The main political event of February could very well be the resumption of sessions of the State Duma, scheduled for February 14th.

The State Duma of the IV convocation was elected in September-October 1912, in its composition it was, of course, bourgeois-landlord. After the defeats in the war in the spring and summer of 1915 and in connection with the growth of the labor movement in the State Duma, criticism of the government, calls and even demands for the creation of a “responsible government”, a government that enjoys “the country's confidence”, began to be heard more and more often. The State Duma met irregularly. So, in September 1915, it was dissolved for holidays, which lasted until February 1916. In November 1916, the Progressive Bloc demanded the resignation of the Stürmer government, and then the new head of the Trepov government. On December 16, the deputies were again sent on vacation until January, which they “extended” until February 14.

The State Duma included 13 Social Democrats (7 Mensheviks and 6 Bolsheviks (later there were 5, since R. Malinovsky was exposed as an Okhrana agent). In November 1914, all five Bolshevik Duma members participated in the Bolshevik Conference in Ozerki, all participants in the conference , including Bolshevik Duma members, were arrested.The trial of them took place on February 10-13, 1915, and all 5 deputies were found guilty of participation in an organization that set the task of overthrowing tsarism, and sentenced to exile in a settlement in Eastern Siberia (Turukhansk Territory In 1916, meetings were held at many enterprises of the capital in connection with the anniversary of the sentence to the Bolshevik deputies, at which resolutions were passed demanding their release. in the struggle for the slogans that were openly heard in the mouths of our exiled deputies.

The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries issued calls to “manifest” on February 14 at the Tauride Palace in order to express confidence and support for the State Duma, which was supposed to resume work on that day after the “holidays”.

February 8-9 strikes at a number of factories in Petrograd and Kolpino (Izhora plant) forced the commander of the Petrograd military district, General Khabalov, to issue an appeal to the workers demanding not to strike and threatening to use weapons.

February 10 part of the factories stood, the other worked only until lunch. Rallies were held, the Bolshevik Party distributed 10,000 leaflets. The demonstrations of the workers, which began on February 10, dragged on for several days.

On February 10, 1917, Actual State Councilor, Chamberlain M. V. Rodzianko, who had chaired the State Duma for many years (since March 1911), arrived in Tsarskoye Selo with his last, most humble report. While estimating the actions of the government, especially the Minister of the Interior Protopopov, he did not appreciate the actions of the government, he argued that Russia was on the eve of huge events, the outcome of which could not be foreseen. According to Rodzianko, it was necessary to immediately resolve the issue of extending the powers of the State Duma. At the same time, he referred to the fact that such a measure - the extension of powers for the entire duration of the war - was recognized as naturally necessary not only by members of the State Duma, but also by the allies. If this is not done, Rodzianko emphasized, then the country, “exhausted from the hardships of life, in view of the troubles that have arisen in government, can itself stand up for the defense of its legal rights. This cannot be allowed, it must be prevented in every way.”

Nicholas II did not agree with the report and to the words of Rodzianko: “You can’t put any Rasputins at the forefront, you, sovereign, will reap what you have sown” - he answered: “Well, God willing.”

Rallies and strikes at plants and factories began (or rather, continued, as well as the distribution of leaflets with calls "Down with the autocracy!") already in early February.

The 14th of February(on the opening day of the meeting of the State Duma) more than 80 thousand workers of 58 enterprises went on strike (Obukhov plant, Thornton factory, Atlas, factories: Aivaz, Old Lessner and New Lessner, etc.). The workers of many factories took to the streets with red banners and slogans: "Down with the government!", "Long live the republic!", "Down with the war!". The demonstrators broke through to Nevsky Prospekt, where there were clashes with the police. Several attempts were made to arrest the demonstrators, but the crowd violently beat them back. Gatherings were held in a number of higher educational institutions - the University, the Polytechnic, the Forest Institute, the Psychoneurological Institute, etc.

At the call of the St. Petersburg Committee of the Bolsheviks, the workers of the Izhora plant in Kolpino held rallies in the shops on February 13 and 14. Speeches were made by representatives of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party and the factory workers themselves.

The head of the security department, lieutenant colonel Prutensky, reporting to the Petrograd gendarme department about strikes and rallies at the Izhora plant, noted the helplessness of the administration: in relation to the movement that had arisen, the authorities should not, in general, the impression was that the Cossacks were on the side of the workers.

Events showed that the "impression" did not deceive the tsar's servant. The atmosphere grew hotter every day. The Bolsheviks called for open struggle. In a new leaflet issued after February 14, they wrote:

From a leaflet
Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP

TO ALL WORKERS,

FOR WOMEN WORKERS

PETROGRAD

Friendly, comrades, in step!
Strengthen our spirit in the fight
The road to the realm of freedom
Let's breastfeed ourselves!

Comrades! Confess to each other that many of you have been looking forward to February 14th with curiosity. Confess also and tell me what you had at your disposal, what strength you had gathered, what were your clear and resolute desires, so that the day of February 14 would bring you what the entire working class craves, what all the suffering, hungry people of Russia are waiting for. Were there enough vague speeches that were heard in defense of the workers' demonstration at the Tauride Palace on the opening day of the State Duma? Is there anyone else among us who thinks that freedom can be obtained by knocking on the thresholds of palaces? Not! The workers paid a heavy price for their enlightenment, and it would be an irreparable, shameful mistake to forget the expensively obtained science. But the tsarist government so wanted the St. Petersburg workers to be as blind and gullible as they were twelve years ago. After all, what a treat the tsarist ministers prepared for the gullible! In each alley, a machine gun, a hundred policemen, brought for this day wild, dark people, ready to rush at us at the first word. The bourgeois liberals, to whose support some bewildered workers were calling for the support of the working class, were full of water: they hid, not knowing what the St. Petersburg workers would do with the State Duma; and when there was no one at the Tauride Palace, the liberals whispered in the Duma and in the newspapers: of course, the workers of St. Petersburg could not do anything unpleasant to us, since the workers are at one with us, they want to fight the war to the end. Yes, comrades!

We want to fight the war to the end, and we must end it with our victory! But not the war that has been ruining and tormenting peoples for the third year already. We want to wage war against this war. And the first weapon we must have is a clear awareness of where our enemies are, who our friend is.

Thirty-one months of human slaughter gave the people the death of many millions of lives, millions of cripples, crazy and sick, military bondage in factories, serfdom in the countryside, flogging and bullying of sailors, lack of food, high cost, hunger. Only a handful of ruling capitalists and landlords are shouting about the war to the end, making a fair amount of profits from the bloody deed. Suppliers of all sorts celebrate their feast on the bones of workers and peasants. Tsarist power stands guard over all predatory brethren.

You can no longer wait and be silent. ...There is no other outcome than the people's struggle!

The working class and the democrats must not wait until the tsarist government and the capitalists wish to reconcile, and now wage a struggle against these predators in order to take the fate of the country and the questions of peace into their own hands.

The first condition for a real peace must be the overthrow of the tsarist government and the establishment of a Provisional Revolutionary Government to set up:

1. Russian Democratic Republic!

2. Carrying out an 8-hour working day!

3. Transfer of all landed estates to the peasantry!

It's time for an open fight!

The speeches of the workers were supported by the students. On February 10, an all-student gathering took place at Petrograd University, the participants of which unanimously declared that they "add their protest in the form of a one-day strike and demonstration to the voice of the proletariat." Student gatherings were held at the Polytechnic and Psychoneurological, Forestry and Medical Institutes, at the Lesgaft courses and the Higher Women's Courses. Several student gatherings called for a two-day strike. And, of course, the students "demonstrated" on Nevsky Prospekt.

Several hundred people came to the Duma itself on February 14 to rally, responding to the call of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. Both police barriers and the position of the Cadets prevented, who called for refraining from demonstrations and maintaining order.

State Duma deputies discussed current bills, some speakers demanded the resignation of incapable ministers.

"How can you fight with legal means against someone who has turned the law itself into an instrument of mockery of the people? How can you cover up your inaction by complying with the law, when your enemies do not hide behind the law, but, openly mocking the whole country, mocking us, break the law every day With lawbreakers, there is only one way to eliminate them physically... ".

The next key date in February for manifestations of public rally and demonstration activity could be the day of February 23 (according to the old style, and according to the new - March 8), that is, on International Women's Day, however ...

February 17 In 1917, the fire monitor and stamping workshop of the Putilov plant went on strike. The workers demanded a 50% increase in prices for the return of recently dismissed comrades to the factory. On February 18 rallies were held in all shops. The workers elected a delegation to make demands on the management. The director threatened to pay. On March 20, 4 more workshops went on strike, rallies were held in others. Then, on February 21, the entire plant stopped working, the Putilov shipyard went on strike. The work was continued only by soldiers assigned to the plant. On February 22, the plant was closed. The next day, 20,000 Putilovites moved into the city. The day before, strong food riots had taken place in Petrograd. The appearance of the Putilovites, as it were, added fuel to the fire. The Bolsheviks called for strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites. At several enterprises of the Vyborg and Narva outposts, strikes began to protest against the lack of food, bread and high prices.

