Nikita Mikhalkov's conservative manifesto: where is Russia going? Enlightened conservatism and enlightened conservatives - who are they.

Nikita Mikhalkov

Law and Truth

Manifesto of Enlightened Conservatism. Nikita Mikhalkov. Moscow. MMX

PUBLISHING HOUSE "BURGER-BOOKS"

Introduction________________________________________________ 3

What to do_______________________________________________ 7

Enlightened Conservatism and Enlightened Conservatives__ 13

Our voters 16

Key Ideas __________________________________________ 19

Culture________________________________________________ 26

Tradition_______________________________________________ 28

Story________________________________________________ 29

Nation__________________________________________________ 32

Homeland and Fatherland ______________________________________ 33

National question ___________________________________ 35

Personality_______________________________________________ 36

A family_________________________________________________ 37

Freedom_______________________________________________ 39

State____________________________________________ 41

Politics, army, power, information, property, economy__ 49

Introduction

We are convinced that by ceasing to share the past, we acquire the present and guarantee the future. Historically, the Russian State has developed following a thousand-year path: from "Holy Russia" to "Great Russia".
Kyiv! Vladimir! Moscow! Petersburg-Petrograd! Moscow!
Here are five stages in the life of our Fatherland, the fate of our Motherland.
Kyiv - the beginning of "Holy Russia". Prince Vladimir baptized the Russian people into the Orthodox Christian faith.
"Holy Russia" flourished in Vladimir with the care and deeds of the Grand Duke Andrei Bogolyubsky and, having grown stronger in a series of centuries, became the heart of the Muscovite Kingdom.
At that time, faith organically entered everyday life, and everyday life into faith. The state ideology was inseparable from the Orthodox worldview, from the symphony of the Kingdom and the Priesthood. All life in the Church is an axiom of Moscow, the historical root of that attitude that is customarily called ecclesiastical-conservative.

Peter's reforms lead the civil and state life of Russia beyond the church fence. "Great Russia" marked Imperial Russia. Petersburg was revealed to the world, the motto of which will be the words of Catherine's mandate: "Russia is a European state." The Synod took the place of the Patriarch. The symphony of power has changed. All life in the state is an axiom of St. Petersburg, the source of that Russian worldview, which is usually called state-conservative.

The Russian Empire followed the path of the Byzantine Empire. By the will of the emperors, it became more and more "Great Russia" and less and less "Holy Russia" remained in it. By decrees of the autocrats, “state reforms” were carried out, political, economic and judicial reforms were carried out that contributed to “civil liberation”.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the revolutionary public raised the slogan "All life in civil society" to the shield and brought people to the streets of Petrograd. This was the beginning of the worldview, which is commonly called liberal-democratic.

In 1914, defending Orthodox Serbia, Russia entered the World War, which ended for her in a series of revolutions that crushed the centuries-old monarchy.

Having survived the Civil War and emigration, imperial Russia turned into the Soviet Union - "Great Russia without Holy Russia." All life in the party is the axiom of Soviet Russia and the basis of the ideology that is commonly called communist.

From the mid-1920s, the country began to work and live "at the limit of possibilities." Life has become a struggle for existence. Soviet people constantly felt surrounded by internal and external enemies. The political regime based on fear was accompanied by mass enthusiasm and personal sacrifice. The hardships of collectivization and industrialization were overcome. Survived the horrors and pain of the Gulag. Illiteracy, homelessness, and banditry have been eliminated. Poverty, disease and hunger have been defeated. The people's feat of victory in the Great War was accomplished, after which our country, once again overcoming economic devastation with a jerk, was the first to master space.

However, in the late 1960s, having reached the maximum of what could be achieved under the Soviet form of government and the socialist regime, the “Soviet people”, on whose shoulders the incredible hardships of mobilization work fell, overstrained themselves. The pathos of communist ideology and the potential of Soviet statehood were exhausted. The Bolshevik experiment entered its final phase. On the shadow counters of the “administrative market”, the dismantling of the centralized system of the Soviet state and law began, accompanied by the decomposition of the party elite, the degradation of the socialist public and the collapse of the value system of the Soviet person.

Perestroika began in the mid-1980s, and in 1991 the Soviet Union was gone. The last act was played out quickly and swiftly, just as in 1917. The seemingly unshakable power collapsed in three August days ...

At that time, we did not realize that we were taking part in events of world significance. In events that will result not only in the reorganization of a single country - the Soviet Union, but also in the political and economic redivision of the world.

It was a geopolitical revolution.

