20th centuries: N. M. Karamzin, S. M. Solovyov, N. I. Kostomarov, V. N. Tatishchev and others.

This concept is characterized by the denial of the desire of the Romanovs for power. At the same time, the negative assessment of the three previous rulers is obvious. Boris Godunov, False Dmitry I, Vasily Shuisky in the view of "novelists" look like negative characters.

Other versions

However, some historians take a different view. The most radical of them believe that in February 1613 there was a coup, a seizure, a usurpation of power. Others believe that we are talking about not completely fair elections, which brought victory not to the most worthy, but to the most cunning candidate. Both parts of the "anti-Romanists" are unanimous in their opinion that the Romanovs did everything to achieve the throne, and that the events of the beginning of the 17th century should not be viewed as a turmoil that ended with the arrival of the Romanovs, but as a power struggle that ended with the victory of one of the competitors. According to the "anti-Romanists", the council created only the appearance of choice, in fact this opinion was not the opinion of the majority. And later, as a result of deliberate distortions and falsifications, the Romanovs managed to create a "myth" about the election of Mikhail Romanov to the kingdom.

"Anti-Romanists" point to the following factors that cast doubt on the legitimacy of the new king:

• The problem of the legitimacy of the cathedral itself. Convened in conditions of complete anarchy, the council did not represent the Russian lands and estates in any fair proportion.
• The problem of documentary description of the meetings of the council and the results of voting. The only official document describing the activities of the cathedral is the Approved Charter on the election of Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov to the kingdom, drawn up no earlier than April-May 1613 (see, for example: L. V. Cherepnin “Zemsky Sobors in Russia in the 16th-17th centuries”).
• The problem of pressure on voters. According to a number of sources, outsiders, in particular, the Cossack army stationed in Moscow, had a great influence on the course of the discussion.

Sessions

The cathedral opened on January 7th. The opening was preceded by a three-day fast in order to be cleansed from the sins of unrest. Moscow was almost completely destroyed and devastated, so they settled, regardless of origin, where they could. Everyone converged in the Assumption Cathedral day after day. The interests of the Romanovs at the cathedral were defended by the boyar Fyodor Sheremetev. Being a relative of the Romanovs, however, he himself could not claim the throne, since, like some other candidates, he was part of the Seven Boyars.

One of the first decisions of the council was the refusal to consider the candidacies of Vladislav and Karl Philipp, as well as Marina Mnishek:

But even after such a decision, the Romanovs were still opposed by many strong candidates. Of course, they all had certain shortcomings (see above). However, the Romanovs also had an important drawback - in comparison with the old Russian families, they clearly did not shine with their origin. The first historically reliable ancestor of the Romanovs is traditionally considered the Moscow boyar Andrei Kobyla, who came from a Prussian princely family.

First version

According to the official version, the election of the Romanovs became possible due to the fact that the candidacy of Mikhail Romanov turned out to be a compromise in many respects:

• Having received a young, inexperienced monarch on the Moscow throne, the boyars could hope to put pressure on the tsar in solving key issues.
• Mikhail's father, Patriarch Filaret, was for some time in the camp of False Dmitry II. This gave hope to the defectors from the Tushino camp that Mikhail would not settle accounts with them.
• Patriarch Filaret, in addition, enjoyed undoubted authority in the ranks of the clergy.
• The Romanov clan sullied itself to a lesser extent by collaborating with the "unpatriotic" Polish government in 1610-1612. Although Ivan Nikitich Romanov was a member of the Seven Boyars, he was in opposition to the rest of his relatives (in particular, Patriarch Filaret and Mikhail Fedorovich) and did not support them at the cathedral.
• The most liberal period of his reign was associated with Anastasia Zakharyina-Yuryeva, the first wife of Tsar Ivan the Terrible.

More consistently sets out the reasons for the election of Mikhail Romanov to the kingdom of Lev Gumilyov:

Other versions

However, according to a number of historians, the decision of the council was not completely voluntary. The first vote on Mikhail's candidacy took place on 4 (7?) February. The result of the vote deceived Sheremetev's expectations:

Indeed, the decisive vote was scheduled for February 21 (March 3), 1613. The council, however, made another decision, objectionable to Sheremetev: he demanded that Mikhail Romanov, like all other candidates, immediately appear at the council. Sheremetev in every possible way prevented the implementation of this decision, motivating his position with security considerations. Indeed, some evidence indicates that the life of the pretender to the throne was in danger. According to legend, a special Polish detachment was sent to the village of Domnino, where Mikhail Fedorovich was hiding, to kill him, but the Domnino peasant Ivan Susanin led the Poles into impenetrable swamps and saved the life of the future tsar. Critics of the official version offer another explanation:

The Council continued to insist, but later (tentatively February 17-18) changed its mind, allowing Mikhail Romanov to stay in Kostroma. And on February 21 (March 3), 1613, he elected Romanov to the kingdom.

Cossack intervention

Some evidence points to a possible reason for this change. On February 10, 1613, two merchants arrived in Novgorod, reporting the following:

And here is the testimony of the peasant Fyodor Bobyrkin, who also arrived in Novgorod, dated July 16, 1613 - five days after the coronation:

The Polish commander Lev Sapieha reported the results of the elections to the captive Filaret, the father of the newly elected monarch:

Here is a story written by another eyewitness to the events.

The frightened metropolitan fled to the boyars. They hurriedly called everyone to the cathedral. The Cossack atamans repeated their demand. The boyars presented them with a list of eight boyars - the most, in their opinion, worthy candidates. The list did not include the name of Romanov! Then one of the Cossack chieftains spoke:

Embassy in Kostroma

A few days later, an embassy was sent to Kostroma, where Romanov lived with his mother, under the leadership of Archimandrite Theodoret Troitsky. The purpose of the embassy is to notify Michael of his election to the throne and to hand him the conciliar oath. According to the official version, Michael was frightened and flatly refused to reign, so the ambassadors had to use all their eloquence to convince the future king to accept the crown. Critics of the "Romanov" concept express doubts about the sincerity of the refusal and note that the conciliar oath has no historical value:

One way or another, Mikhail agreed to accept the throne and left for Moscow, where he arrived on May 2, 1613. The coronation in Moscow took place on July 11, 1613.