February 22 Nicholas II went to headquarters, to Mogilev. And now - the irony of fate - interruptions in the sale of bread became completely intolerable.

February 23(according to the old calendar style on March 8) was the International Day of Women Workers. The Bolsheviks once again called on the workers to strike. About 90,000 workers went on strike. During the day the outskirts of Petrograd were dominated by the demonstrators. The crowd was dominated by workers. Women left the queue, where they stood for hours for bread, and joined the strikers. The demonstrators were not only on strike themselves - they fired others.

A huge crowd of workers surrounded the cartridge factory, where they removed five thousand people from work. The performances were held under the slogan "Bread!" There were already quite a few red banners with revolutionary slogans, especially in the Vyborg region, where the Bolshevik committee launched energetic activities. According to the report of the police, around 3 pm, up to four thousand people broke through the Sampsonevsky bridge from the Vyborg side and occupied Troitskaya Square. Speakers appeared in the crowd. Mounted and foot policemen dispersed the demonstrations. Still not strong enough to repulse the police, the workers, in response to the repressions, smashed bakeries and beat up the most zealous policemen.

In the evening the Bolshevik committee of the Vyborg district met. It was decided to continue the strike and turn it into a general strike.

Events developed in several dimensions - on the one hand, strikes organized with the participation of the Bolsheviks, on the other hand, spontaneous street protests.

From the REPORT of the Prosecutor of the Petrograd Court of Justice to the Minister of Justice on the strike movement of the workers of Petrograd. 24 February.

RAPORT

On the morning of this February 23, the artisans of the Vyborg region, who had come to the factories, gradually began to stop work and go out into the streets in droves, openly expressing protest and dissatisfaction about the lack of bread. The movement of the masses in the majority was of such a demonstrative nature that they had to be smashed by police squads.

Soon the news of the strike spread to the enterprises of other regions, the artisans of which also began to join the strikers. Thus, by the end of the day, 43 enterprises with 78,443 workers were on strike.

Note. According to some estimates, the number of strikers was more than 128 thousand people.

Late in the evening of February 23, in the Vyborg district, at the apartment of the worker I. Aleksandrov, a meeting of the leading core of the Petrograd Bolsheviks was held. It considered it necessary to continue the strike, to organize demonstrations on the Nevsky, to intensify agitation among the soldiers, and to take measures to arm the workers.

24 February over 200,000 workers, that is, more than half of the St. Petersburg proletariat, were already on strike.

Up to 10,000 workers from the Vyborg side out of 40,000 who had gathered at the Liteiny Bridge and several thousand workers from other districts broke through despite the police cordons to the city center - to Nevsky Prospekt. Meetings were held near the Kazan Cathedral and on Znamenskaya Square.

Military units were sent to help the police, but the Cossack soldiers evaded orders.

25th strike in Petrograd turned into a general political one. On this day, according to an intelligence report to the police department, a meeting of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP was held.

From a note from the security department dated February 24, intended for the attention of police officers

On February 23, from 9 o'clock in the morning, as a sign of protest over the shortage of black bread in bakeries and small shops, workers' strikes began at the factories and factories of the Vyborg district, which then spread to some factories located in the Petrogradskaya, Rozhdestvenskaya and Liteinaya parts, moreover during the day, work was stopped in 50 factory, factory enterprises, where 87,534 workers went on strike.

The strikers, vigorously dispersed by police squads and called-up military units, dispersed in one place, soon gathered in others, showing in this case special perseverance, and only by 7 pm in the area of ​​the Vyborg part of the order was restored. Attempts by the workers of the Vyborgsky district to cross in droves into the central part of the city were prevented throughout the day by police squads guarding the bridges and embankments, but by 4 o’clock in the afternoon, part of the workers still crossed over the bridges and across the ice of the Neva River, for a large length of it, and reached on the left bank embankment, where the workers managed to group in the side streets adjacent to the embankment and then, almost simultaneously, remove workers from 6 factories in the areas of the 3rd section of the Rozhdestvenskaya part, the 1st section of the Liteiny part and further demonstrate on Liteiny and Suvorovsky prospects, where the workers were soon dispersed. Almost at the same time, at 4.50 pm, on Nevsky Prospekt, near Znamenskaya Square, part of the striking workers, who penetrated there in tram cars, as well as singly and in small groups from side streets, made several attempts to delay the movement of trams and cause disorder. *, but the demonstrators were immediately dispersed, and the movement of trams was restored. By 7 pm, normal traffic along Nevsky Prospekt was established. In the area of ​​the Petrograd part, the striking workers made several attempts to remove the non-striking workers from work, but these attempts were prevented and the demonstrators were dispersed.

In addition, at 3 pm, the public waiting in line for bread, having heard that it was sold, broke the mirrored glass in the Filippov bakery, at No. 61 on Bolshoy Prospekt, after which they fled. There were no strikes or demonstrations by the workers in the rest of the city.

During the pacification of the riots, 21 workers were detained ... On February 23, in the morning, the Putilov shipyard was closed by order of the administration, and the workers were told to pay.

* The police assessment of any political speech is one: disorder.

From a note
head of the security department, Major General Globachev
Minister of the Interior, Mayor, Prosecutor's Office,
director of the police department and commander of the troops
on the evening of February 24

The workers' strike that took place yesterday over the shortage of bread continued today, with 131 enterprises with 158,583 people not working during the day.

Among the demonstrators there was a significant number of young students.

From a note
police department about the meeting
Petersburg Committee of the Bolshevik Party February 25, 1917

The Petrograd organization of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, during the two days of the disturbances taking place in Petrograd, decided to use the movement that had arisen for Party purposes and, taking the leadership of the masses participating in it into their own hands, to give it a clearly revolutionary direction.

For this, the named organization proposed:

2) Tomorrow, February 26, in the morning, convene a committee to resolve the question of the best and most expedient procedure for managing the masses of striking workers, already agitated but not yet sufficiently organized; at the same time, it was proposed that, in the event that the government does not take energetic measures to suppress the ongoing riots, on Monday, February 27, proceed with the installation of barricades, the cessation of electrical energy, damage to water pipes and telegraphs *;

3) to immediately form a number of factory committees at the factories, the members of which should allocate representatives from among their members to the "Information Bureau", which will serve as a link between the organization and the factory committees and will lead the latter, passing on to them the directives of the Petrograd Committee. This "Information Bureau", according to the assumption of the conspirators, should later be formed into the "Soviet of Workers' Deputies", similar to the one that functioned in 1905;

4) from the Bureau of the Central Committee of the same organization (Petrograd), delegates that have not yet been clarified have been sent to Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod on party assignments.

As for other revolutionary organizations, individual representatives of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party existing in Petrograd (there are no organizations of this party in Petrograd), fully sympathizing with the movement that has begun, consider joining it in order to support the revolutionary action of the proletariat. Among students of higher educational institutions there is complete sympathy for the movement; within the walls of the institutions there are gatherings led by speakers. Students take part in riots in the streets. In order to suppress such plans of revolutionary elements, it is planned to make up to 200 arrests this night among the most active revolutionary leaders and young students ...

* Leningrad researcher Yu. S. Tokarev suggested that the provocateur, on the basis of whose reports the note was drawn up, deliberately exaggerated in order to inflate his price with the police authorities, because the assertion that the Bolsheviks intended to disrupt telephone communications, deprive the city of water and electricity, hardly legal. These measures were not dictated by the prevailing situation and were alien to Bolshevik tactics.

From a leaf
Petersburg Committee of the Bolshevik Party,
published February 25

Russian

It became impossible to live. There is nothing to eat. Nothing to wear. Nothing to heat. At the front - blood, mutilation, death. Set after set. Train after train, like herds of cattle, our children and brothers go to the human slaughter.

You can't be silent!

To send brothers and children to the slaughterhouse, and to die of cold and hunger and remain silent forever is cowardice, senseless, criminal, vile. ... The time of open struggle has come. Strikes, rallies, demonstrations will not weaken the organization, but will strengthen it. Take advantage of every opportunity, every convenient day. Always and everywhere with the masses and with their revolutionary slogans.

Call everyone to fight. It is better to die a glorious death fighting for a working cause than to lay down one's head for the profits of capital at the front, or to languish from hunger and overwork. A separate action can grow into an all-Russian revolution, which will give impetus to the revolution in other countries. There is a struggle ahead, but a certain victory awaits us. All under the red banners of the revolution! Down with the tsarist monarchy! Long live the democratic republic! Long live the eight-hour day! All the landlords' land to the people! Long live the All-Russian general strike! Down with the war! Long live the brotherhood of the workers of the world! Long live the Socialist International!

The employee's nickname is Kochegar.
Received the information Lieutenant Colonel Tyshkevich

Presentation of information. Today, the agitation has taken on even greater dimensions, and one can already see the leading center from where directives are received... If decisive measures are not taken to suppress the unrest, then barricades may be erected by Monday. It should be noted that among the military units called in to pacify the riots, flirting with the demonstrators is observed, and some units, even being patronizing, cheer up the crowd with appeals: "Push harder." If the moment is lost and the leadership passes to the top of the revolutionary underground, then events will assume the widest dimensions.