As a result, we entered the 21st century, no longer living in "Holy Russia" and not in "Great Russia", but on the territory of the Russian Federation. We have new state borders: in the Caucasus - as in the beginning of the 19th century, with Central Asia - as in the middle of the 19th century, and, which is much more dramatic for us, with the West - as in 1600, that is, after the reign of Ivan the Terrible. From the Soviet Union, we, the citizens of the Russian Federation, inherited 75% of the territory and 51% of the population. More than 20 million of our compatriots found themselves outside the borders of Russia and, in fact, became emigrants.

Such is the price paid by the Russian people for state independence and personal freedom gained at the end of the 20th century...

What to do?

The 21st century has arrived...
Can we today, hand on heart,
tell yourself and people: yes, we are satisfied
everything that happened and is happening in Russia?
It seems not!

The modern social system, which is an explosive mixture of liberal modernization catching up with the West, the arbitrariness of "local bosses", and pervasive corruption, does not suit the majority of Russians. Behind the "parade" of economic reforms and the "facade" of liberal institutions, traditional, archaic social relations are still hidden.

People are tired of listening to declarations of political independence, listening to calls for individual freedom and believing fairy tales about the wonders of the market economy.

The euphoria of liberal democracy is over! It's time to do business!

The first thing we need is the establishment and maintenance of law and order in the country. The second is ensuring cultural and national security. The third is the growth of "welfare for all". Fourth, restoring a sense of pride and responsibility for one's country. Fifth - guaranteeing social justice and social protection of citizens, as well as upholding the rights and freedoms of our compatriots living in the near and far abroad.

To achieve this, we should:

Revive the strength and power of the Russian state;

Support the formation of civil society structures new to Russia;

Ensure dynamic and sustainable economic growth;

To lay the foundations of legal consciousness among citizens, to instill in them a sense of respect for the law, labor, land and private property.

But above all, we must believe in our Russia, strengthen the spirit of our nation, restore the positive image of our country throughout the world.

The Russians today expect from us just such reforms and such changes.

No return to the past - this will not happen in Russia! And appeals to the future - a worthy future of a great country.

We are convinced that only a fair form of combination of freedom and power, based on the combination of the commandments and ideals of TRUTH with the principles and norms of LAW, can and should provide all of us with "a normal human life in normal human logic - without revolutions and counter-revolutions."

This is our course - a course towards economic growth and political stability, which should allow Russia to become a strong independent competitive country in the 21st century.

Growth and stability are the sustainable development of the country, the interconnection of state reforms and social changes, which, on the one hand, are based on the national cultural tradition, and on the other hand, respond to global civilizational challenges.

This "sustainable development" is dynamic. It marks the emergence of a new type of political, economic and legal thinking for Russia. Thinking strategic, global, long-term, promising, forming a new positive picture of the Russian world.

The logic of growth and stability gives rise to a new organizational and legal form of activity - public-state. It requires management reform, the emergence of a new generation of leaders at all levels of government, the birth of a new generation of specialists in the commercial and non-commercial sectors. The same should be said about our public. On the party and trade union building of the country. And of course - about the organization and revival of city and zemstvo self-government.

"New cadres" should have a special quality: "see and hear" their people and their country in the "noise and roar" of global changes.

They must be able to:

Anticipate the main directions of global development;

To outline long-term priorities and main ways in the development of the country;

Set strategic goals and solve tactical tasks of domestic and foreign policy;

Identify and resolve the key problems of state building and public self-government;

Strengthen the vertical of state power at the federal and regional levels;

Identify and support networks of civil society;

Ensure freedom and competition in the field of economic activity and entrepreneurship;

Master innovative and support traditional forms and methods of administrative and economic activity.

We believe that the solution of the tasks of ensuring the political stability and economic growth of the country and the transformation of Russia into a competitive world power is possible provided that the state and civil society come to an agreement and jointly formulate the National Mission and Development Program for Russia in the 21st century.

To achieve this "consent" we need to rethink the role and significance of the main factors of material production: LABOR, LAND, CAPITAL and HUMAN, considering them from the point of view of the spiritual unity of RIGHT AND TRUTH.

And there is such a universal worldview, we call it enlightened-conservative.

Enlightened conservatism is a positive ability to comprehend the past and future world of things, properties and relationships in the proper and correct way, as well as the ability to act effectively in the modern world without destroying it.

The worldview of enlightened conservatism, presented as a system of principles and ideas, forms the theoretical basis of the Russian conservative movement and sets the theoretical vector for the development of a full-fledged Program of Action.

Enlightened conservatism as an ideology makes it possible to consistently and effectively implement a dynamically stable domestic and foreign policy aimed at achieving global goals and solving specific tasks of the political, economic and social development of our country.

Enlightened conservatism and enlightened conservatives - who are they?

Enlightened conservatism is
true conservatism. He has nothing
in common with "reactionary", "stagnation",
"protection" and "unwillingness to change."