On the Vyborg side, the workers smashed the police stations, interrupted the telephone connection with the Petrograd city administration. The Narva outpost was actually under the control of the rebels. At the Putilov factory, the workers created a temporary revolutionary committee, which led the fighting squad. There were first armed clashes with the police. There were dead and wounded. At the Kazan bridge, the demonstrators fired several shots at the policemen, injuring two of them. At the Anichkov Bridge on Nevsky Prospekt, a hand grenade was thrown at a group of mounted gendarmes. On Nizhegorodskaya Street, the demonstrators killed the chief of police of the Vyborg unit, and on Znamenskaya Square, the bailiff. Dozens of police officers were beaten. The outcome of the struggle largely depended on the behavior of the army. In a number of cases, soldiers and even Cossacks sent to disperse the demonstrators refused to shoot at the workers; there were cases of fraternization. On Vasilyevsky Island, the Cossack Hundred refused to obey the officer's order to disperse the demonstration. At the Kazan Cathedral, the Cossacks of the 4th Don Regiment fought off the arrestees from the city. Soldiers joined the demonstrators on Sadovaya Street.

From the memoirs of P. D. Skuratov, a worker at the Putilov factory:

“We organized ourselves at the end of Bogomolovskaya in a small group, about 300-400 people, and then, when we reached the Peterhof Highway, a huge mass of workers joined us. They tied red scarves to sticks - a red banner appeared - and with the singing of the "La Marseillaise" we moved to the Narva Gates. When we reached Ushakovskaya Street, a mounted detachment of police flew out to meet us, which began to whip right and left, and we were forced to disperse ... Thousands of Putilovites and workers of the chemical plant again gathered at the Narva Gate. We decided to give the procession an organized character. The front ones joined hands and thus moved ... As soon as they turned from Sadovaya to Nevsky, a squadron of cavalry was galloping towards them with sabers drawn from the Anichkov Palace. We parted and they passed between us. We shouted “Hurrah” in an organized manner, but there was no answer from them.

Having reached Liteiny, we met with the workers of the Vyborg district and continued our joint procession to Znamenskaya Square. There was a general meeting. At that moment, a police cavalry detachment flew out from behind the Balabinsky hotel, and the bailiff riding in front with a saber hit a woman carrying a banner, who worked in the sickness fund of our plant, on the shoulder. He did not have to leave - we dragged him off his horse, took him down and threw him into the Fontanka. Cossacks rode from the Central Hotel along Ligovka, then the policemen turned and drove back along Suvorovsky Prospekt, and the Cossacks followed us. We discussed among ourselves what it means that a discrepancy began between the troops, and concluded: it means that the revolution has won..

Priceless, beloved treasure! 8 °, light snow - while I sleep well, but I miss you unspeakably, my love. The strikes and disorders in the city are more than provocative (I am sending you a letter from Kalinin* to me). It is, however, not worth much, since you will probably receive a more detailed report from the mayor. This is a hooligan movement, boys and girls running around and shouting that they have no bread - just to create excitement, and workers who prevent others from working. If the weather were very cold, they would all probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves well. Worst speeches are not published**, but I think that anti-dynastic speeches should be punished immediately and very severely, all the more so now that it is wartime... Strikers must be told straight out not to go on strikes, otherwise they will be sent to the front or severely punish.

* So the Romanovs called the Minister of the Interior A. D. Protopopov.

** This refers to the debate in the State Duma on the food issue. Part of the speeches, according to a written order of the Minister of War, was prohibited from publication..

From the telegram of the Commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S. S. Khabalov, to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief

I report that on February 23 and 24, as a result of a lack of grain, a strike broke out in many factories. On February 24, about 200,000 workers went on strike, forcibly removing those who worked. The movement of the tram was stopped by the workers. In the middle of the day on February 23 and 24, part of the workers broke through to the Nevsky, from where they were dispersed ... Today, February 25, the attempts of the workers to penetrate the Nevsky are successfully paralyzed. The Cossacks that broke through are dispersed ... In addition to the Petrograd garrison, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoe Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the consolidated Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk, and five squadrons of the guards reserve cavalry regiment are called to Petrograd.

Announcement
Commander of the Petrograd Military District Khabalov,
forbidding demonstrations and speeches

In recent days, riots have taken place in Petrograd, accompanied by violence and encroachments on the lives of military and police officials. I forbid any gathering on the streets. I anticipate the population of Petrograd that I have confirmed to the troops to use weapons in action, stopping at nothing to restore order in the capital.

Telegram from the tsar to General Khabalov

To the General Staff of Khabalov

I order tomorrow to stop the unrest in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria.

Khabalov's telegram to the headquarters of the Supreme Commander

I report that during the second half of February 25, crowds of workers gathering on Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral were repeatedly dispersed by the police and military officials. Around 5 p.m. At the Gostiny Dvor, the demonstrators sang revolutionary songs and threw out red flags with the inscriptions: "Down with the war!" ... On February 25, two hundred and forty thousand workers went on strike. I have issued a notice forbidding the accumulation of people in the streets and confirming that any manifestation of disorder will be suppressed by force of arms. Today, February 26, the city is calm in the morning.

Telegram
Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko to Nicholas II

Your Majesty! The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport, food and fuel fell into complete disorder. Growing public discontent. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops fire at each other. A person who enjoys the confidence of the country should immediately be instructed to form a new government. You can't delay. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that at this hour the responsibility does not fall on the crowned bearer.

To help the units of the garrison and the Cossacks of the 1st Don Regiment, who, according to the ruling circles, dispersed the demonstrators too hesitantly, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoye Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the consolidated Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk and five squadrons were called guards reserve regiment. At about 9 pm on February 25, the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, received a telegram from Nicholas II, ordering an immediate end to the unrest in the capital. Gathering the heads of the sections and the commanders of the units located in Petrograd, Khabalov read out the text of the emperor's telegram, instructing them to shoot at the demonstrators after a three-fold warning.

On the morning of February 26, arrests of representatives of revolutionary organizations began. In total, about a hundred people were captured.

On the afternoon of February 26, Sunday, crowds of workers from all the proletarian districts of the capital began to move towards the center. In many places, their path was blocked by military patrols. On Znamenskaya Square, on Nevsky, Ligovskaya Street, at the corner of 1st Rozhdestvenskaya and Suvorovsky Avenue, military outposts, on the orders of officers, fired on demonstrators. According to the information of the security department, on Znamenskaya Square alone, the police picked up about 40 dead and about the same number of wounded that day, not counting those whom the demonstrators took with them. In total, during the February revolutionary events in Petrograd, 169 people were killed and about a thousand wounded. Most of the dead fall on February 26 .

From the memoirs of a soldier of the training team of the Volynsky regiment about the participation of Volynians in the execution of a workers' demonstration:

“The team is already there. The workers occupied the entire area of ​​the Nikolayevsky railway station. The soldiers still hope that they are only called in for the sake of appearances, to instill fear. But when the hour hand on the station clock moved closer to twelve, the soldiers' doubts dissipated - they were ordered to shoot. There was a volley. Workers rushed in all directions. The first volleys were almost without defeat: the soldiers, as if by agreement, fired upwards. But then a machine gun crackled, aimed at the crowd by officers, and the blood of the workers stained the snow-covered area. The crowd rushed into the yards in disorder, crushing each other. Mounted gendarmerie began to pursue the “enemy” who had been knocked down from the position, and this pursuit continued until late at night. Only then the military units were separated into barracks. Our team, led by staff captain Dashkevich, returned to the barracks at exactly one in the morning.”

Pazhetnykh K.I.
Volynians in February days. Memories
Manuscript fund of IGV, No. 488

Leaflet
Petersburg Committee of the Bolshevik Party
with an appeal to the soldiers to go over to the side of the insurgent workers
to overthrow the autocracy

Russian
social democratic workers' party

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

SOLDIER BROTHERS!

For the third day, we, the workers of Petrograd, openly demand the destruction of the autocratic system, the culprit of the shedding blood of the people, the culprit of the famine in the country, dooming your wives and children, mothers and brothers to death. Remember, comrade soldiers, that only the fraternal alliance of the working class and the revolutionary army will bring liberation to the enslaved people and an end to the senseless fratricidal slaughter.

Down with the tsarist monarchy! Long live the fraternal alliance of the revolutionary army with the people!

Petersburg committee
Russian Social Democratic
workers' party

The nickname of the employee is Matveev.
Received information Lieutenant Colonel Tyshkevich

In the Vasileostrovsky district, the Social Democrats (Social Democrats) are conducting extensive agitation for the continuation of the strike and street demonstrations. At the ongoing rallies, decisions were made to use terror on a large scale in relation to those factories and factories that will start working. Today, in the apartment of the worker Grismanov, who lives on the 14th line of Vasilyevsky Island in house No. 95, apt. 1, there was a meeting of the Bolsheviks and United, which was attended by about 28 people. At the meeting, the appeals presented to the soldiers were handed over to those present for distribution among the lower ranks, and, in addition, the following resolution was adopted: 1) continuation of the strike and further demonstrations, bringing them to extreme limits; 2) forcibly compel cinematographers and billiard room owners to close them in order to force workers to work on the street, and not engage in holiday entertainment; 3) to collect weapons for the formation of combat squads and 4) to engage in the disarmament of the policemen through unexpected attacks.

The nickname of the employee is Limonin.
Received information Lieutenant Colonel Belousov

Presentation of information. The general mood of the non-Party masses is as follows: the movement flared up spontaneously, without preparation, and solely on the basis of the food crisis. Since the military units did not hinder the crowd, and in some cases even took measures to paralyze the undertakings of police officers, the masses gained confidence in their impunity, and now, after two days of unhindered walking through the streets, when the revolutionary circles put forward the slogans: "Down with the war" and “Down with the government”, the people became convinced that the revolution had begun, that success was with the masses, that the government was powerless to suppress the movement due to the fact that the military units were not on its side, that a decisive victory was close, since the military units would not march tomorrow openly on the side of the revolutionary forces that the movement that has begun will no longer subside, but will grow without interruption until the final victory and the coup d'état. The cessation of water supply and power stations is expected. It should be borne in mind that tomorrow the workers will go out to the factories, but with the sole purpose of getting together, singing and moving out into the streets again in an organized and planned manner in order to achieve complete success. At the moment, factories play the role of grandiose clubs, and therefore the temporary closure of factories for at least 2-3 days would deprive the mass of information centers where experienced speakers electrify the crowd, coordinate the actions of individual factories and give coherence and organization to all speeches. The question of creating a Soviet of Workers' Deputies was raised, which is supposed to be created in the near future. The mood of the masses is warmed up by news of various successes of the crowd in certain districts of the capital and by information received about the emergence of a movement in the provinces. Today they say that in Moscow and Nizhny Novgorod there is already a complete repetition of the Petrograd events, and that in a number of provincial cities there are also disorders.

They say that a great movement has begun among the sailors of the Baltic Fleet, and the sailors are ready to penetrate here any minute and act on land as a large revolutionary force. The situation is aggravated by the fact that bourgeois circles also demand a change of government, i.e., the government remains without support from anyone, but in this case there is also an encouraging phenomenon: bourgeois circles demand only a change of government and stand on the point of view of continuing the war to a victorious end , and the workers put forward slogans: "Bread, down with the government and down with the war." This last point brings discord between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and it is only because of this that they do not want to support each other. This strife of views is that good circumstance for the government, which splits the forces and disperses the undertakings of individual circles. Today everything depends on the line of conduct of military units: if the latter do not go over to the side of the proletariat, then the movement will quickly decline, but if the troops become against the government, then nothing will save the country from a revolutionary upheaval. Only decisive and immediate action can weaken and stop the movement that has arisen. The election to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies will take place at the factories, probably tomorrow morning, and by tomorrow evening the Soviet of Workers. dep. can already begin its functions. This circumstance once again speaks for the need to prevent factory meetings tomorrow morning by closing all factories.

This was the last message that came to the security department. From February 27, only two telephone messages from the precincts were preserved, reporting on the performance of the Volynians, Lithuanians, Preobrazhenians and other military units.

At about 4 p.m., the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment, indignant at the participation of the training team of its regiment in the execution of workers, went out into the street in order to return fellow soldiers to the barracks and fired at the equestrian detachment of policemen along the way. Khabalov ordered the battalion commander and the regimental priest to swear in the company and place it in the barracks, taking away their weapons. When, returning to the barracks, the company handed over their weapons, it turned out that 21 soldiers, taking their rifles, went over to the side of the demonstrators. The battalion authorities arrested 19 people, they were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress, they were subject to a military court, as the main instigators. The performance of the Pavlovtsy was a harbinger of the uprising, but not yet the uprising itself.

On the evening of February 26, the Vyborg District Committee of the Bolshevik Party gathered at the Udelnaya station together with representatives of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee and members of the St. Petersburg Committee who had escaped arrest. The leading center of the Bolsheviks decided to turn the strike into an armed uprising. A plan was outlined: fraternization with the soldiers, disarmament of the police, seizure of weapons depots, arming the workers, issuing a manifesto on behalf of the Central Committee of the RSDLP.

But activists and workers' cooperatives, and trade unions, and Mensheviks, and Socialist-Revolutionaries were preparing for a revolutionary development of events.

.

The mood in the capital is exceptionally alarming. The wildest rumors circulate in society, both about the intentions of the government (in the sense of taking various kinds of reactionary measures), and equally about the assumptions of groups and sections of the population hostile to this government (in the sense of possible and probable revolutionary undertakings and excesses).

Everyone is waiting for some exceptional events and performances from both sides. They are equally seriously and anxiously expecting various revolutionary outbreaks, as well as an undoubted allegedly in the near future "palace coup", the forerunner of which, according to common belief, was the act against the "notorious old man" (meaning the murder of Rasputin).

Among such chaotic judgments, gossips and rumors, the repeated talks and talks about terror as a phenomenon not of a party character, but of a general one, draw special attention to themselves everywhere and everywhere. In this respect, rumors about the likely possibility of a manifestation of terror are usually associated in progressive public circles with the question of the final dissolution of the State Duma, which is probable under the present situation.<…>

It should be noted that if the workers have come to the realization of the necessity and feasibility of a general strike and the subsequent revolution, and the circles of the intelligentsia have come to believe in the salvation of political assassinations and terror, then this clearly enough shows the oppositional mood of society and its thirst to find one way or another way out of created politically abnormal situation. And this situation is becoming more and more abnormal and tense every day, and that the masses of the population, nor the leaders of the political parties see no natural, peaceful way out of it - there is no need to talk about it.

FROM A LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FYODOROVNA TO NICHOLAS II

The strikes and riots in the city are more than provocative.<…>This is a hooligan movement, boys and girls run around and shout that they have no bread - just to create excitement, and workers who prevent others from working. If the weather were very cold, they would all probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves well. The worst speeches are not published, but I think that anti-dynastic speeches should be immediately and very severely punished, especially since it is now wartime. The strikers must be told directly not to strike, otherwise they will be sent to the front or severely punished.

TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOVA TO STATE

I report that on February 23 and 24, as a result of a lack of grain, a strike broke out in many factories. On February 24, about 200,000 workers went on strike, forcibly removing those who worked. The movement of the tram was stopped by the workers. In the middle of the day on February 23 and 24, part of the workers broke through to the Nevsky, from where they were dispersed. Today, February 25, the attempts of workers to penetrate the Nevsky are successfully paralyzed. The broken part is dispersed by the Cossacks. In addition to the Petrograd garrison, five squadrons of the 9th reserve cavalry regiment from Krasnoye Selo, a hundred of the Life Guards of the consolidated Cossack regiment from Pavlovsk, and five squadrons of the guards reserve cavalry regiment were called to Petrograd.

(S.S. Khabalov - Commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General)

"DONT BE DELAYED".

TELEGRAM OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE DUMA M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASIIFEBRUARY 26, 1917

Your Majesty!

The situation is serious. Anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport, food and fuel fell into complete disorder. Growing public discontent. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops fire at each other. A person who enjoys the confidence of the country should immediately be instructed to form a new government. You can't delay. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that at this hour the responsibility does not fall on the crowned bearer.

"TOMORROW MAY BE LATE"

FROM A TELEGRAM TO M.V. RODZIANKO TO NICHOLASII 27 FEBRUARY 1917

The government is completely powerless to suppress the disorder. There is no hope for the troops of the garrison. The reserve battalions of the guard regiments are engulfed in mutiny. Officers are killed. Having joined the crowd and the popular movement, they go to the house of the Ministry of the Interior and the State Duma. The civil war has begun and is flaring up. Order to immediately call for a new government on the basis that I reported to Your Majesty in yesterday's telegram. Order the cancellation of your royal decree to convene the legislative chambers again. Announce these measures without delay with the highest manifesto. If the movement is transferred to the army, the German will triumph and the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable. On behalf of all Russia, I ask Your Majesty to fulfill the foregoing. The hour that decides your fate and the fate of your homeland has come. Tomorrow may be too late.

RODZIANKO ON HIS POSITION IN FEBRUARY 1917

In 1919, the former chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma wrote: “Of course, the State Duma could have refused to lead the revolution, but we must not forget the complete absence of power that has arisen and the fact that if the Duma were to abolish itself, complete anarchy would immediately set in and the fatherland would die immediately. .. The Duma had to be protected, at least as a fetish of power, which would still play its role in a difficult moment.

TELEGRAM S.S. KHABALOV IN THE NAME OF M.V. ALEKSEEVA

I ask you to report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after the other, betrayed their duty, refused to fight against the rebels. Others fraternized with the rebels and turned their weapons against the troops loyal to his majesty. Those who remained true to their duty fought all day against the rebels, suffering heavy losses. By evening, the rebels had captured most of the capital. Faithful to the oath remain small units of different regiments, pulled together at the Winter Palace under the command of Major General Zankevich, with whom I will continue to fight.