Russian thinker Nikolai Alexandrovich Berdyaev gave a vivid and accurate description of his main principles:

“Conservatism maintains the connection of times, does not allow the final rupture of this connection, connects the future with the past. Conservatism has a spiritual depth, it turns to the origins of life, connects itself with the roots. True conservatism is the struggle of eternity with time, the resistance of incorruptibility to decay. An energy lives in it that does not only preserve, but transforms.

In Russia, as in Western Europe, the historical forerunners of true or enlightened conservatism were free-thinking aristocratic statesmen.

Prince Pyotr Andreevich Vyazemsky called Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin a "liberal, or free, conservative." Nikolai Vasilyevich Gogol on the pages of the book "Selected passages from correspondence with friends" appears before us as an enlightened Russian conservative.

The enlightened conservatives include prominent representatives of the state bureaucracy who survived their finest hour during the reign of the All-Russian emperors Alexander I, Nicholas I, Alexander II, Alexander III, Nicholas II.

All of them were convinced that a strong state, carrying out reforms for the benefit of its people, is a reliable guarantee for the prosperity of Great Russia.

The Russian thinkers K.N. Leontiev, B.N. Chicherin, P.B. Struve, S.L. Frank, I.A. Ilyin and N.N. Alekseev.

At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, Aleksey Sergeevich Suvorin's newspaper Novoye Vremya was a highly professional example of a successful enlightened conservative press in Russia, which, according to contemporaries, was a real "parliament of opinions".

The greatest reformer of the early 20th century, Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, adhered to enlightened conservative views in political and state activity.

World and domestic history teaches that all the most important reforms aimed at modernization were successfully carried out only if they were carried out by state, public and church leaders of Russia of a centrist, enlightened-conservative orientation.

And the “devastation in the country and in the minds”, which brought and is bringing hardships, hardships and trials to Russia, has been and is being created by the preachers of radical progress and the frantic leaders of liberal bourgeois-democratic and proletarian revolutions.

Our voters

Paradoxically, today
in Russia by revolutionary voters
in essence, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continues
remain a huge number of people who
in stable conditions, as a rule, are
mainstay of the Conservative Party.

It is for the conservatives in civilized countries that people with technical and natural science education - engineers and technicians, teachers and doctors - have voted and are voting. Classy specialists and skilled workers who have their own housing, small savings and live by the labor of their own hands, also prefer to vote for the conservatives. Most of the military and law enforcement officers, as a rule, give their votes to the conservatives.

People who prefer conservatives rely on law and order; they have a sense of pride in their country; they demand respect for their human dignity.

Many of our supporters are also among entrepreneurs. Moreover, both among representatives of large, and medium and small businesses.

The electoral basis of the party of Russian conservatives is the entire healthy part of our society, the core of which should be the emerging middle class in Russia. This layer is not necessarily wealthy, but respectable and responsible, enterprising and law-abiding citizens.

These are active members of social groups, public associations, creative and trade unions, commercial and non-commercial organizations that form in the true sense of the word the golden fund of the nation and create the material and spiritual basis for economic growth and stable life of Russian civil society and the state.

Most of our voters live not so much in the center as in the regions. Enlightened conservatism, in the good sense of the word, is provincial. It really has a national, all-Russian scale. This is not just one of the socio-political movements supported by a part of our people. Enlightened conservatism is the worldview of the multinational Russian people as a whole preserved and represented by the political, economic, scientific and cultural elite.

This is the philosophy of "growth and stability". Philosophy of Consolidation. Philosophy of concentration of mature and responsible social forces and innovative creative energies from the periphery to the center.

A creative, unifying tendency is clearly expressed in the movement of enlightened conservatism.

We are supported by educated, business-minded, studying youth, practically all middle-aged people who form the backbone of the productive part of the population, as well as the older generation, wise by experience, who thinks about what they leave as a legacy to their children and grandchildren.

Our voters are sensible people. They do not trust the rally demagogues. This is the "huge taciturn majority" that "drags the country on itself", studies hard and works hard, regularly pays taxes and does not like idlers and talkers.

Page 1 of 22

Manifesto

Enlightened Conservatism

Nikita Mikhalkov.