(M.V. Alekseev - Chief of Staff of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Adjutant General of the General Staff, General of Infantry)

THE FIRST SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION

On February 27, 1917, at 5 o’clock in the morning, the senior sergeant major of the training team of the Volynsky regiment, Timofey Kirpichnikov, raised the soldiers subordinate to him, fed, armed and built before the arrival of the authorities. The day before, their commander, staff captain Lashkevich, led a team into the city - to shoot at unarmed demonstrators who were indignant at the lack of bread in the stores; at the same time, Lashkevich personally killed several dozen civilians. At night, Timofei Kirpichnikov persuaded his assistants, "platoon leaders", to refuse to participate in the executions of the inhabitants of Petrograd. Arriving at the location of the unit, the officer argued with his subordinates, as a result, he tried to escape and was shot dead.

The insurgent training team, with weapons in their hands, moved to the reserve battalion of their regiment and dragged it along. Then Timofey Kirpichnikov led the soldiers further - to raise the neighboring regiments. Overcoming the resistance of sentries and officers, they were able to bring many thousands of armed people into the streets within a few hours. At some point, Kirpichnikov himself ceased to control the actions of the crowd, which arbitrarily opened fire, stormed the objects occupied by the gendarmerie, and eventually prompted state institutions, including the government, to curtail their activities, and later completely scatter.

Thanks to the abilities of Timofey Kirpichnikov, the riots organized with the participation of the Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev, commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and other high-ranking officials, got out of control of any authorities.

The deputies of the State Duma tried to form a new government, the activists of the left parties began to create Soviets - they called for sending representatives from each part and from every thousand workers for the election of the Executive Committee. In parallel, A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin, with the support of the top generals, forced Nicholas II to abdicate. The power in the country was weakening more and more (especially after Order No. 1, which contributed to the collapse of the army). This did not prevent the new commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, L.G. Kornilov, from presenting an award to Kirpichnikov - the St. George Cross of the 4th degree. The hero of February was also promoted to ensign.

The leaders of extremist political organizations gathered in Petrograd and were already trying to take power into their own hands - the "April crisis" arose. At the same time, Timofey Kirpichnikov stood up for the Provisional Government. He again brought an armed demonstration to the streets, which paralyzed the actions of the revolutionaries. In April, they had to abandon their plans.

After October 25, 1917, when P.N. Krasnov was advancing on Petrograd captured by the Bolsheviks, Kirpichnikov tried to repeat his signature move with a riot of soldiers of the garrison. However, the uprising of the cadet schools did not evoke a response among the soldiers - the plan fell through.

In November, Kirpichnikov was able to escape from the capital to the Don. He arrived at A.P. Kutepov, who in February was just on vacation in Petrograd and tried in vain to restore order (the soldiers assigned to him fled) at the time when Kirpichnikov was destroying it. A very short conversation took place between the two heroes, recorded by A.P. Kutepov in his memoirs: “Once a young officer came to my headquarters, who very cheekily told me that he had come to the Volunteer Army to fight the Bolsheviks “for the freedom of the people”, which the Bolsheviks trample on. I asked him where he had been until now and what he had been doing, the officer told me that he was one of the first "fighters for the freedom of the people" and that in Petrograd he took an active part in the revolution, speaking out among the first against the old regime. When the officer wanted to leave, I ordered him to stay and, calling the officer on duty, sent for the outfit. The young officer became agitated, turned pale, and began to ask why I was detaining him. Now you will see, I said, and when the squad arrived, I ordered that this "freedom fighter" be shot immediately.

ORDER #1

OF THE PETROGRAD COUNCIL OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES FOR THE GARRISON OF THE PETROGRAD DISTRICT

Order No. 1. March 1, 1917. According to the garrison of the Petrograd district, to all soldiers of the guard, army, artillery and navy for immediate and precise execution, and to the workers of Petrograd for information.

The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies decided:

1) In all companies, battalions, regiments, parks, batteries, squadrons and separate services of various types of military directorates and on ships of the navy, immediately select committees from elected representatives from the lower ranks of the above military units.

2) In all military units that have not yet elected their representatives to the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, elect one representative from the companies, who will appear with written certificates in the building of the State Duma by 10 o'clock in the morning on March 2.

3) In all its political actions, the military unit is subordinate to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its committees.

4) The orders of the military commission of the State Duma should be carried out, except in cases where they contradict the orders and resolutions of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

5) All kinds of weapons, such as: rifles, machine guns, armored vehicles, etc., must be at the disposal and under the control of company and battalion committees and in no case be issued to officers even at their request.

6) In the ranks and in the performance of official duties, soldiers must observe the strictest military discipline, but outside the service and in formation in their political, general civil and private life, soldiers cannot be diminished in any way in those rights that all citizens enjoy. In particular, rising to the front and the obligatory salute outside the service are canceled.

7) The title of officers is also canceled: Your Excellency, Nobleness, etc., and is replaced by the appeal: Mr. General, Mr. Colonel, etc.

Rough treatment of soldiers of all military ranks and, in particular, addressing them as “you” is prohibited, and any violation of this, as well as all misunderstandings between officers and soldiers, must be brought to the attention of the company committees.

Read this order in all companies, battalions, regiments, crews, batteries and other combat and non-combat teams.

Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

DECLARATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

Citizens!

The Provisional Committee of the members of the State Duma, with the assistance and sympathy of the metropolitan troops and the population, has now achieved such a degree of success over the dark forces of the old regime that it allows it to proceed to a more stable organization of executive power.

For this purpose, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma appoints the following persons as ministers of the first public cabinet, the confidence in which the countries have been ensured by their past social and political activities.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Interior Prince G.E. Lvov.

Foreign Minister P.N. Milyukov.

Minister of Military and Naval A.I. Guchkov.

Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov.

Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov.

Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov.

Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko.

Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V.N. Lvov.

Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev.

Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky.

State Comptroller I.V. Godnev.

Minister for Finnish Affairs F.I. Rodichev.

In its present activities, the Cabinet will be guided by the following principles:

1. Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious cases, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings and agrarian crimes, etc.

2. Freedom of speech, press, unions, meetings and strikes with the extension of political freedoms to military personnel within the limits allowed by military technical conditions.

3. Cancellation of all class, religious and national restrictions.

4. Immediate preparations for the convocation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of a universal, equal, secret and direct vote, which will establish the form of government and the constitution of the country.

5. Replacing the police with people's militia with elected leaders subordinate to local governments.

6. Elections to local self-government bodies on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage.

7. Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the revolutionary movement.

8. While maintaining strict military discipline in the ranks and in the performance of military service - the elimination for soldiers of all restrictions in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens. The Provisional Government considers it its duty to add that it does not at all intend to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in the implementation of the above reforms and measures.

Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince G.E. Lvov.

Ministers: P.N.Milyukov, N.V.Nekrasov, A.N.Konovalov, A.A.Manuilov, M.I.Tereshchenko, Vl.N.Lvov, A.I.

ON THE REFUSAL OF GRAND DUKE MIKHAIL ALEKSANDROVICH

FROM THE PERCEPTION OF THE SUPREME POWER TO THE ESTABLISHMENT
IN THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF THE IMAGE OF BOARD AND NEW
BASIC LAWS OF THE RUSSIAN STATE

A heavy burden has been placed on me by the will of my brother, who handed over to me the imperial all-Russian throne in a time of unprecedented war and unrest of the people. Encouraged by the same thought with all the people that the good of our Motherland is above all, I made a firm decision in that case to accept the supreme power, if such is the will of our great people, which should establish a form of government and new fundamental laws by popular vote through its representatives in the Constituent Assembly. Russian state.

Therefore, invoking the blessing of God, I ask all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government, which, at the initiative of the State Duma, has arisen and is invested with all the fullness of power, until it is possible to convene

As soon as possible, on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage, the Constituent Assembly, by its decision on the form of government, will express the will of the people.

The main causes of the February Revolution:

1. Although the autocracy was at the last line, it continued to exist;

Workers sought to achieve better working conditions;

3. National minorities needed, if not independence, then greater autonomy;

4. The people wanted an end to the terrible war. This new problem has been added to the old ones;

The population wanted to avoid starvation and impoverishment.

By the beginning of the XX century. the agrarian question was acute in Russia. The reforms of Emperor Alexander II did not make life much easier for the peasants and the countryside. The village continued to maintain a community that was convenient for the government to collect taxes.

Peasants were forbidden to leave the community, so the village was overpopulated. Many high personalities of Russia tried to destroy the community as a feudal relic, but the community was protected by the autocracy, and they failed to do this. One of these people was S. Yu. Witte. P. A. Stolypin managed to free the peasants from the community later in the course of his agrarian reform.

But the agricultural problem remained. The agrarian question led to the revolution of 1905 and remained the main one until 1917. The ruling circles of Russia saw the main chance to delay the death of the autocracy in the victorious conclusion of the war with Germany. 15.6 million people were put under arms, of which up to 13 million

peasants. The war of the 14th year by this time caused discontent among the masses, not without the participation of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks authorized rallies in the capitals and other cities of Russia.

They also campaigned in the army, which had a negative impact on the mood of soldiers and officers. The people in the cities joined the Bolshevik demonstrations. All the factories of Petrograd worked for the front, because of this there was not enough bread and other consumer goods. In Petrograd itself, long tails of queues stretched along the streets. By the end of 1916, the tsarist government had expanded the issue of money so much that goods began to disappear from the shelves.

Peasants refused to sell products for depreciating money. They brought food to large cities: St. Petersburg, Moscow, etc.

The provinces "closed" and the tsarist government switched to surplus appropriation, because. this was forced by the state of the financial company. In 1914

the state wine monopoly was abolished, this stopped the agrarian suction of money into the agricultural sector. In February 1917, industrial centers were falling apart, Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities of Russia were starving, the system of commodity-money relations was disrupted in the country.

The course of the 1917 revolution

The workers wanted to support the Duma, but the police dispersed the workers as soon as they began to gather to march towards the Duma. Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko obtained a reception from the sovereign and warned that Russia was in danger. The emperor did not react to this. He did not deceive, but he himself was deceived, because the Minister of the Interior ordered that the local authorities send telegrams to Nicholas II about the "immeasurable love" of the people for the "adored monarch."

The ministers deceived the emperor in everything related to domestic politics.

The emperor implicitly believed them in everything. Nicholas was more concerned about things at the front, which were not going well. Not solving internal problems, the financial crisis, the difficult war with Germany - all this led to spontaneous uprisings, which grew into the February Bourgeois Revolution of 1917.

By mid-February, 90,000 Petrograd workers went on strike because of a shortage of bread, speculation, and rising prices.

Strikes arose only in a few factories.

The discontent among the masses arose for the most part because of the food issue (in particular, the lack of bread) and most of all this worried the women, who had to stand in long lines in the hope of getting at least something.

Groups gathered in many workshops, read the leaflet distributed by the Bolsheviks, and passed it from hand to hand.

During the lunch break, rallies began at most factories and factories in the Vyborgsky district and at a number of enterprises in other districts.

Women workers angrily denounced the tsarist government, protested against the lack of bread, the high cost, and the continuation of the war. They were supported by Bolshevik workers at every large and small factory in the Vyborg side. Everywhere there were calls for a halt to work. Ten enterprises that were on strike on Bolshoi Sampsonievskiy Prospekt were joined by others as early as 10-11 am. In total, according to police data, about 90 thousand workers and workers of 50 enterprises were on strike. Thus, the number of strikers exceeded the magnitude of the February 14 strike.

If at that time the demonstrations were few, on February 23 most of the workers remained on the streets for some time before going home and participated in mass demonstrations. Many strikers were in no hurry to disperse, but remained on the streets for a long time and agreed to the calls of the strike leaders to continue the demonstration and go to the city center. The demonstrators were excited, which did not fail to take advantage of the anarchist elements: 15 shops were destroyed on the Vyborg side.

The workers stopped the trams, if the carriage drivers, together with the conductors, resisted, they turned the cars over. In total, as the police counted, 30 tram trains were stopped.

In the events of February 23, from the first hours, a peculiar combination of organization and spontaneity was manifested, which was so characteristic of the entire further development of the February Revolution. Rallies and performances by women were planned by the Bolsheviks and the Mezhraiontsy, as was the possibility of strikes. However, no one expected such a significant scope.

The appeal of female workers who followed the instructions of the Bolshevik Center was very quickly and unanimously taken up by all the male workers of the striking enterprises. The police were taken by surprise by the events. At about 4 pm, workers from the outskirts, as if obeying a single call, moved to Nevsky Prospekt.

There was nothing surprising in this: just a week ago, on February 14, the workers, following the instructions of the Bolsheviks, also went to Nevsky, a traditional place for political demonstrations and rallies.

The meeting of the State Duma was going on in the Tauride Palace.

She began to work on February 14, in the alarming atmosphere of the expected large-scale demonstration. This was reflected in the restrained position expressed in the speeches of Rodzianko, Milyukov and other speakers of the Progressive Bloc. The Progressives, who entered at the end of 1916 from the Progressive Bloc, and the leader of the Menshevik faction Chkheidze, came out sharply.

On February 15, Milyukov declared in the Duma that the government had returned to the course it had pursued until October 17, 1905, "to fight the whole country." But he also tried to dissociate himself from the "street", which has recently been encouraging the Duma with statements that the country and the army are with it, and is waiting for some kind of "deed" from the Duma. On Saturday and Sunday, February 18 and 19, the Duma did not meet, but on Monday, the 20th, a very brief meeting took place.

The big plenary meeting was scheduled for Thursday, February 23rd. Rumors about the movement that had begun on the Vyborg side quickly reached the Tauride Palace. Phone calls were heard in the rooms of the press, factions and commissions, at the secretary of the chairman of the Duma. At that time, the food question was being discussed in the White Conference Room of the Duma. Then they moved on to a debate on the request submitted by the Menshevik and Trudovik factions for strikes at the Izhora and Putilov factories.

Meanwhile, just during these hours, the movement showed even more its anti-government and anti-war orientation.

Information about this continued to come to the Duma, but they did not change the general assessment of the events on the part of its members.

Late in the evening of February 23, a meeting of members of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) and the St. Petersburg Committee was held in a safe house in a remote workers' district of Petrograd, Novaya Selo.

S., Georgiev V. A., Georgieva N. G., Sivokhina T. A. "History of Russia from ancient times to the present day"

They noted with satisfaction that the scope of events that day went far beyond their expectations: clashes with the police, rallies, the number of which on the streets could not even be accurately counted, a demonstration on Nevsky.

The number of strikers, according to their observations and rough estimates, even exceeded the number of those who were on strike on February 14th. All this, as it were, gave the Bolsheviks a complete revenge on the day of February 14, when caution was felt in the behavior of the masses, there were few demonstrations.

The next morning, by 7 o'clock, the lines of workers again stretched to the gates of their enterprises.

Their mood was the most fighting. Most decided not to work. On February 24, 75,000 people went on strike. The speakers, among whom were many Bolsheviks, urged the workers to immediately take to the streets. Revolutionary songs were heard everywhere. Red flags flew up in places. Trams stopped again. The entire street was filled with columns of demonstrators moving towards the Liteiny Bridge. The police and the Cossacks repeatedly attacked the workers on the approaches to the bridge.

They managed to temporarily interrupt the movement of the demonstrators. The workers parted to let the riders through. But as soon as they drove off, the workers again went forward. They repeatedly broke through the Liteiny (Aleksandrovsky) bridge to the left bank of the Neva. The militant and elated mood of the workers that day intensified even more. The police chiefs of both Vyborg districts repeatedly reported to the mayor A.

P. Balku that they are not able to cope with the movement on their own.

Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, who was in Mogilev, sent a telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov with a categorical demand to stop the unrest.

Attempts by the authorities to use the troops did not give a positive effect, the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, more than 150 people were killed by officers and police on 26 February. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsky regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

Chairman of the Duma M. V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and "anarchy in the capital." To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoys the confidence of society.

However, the king rejected his proposal. Furthermore. The Council of Ministers decided to suspend the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for the holidays. The moment for a peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy was lost. Nicholas II sent troops from the Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.

I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by rebel railroad workers and soldiers and was not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass defection of soldiers to the side of the workers, their capture of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new authorities began.

On the same day, in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, when the first bodies of workers' political power were born, elections were held for the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

An Executive Committee was elected to direct its activities. The Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze became chairman, and the Socialist-Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky became his deputy. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population.

On February 27, at a meeting of the leaders of the Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma, headed by M.

V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was to "restore the state and public order", the creation of a new government.

The Provisional Committee took control of all ministries. On February 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops.

He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consultations with the commanders of the fronts, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution.

On March 1, the Petrograd Soviet issued "Order No. 1" on the democratization of the army. Soldiers were equalized in civil rights with officers, rude treatment of the lower ranks was prohibited, and traditional forms of army subordination were abolished.

Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. The army was allowed to conduct political activities. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Soviet and undertook to carry out only its orders.

On March 2, Nicholas signed the Manifesto on abdication for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy.

On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne, declaring that the Constituent Assembly should decide the fate of the political system in Russia. The 300-year rule of the Romanov dynasty ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. This was the main outcome of the revolution.

Results of the February Revolution

The February revolution was not as swift as people like to paint it. Of course, compared to the French Revolution, it was fleeting and almost bloodless.

But it was simply never mentioned that until the end of the revolution, the Tsar had a chance to save the autocracy, in the same way as in 1905 - by issuing some kind of constitution.

But that did not happen. What is it - political color blindness or lack of interest in everything that happens? And yet, the February Revolution, which led to the overthrow of the autocracy, ended.

However, the peoples of Russia rose to fight not only and not so much in order to throw the Romanov dynasty off the throne. The overthrow of the autocracy in itself did not remove the pressing problems facing the country.

February 1917 did not complete the revolutionary process, but began its new stage. After the February revolution, the workers received an increase in wages, but inflation ate it up by the summer.

The lack of wages, housing, food, basic necessities caused the people to be disappointed in the results of the February revolution. The government continued the unpopular war, thousands of people died in the trenches.

Growing distrust of the Provisional Government, which resulted in mass street demonstrations. February to July 1917 The provisional government survived three powerful political crises that threatened to overthrow it.

February was a people's revolution

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution in a row (the first took place in 1905, the third in October 1917).

The February Revolution began a great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite was completely replaced in Russia

Causes of the February Revolution

• The unfortunate participation of Russia in the First World War, accompanied by defeats on the fronts, the disorganization of life in the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which degenerated into unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption at all levels of government
• Economic difficulties
• Ideological decomposition of the masses, who ceased to believe in the king, and the church, and local leaders
• Dissatisfaction with the policy of the tsar by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“... For several days now we have been living on a volcano ... There was no bread in Petrograd - the transport was very disordered due to unusual snows, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the tension of the war ... There were street riots ... But it was, of course, not in bread… That was the last straw… The fact was that in this whole huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities… And not even that… The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves… There was no , in fact, not a single minister who would believe in himself and in what he is doing ... The class of former rulers came to naught .. "
(You.

Shulgin "Days")

The course of the February Revolution

• February 21 - bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds smashed bakery shops
• February 23 - the beginning of the general strike of the workers of Petrograd. Mass demonstrations with the slogans "Down with the war!", "Down with the autocracy!", "Bread!"
• February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises, students went on strike
• February 25 - Already 305 thousand people were on strike, 421 factories were standing.

  Employees and artisans joined the workers. The troops refused to disperse the protesters

• February 26 - Continued riots. Decomposition in the troops. The inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
  postponed the start of meetings of the State Duma from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky refused to obey the commanders and joined the people.

  In the afternoon, the Semyonovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored division revolted. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, railway stations, and bridges were occupied.

  The State Duma
  appointed a Provisional Committee "to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and persons."

• On February 28, at night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, sailors of the 2nd Baltic Naval Crew and the cruiser Aurora revolted.

  The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd

• March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow revolted, the tsar's associates offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called "responsible ministries" - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into an "English queen".
• March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late.

  The public demanded renunciation.

"The Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," General Alekseev, requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability under the circumstances of the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of his son.

By one in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers of the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian front (the king of Romania was actually commander-in-chief, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front.

All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (gen. Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke in favor of the abdication of the Sovereign Emperor from the throne. (Vas. Shulgin "Days")

• On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei, under the regency of the younger brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

  During the day, the king decided to abdicate also for the heir.

• March 4 - The Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in the newspapers.

“The man rushed to us - Darlings!” he shouted and grabbed my hand - Heard? There is no king! Only Russia remained.
He kissed everyone warmly and rushed to run on, sobbing and muttering something ... It was already one in the morning when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, there was a booming and short strike of the cathedral bell.

Then the second blow, the third.
The blows became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. Doors in many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. From the side of the station flew the solemn and jubilant cry of locomotives (K.

Paustovsky "Restless Youth")

Results of the February Revolution of 1917

• The death penalty has been abolished
• Granted political freedoms
• Abolished "Pale of Settlement"
• Beginning of the trade union movement
• Amnesty for political prisoners

Russia has become the most democratic country in the world

• The economic crisis has not been stopped
• Participation in the war continued
• Permanent government crisis
• The collapse of the empire along national lines began
• The peasant question remained unresolved

Russia demanded a decisive government and it came in the form of the Bolsheviks

What is liberalism?
Where is the filibuster sea?
What is the League of Nations?

The nature of the revolution: bourgeois-democratic.

Goals: the overthrow of the autocracy, the elimination of landlordism, the estate system, the inequality of nations, the establishment of a democratic republic, the provision of various democratic freedoms, and the alleviation of the position of the working people.

Causes of the Revolution: the extreme aggravation of all the contradictions of Russian society, aggravated by the war, economic ruin and food crisis.

driving forces: the working class, the peasantry, the liberal bourgeoisie, the democratic strata of the population, the intelligentsia, students, employees, representatives of the oppressed peoples, the army.

Course of events: February: strikes and demonstrations of Petrograd workers, caused by dissatisfaction with the economic situation, food difficulties, the war.

February 14 — opening of the session of the State Duma. Rodzianko and Milyukov are cautious in their criticism of the autocracy.

Progressives and Mensheviks are forcing confrontation with the government. Outcome: the conclusion is made about the need to change the government. February 20-21 - the emperor hesitates, discusses the question of the responsibility of the ministry, meets in the Duma, but unexpectedly leaves for headquarters.

February 23 - spontaneous revolutionary explosion - the beginning of the revolution. February 24-25 - Strikes develop into a general strike. Troops keep themselves neutral. There is no order to shoot. 02.26 — Skirmishes with the police escalate into battles with the troops. Feb 27 - The general strike turns into an armed uprising. The transition of troops to the side of the rebels began.

The rebels occupy the most important strategic points of the city and government buildings. On the same day, the tsar interrupts the session of the Duma. The rebels come to the Tauride Palace. The authority of the Duma among the people was high. The Duma turned out to be the center of the revolution.

The deputies of the Duma create a provisional committee of the State Duma, and the workers and soldiers form the Petrograd Soviet. February 28 - Ministers and senior officials are arrested. Rodzianko agrees to take power into the hands of the Provisional Committee of the Duma. The armed uprising won. 2.03 - abdication of Nicholas II from the throne 3.03 - Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich abdicates the throne.

In fact, a republican system is being established in the country. March: The revolution wins throughout the country.

The results of the February revolution: the overthrow of the autocracy, the beginning of economic and socio-political reform, the formation of dual power, the aggravation of problems in Russia.

It did not solve the economic, political and class contradictions in the country, but it was the prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to carry out military tasks. Many factories stopped their work, the army felt the lack of equipment, weapons, food. The transport system of the country is absolutely not adapted to the military situation, agriculture has lost ground. Economic difficulties have increased Russia's foreign debt to enormous proportions.

Intending to extract the maximum benefits from the war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create unions and committees on questions of raw materials, fuel, food, and so on.

True to the principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik Party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was waged in the interests of the exploiting classes, its predatory, predatory nature. The party sought to direct the discontent of the masses into the channel of a revolutionary struggle for the collapse of the autocracy.

In August 1915, the "Progressive Bloc" was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to prevent the revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not ensure bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.

The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war sentiments, the plight of the workers and peasants, political lack of rights, the decline in the authority of the autocratic government and its inability to carry out reforms.

The driving force in the struggle was the working class, led by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers were the peasants, who demanded the redistribution of land. The Bolsheviks explained to the soldiers the goals and objectives of the struggle.

The main events of the February Revolution took place rapidly. For several days in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities there was a wave of strikes with the slogans "Down with the tsarist government!", "Down with the war!". On February 25, the political strike became general. Executions, arrests were not able to stop the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Government troops were put on alert, the city of Petrograd was turned into a military camp.

February 26, 1917 was the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, the soldiers of the Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volynsky regiments went over to the side of the workers. This decided the outcome of the struggle: on February 28, the government was overthrown.

The outstanding significance of the February Revolution is that it was the first people's revolution in history of the era of imperialism, which ended in victory.

During the February Revolution of 1917, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated.

Dual power arose in Russia, which was a kind of result of the February Revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as an organ of people's power, on the other hand, the Provisional Government is an organ of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. In organizational matters, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish autocracy.

The provisional government pursued an anti-people, imperialist policy: the land issue was not resolved, factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were in dire need, and there was not enough fuel for rail transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened the economic and political problems.

Russia after the February Revolution experienced an acute political crisis. Therefore, the need was ripe for the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one, which was supposed to bring the proletariat to power.

One of the consequences of the February Revolution is the October Revolution under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!".

Soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. February 23, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

A general strike began in Petrograd, in which about 215,000 workers took part. The spontaneous movement covers the whole city, students join it. The police are unable to "stop the movement and the gathering of people." City authorities throw forces to strengthen the protection of government buildings, post office, telegraph and bridges. Mass rallies continue throughout the day.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“At 10½ I went to the report, which ended at 12 o'clock. Before breakfast they brought me a military cross on behalf of the Belgian king. The weather was bad - a blizzard. I took a short walk in the garden. I read and wrote. Yesterday Olga and Alexei got measles, and today Tatyana (the children of the tsar. - RBC) followed suit.

The army and police set up outposts on all the main bridges in the morning, but crowds of protesters moved into the center of Petrograd right on the ice of the Neva. The number of strikers exceeded 300 thousand people. Mass rallies were held on Nevsky Prospekt, calls for the overthrow of the tsar and the government were added to the demands for bread.

Clashes continued between the protesters and the police, who had to open fire on the crowd several times. By evening, the unrest in the capital was reported to Nicholas II, who demanded that the city authorities decisively stop them. During the night, police arrested dozens of people.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“I got up late. The report lasted an hour and a half. At 2½ I drove into the monastery and venerated the icon of the Mother of God. Made a walk along the highway to Orsha. At 6 o'clock I went to the vigil. I've been busy all evening."

Demonstration at the Petrograd Arsenal. February 25, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

The protesters continued to gather in the center of Petrograd, despite the drawn bridges. The clashes with the army and police became more and more violent, the crowds could only be dispersed after they opened fire, and the death toll was already in the hundreds. Pogroms broke out in some areas. Chairman of the State Duma Mikhail Rodzianko sent a telegram to the tsar, in which he called what was happening in the city anarchy, but did not receive any answer from him.

Later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Nikolai Golitsyn announced the suspension of the work of both houses of parliament - the State Council and the State Duma - until April. Rodzianko sent another telegram to the tsar demanding that the decree be immediately suspended and a new government formed, but he also received no answer.

From the diary of Nicholas II."At 10 o'clock. went to dinner. The report ended on time. A lot of people had breakfast and all cash foreigners. I wrote to Alix (Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. - RBC) and drove along the Bobruisk highway to the chapel, where I took a walk. The weather was clear and frosty. After tea, I read and received Senator Tregubov until dinner. I played dominoes in the evening.

The training team of the reserve battalion of the Life Guards of the Volyn Infantry Regiment mutinied - the soldiers killed their commander and freed those arrested from the guardhouse, along the way joining several neighboring units to their ranks. Armed soldiers linked up with the striking workers, after which they seized some of the weapons from the workshops of the Gun Factory. An armed uprising began in the capital.

The rebels managed to get to the Finland Station, on the square in front of which numerous new rallies began. Several tens of thousands of soldiers joined the crowd of protesters, the total number of demonstrators exceeded 400 thousand people (with a population of Petrograd of 2.3 million people). Prisons were liberated throughout the city, including Kresty, from which several Mensheviks were released, who declared that the main task of the rebels was to restore the work of the State Duma.

The rebellious soldiers of the Volynsky regiment go with banners to the Tauride Palace. February 27, 1917 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

In the afternoon, the protesters gathered at the Taurida Palace, where the State Duma met. The deputies decided to formally submit to the dissolution order, but continued their work under the guise of a "private meeting". As a result, a new body of power was formed - the Provisional Committee, which, in fact, became the center of the protest movement. In parallel, representatives of the leftist parties created an alternative governing body - the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrosoviet.

Toward evening, the government gathered for its last meeting and sent a telegram to Nicholas II, in which it said that it was no longer able to cope with the situation that had arisen, proposed to dissolve itself and appoint a person enjoying general confidence as chairman. The tsar ordered troops to be sent to Petrograd and refused to accept the resignation of the government, which dispersed without waiting for the monarch's answer. Nicholas II decided to personally arrive in the capital, while the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced that he was taking power in the city into his own hands.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“Unrest broke out in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. It's a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news! Was not long at the report. In the afternoon I took a walk along the highway to Orsha. The weather was sunny. After dinner, I decided to go to Tsarskoye Selo as soon as possible and at one in the morning I got on the train.

The city authorities inform Nicholas II that almost all the military who were in the city went over to the side of the protesters. During the day, armed workers and soldiers captured the Peter and Paul Fortress, having at their disposal all of its artillery. The revolutionaries forced the head of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General Khabalov, to leave the Admiralty. He complied with the instructions, withdrawing the remnants of the troops loyal to him to the Winter Palace, which was also soon occupied by the rebels.

On the morning of the same day, former Interior Minister Alexander Protopopov was arrested in the Tauride Palace. The rebels actually took control of the situation in the city. There were almost no forces left in the capital ready to carry out the orders of the king.

Nicholas II (Photo: RIA Novosti)

Meanwhile, Nicholas II left Mogilev early in the morning for Tsarskoye Selo, where Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was at that time. While in Orsha, he received a telegram from members of the Provisional Committee, who informed him of the critical situation in the capital, which drove the masses to despair and forced the troops to join them. The tsar was asked to "resolutely change domestic policy" and approve the composition of the new cabinet of ministers.

By this time, the Provisional Committee had managed to send out a message throughout the country that it was taking full control of the entire railway network in the empire. The head of the tsarist military headquarters, General Mikhail Alekseev, who was originally going to take over this control, abandoned his decision. Moreover, he changed the rhetoric in his messages to other commanders-in-chief, moving away from describing the chaos and anarchy in the capital. In his message to General Nikolai Ivanov, who was sent by the tsar with assembled units to suppress the uprising in Petrograd, he said that the Provisional Committee managed to take the situation in the capital under control. Having received the letter, Ivanov decided not to send troops into the city until the situation became completely clear.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“I went to bed at 3 o’clock, because I spoke for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I am sending to Petrograd with troops to restore order. Slept until 10 o'clock. We left Mogilev at 5 o'clock. morning. The weather was frosty and sunny. In the afternoon we passed Vyazma, Rzhev, and Likhoslavl - at 9 o'clock.

The train of Nicholas II never managed to get to Tsarskoye Selo - in the Malaya Vishera area, the tsar was informed that the neighboring stations were in the hands of the rebels. The emperor turned the train around and went to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. The new authorities unsuccessfully tried several times to block Nikolai's train to prevent him from rejoining the army.

Nevertheless, the tsar managed to get to Pskov, where he received a telegram from Alekseev. He informed Nikolai about the riots that had begun in Moscow, but urged him to avoid a forceful solution to the problem and, as soon as possible, "put a person whom Russia would trust at the head of the government and instruct him to form a cabinet." Ruzsky, Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front, made similar proposals in a personal conversation with the tsar.

Nikolay to the last refused to establish a government responsible to the Duma, not wanting to become a constitutional monarch and be responsible for decisions that he could not influence. However, towards the end of the day, another telegram arrived from Alekseev containing a draft of a proposed manifesto for the establishment of a responsible government. Having lost the support of his own chief of staff, Nikolai sends a telegram to General Ivanov and asks him to abandon the armed suppression of the rebellion and stop the advance of troops to Petrograd.

Nicholas II (right in the foreground) and Mikhail Alekseev (left in the foreground). 1915 (Photo: RIA Novosti)

Meanwhile, in the capital, the Provisional Committee and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet had already begun to discuss the composition of the new government. The parties agreed that a Provisional Government should be formed, which would announce a political amnesty, guarantee the population basic freedoms, and begin preparations for elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine how the new Russia would live.

That same night, the Petrograd Soviet, without any consent, issued its “Order No. 1”, in which it subjugated the army located in the capital and transferred all leadership in the military units to the soldiers' committees, depriving the officers of power. Dual power arose: de jure power was in the hands of the Provisional Committee, but de facto in Petrograd the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies became the main decision-making body.

From the diary of Nicholas II.“At night we turned back with M. Vishera, because Luban and Tosno turned out to be occupied by the rebels. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw Ruzsky. He, [commanders] Danilov and Savvich were having lunch. Gatchina and Luga also turned out to be busy. Shame and shame! It was not possible to reach Tsarskoye. Thoughts and feelings are always there! How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! Help us Lord!

In his telegram, Alekseev said that “it is necessary to save the army from collapse”, “the loss of every minute can be fatal for the existence of Russia” and that “the war can be continued to a victorious end only if the requirements for abdication from the throne are fulfilled” in favor of the son of Nikolai II. All the commanders of the fronts in their responses asked the king to abdicate in order to save the country.

In the afternoon, Nicholas II signed the abdication manifesto. A little later, representatives of the Provisional Committee Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin came to him, who told the tsar about the situation in the country and again asked him to transfer power to his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Nicholas informed them that he had already abdicated in favor of Tsarevich Alexei, but now, not wanting to lose contact with him, he was ready to abdicate in favor of Mikhail. Closer to midnight, the manifesto was handed over to the deputies.

Manifesto of Nicholas II on the abdication

In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who had been striving to enslave our Motherland for almost three years, the Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal popular unrest threatens to have a disastrous effect on the further conduct of the stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of our heroic army, the good of the people, the whole future of our dear Fatherland demand that the war be brought to a victorious end at all costs. The cruel enemy is straining his last strength, and the hour is near when our valiant army, together with our glorious allies, will finally be able to break the enemy. In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it a duty of conscience to facilitate for our people the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory, and in agreement with the State Duma, we recognized it as good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and lay down the supreme power. Not wanting to part with our beloved son, we pass on our heritage to our brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless him to ascend the throne of the Russian state. We command our brother to govern the affairs of state in complete and inviolable unity with the representatives of the people in legislative institutions on the basis that they will establish, taking an inviolable 123 oath to that. In the name of our dearly beloved Motherland, we call on all the faithful sons of the Fatherland to fulfill their sacred duty to him by obedience to the tsar in a difficult moment of national trials and to help him, together with representatives of the people, lead the Russian state to the path of victory, prosperity and glory. May the Lord God help Russia.

After that, Nikolai went back to Headquarters, having previously sent a telegram to Grand Duke Mikhail. “The events of recent days forced me to decide irrevocably on this extreme step. Forgive me if I upset you and that I did not have time to warn you. I remain forever faithful and devoted brother. I fervently pray to God to help you and your Motherland,” he wrote.

Mikhail, who did not have time to receive this telegram from his brother, also abdicated a day later. The Russian autocracy fell, all official power passed into the hands of the Provisional Government.

The editorial of the newspaper "Morning of Russia". March 2 (15), 1917 (Photo: Photo archive of M. Zolotarev)

From the diary of Nicholas II.“In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, because. the Social-Democratic Party represented by the workers' committee is fighting it. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky passed this conversation on to the headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. There were answers from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced. Around treason, cowardice and deceit!