Moscow. MMX

Introduction

In every period of Russian history there is
white and black pages. We can not
and we do not want to divide them into our own and others.
This is our story!
Her victories are our victories, her defeats
- our defeats.
We are convinced that by ceasing to share the past, we acquire the present and guarantee the future. Historically, the Russian State has developed following a thousand-year path: from "Holy Russia" to "Great Russia".
Kyiv! Vladimir! Moscow! Petersburg-Petrograd! Moscow!
Here are five stages in the life of our Fatherland, the fate of our Motherland.
Kyiv - the beginning of "Holy Russia". Prince Vladimir baptized the Russian people into the Orthodox Christian faith.
"Holy Russia" flourished in Vladimir with the care and deeds of the Grand Duke Andrei Bogolyubsky and, having grown stronger in a series of centuries, became the heart of the Muscovite Kingdom.
At that time, faith organically entered everyday life, and everyday life into faith. The state ideology was inseparable from the Orthodox worldview, from the symphony of the Kingdom and the Priesthood. All life in the Church is an axiom of Moscow, the historical root of that attitude that is customarily called ecclesiastical-conservative.
Peter's reforms lead the civil and state life of Russia beyond the church fence. "Great Russia" marked Imperial Russia. Petersburg was revealed to the world, the motto of which will be the words of Catherine's mandate: "Russia is a European state." The Synod took the place of the Patriarch. The symphony of power has changed. All life in the state is an axiom of St. Petersburg, the source of that Russian worldview, which is usually called state-conservative.
The Russian Empire followed the path of the Byzantine Empire. By the will of the emperors, it became more and more "Great Russia" and less and less "Holy Russia" remained in it. By decrees of the autocrats, “state reforms” were carried out, political, economic and judicial reforms were carried out that contributed to “civil liberation”.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the revolutionary public raised the slogan "All life in civil society" to the shield and brought people to the streets of Petrograd. This was the beginning of the worldview, which is commonly called liberal-democratic.
In 1914, defending Orthodox Serbia, Russia entered the World War, which ended for her in a series of revolutions that crushed the centuries-old monarchy.
Having survived the Civil War and emigration, imperial Russia turned into the Soviet Union - "Great Russia without Holy Russia." All life in the party is the axiom of Soviet Russia and the basis of the ideology that is commonly called communist.
From the mid-1920s, the country began to work and live "at the limit of possibilities." Life has become a struggle for existence. Soviet people constantly felt surrounded by internal and external enemies. The political regime based on fear was accompanied by mass enthusiasm and personal sacrifice. The hardships of collectivization and industrialization were overcome. Survived the horrors and pain of the Gulag. Illiteracy, homelessness, and banditry have been eliminated. Poverty, disease and hunger have been defeated. The people's feat of victory in the Great War was accomplished, after which our country, once again overcoming economic devastation with a jerk, was the first to master space.
However, in the late 1960s, having reached the maximum of what could be achieved under the Soviet form of government and the socialist regime, the “Soviet people”, on whose shoulders the incredible hardships of mobilization work fell, overstrained themselves. The pathos of communist ideology and the potential of Soviet statehood were exhausted. The Bolshevik experiment entered its final phase. On the shadow counters of the “administrative market”, the dismantling of the centralized system of the Soviet state and law began, accompanied by the decomposition of the party elite, the degradation of the socialist public and the collapse of the value system of the Soviet person.
Perestroika began in the mid-1980s, and in 1991 the Soviet Union was gone. The last act was played out quickly and swiftly, just as in 1917. The seemingly unshakable power collapsed in three August days ...
At that time, we did not realize that we were taking part in events of world significance. In events that will result not only in the reorganization of a single country - the Soviet Union, but also in the political and economic redivision of the world.
It was a geopolitical revolution.
As a result, we entered the 21st century, no longer living in "Holy Russia" and not in "Great Russia", but on the territory of the Russian Federation. We have new state borders: in the Caucasus - as in the beginning of the 19th century, with Central Asia - as in the middle of the 19th century, and, which is much more dramatic for us, with the West - as in 1600, that is, after the reign of Ivan the Terrible. From the Soviet Union, we, the citizens of the Russian Federation, inherited 75% of the territory and 51% of the population. More than 20 million of our compatriots found themselves outside the borders of Russia and, in fact, became emigrants.
Such is the price paid by the Russian people for state independence and personal freedom gained at the end of the 20th century...

There are white and black pages in every period of Russian history. We cannot and do not want to divide them into our own and others. This is our history! Her victories are our victories, her defeats are our defeats.

1. Here Nikita Sergeevich repeats the provisions of the Declaration of Patriarch Sergius. No objections.

We are convinced that by ceasing to share the past, we gain the present and guarantee the future. Historically, the Russian state has developed following a thousand-year path - from Holy Russia to Great Russia.

2. No division of history. There is an assessment of past experience, from the point of view of religious-political-ethno-economic principles. The main thing is to prevent a civil war of different interpreters.

Kyiv! Vladimir! Moscow! Petersburg-Petrograd! Moscow! Here are five stages in the life of our Fatherland, the fate of our Motherland.

3. Petersburg has long been considered geographically foreign. And only during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945, he was inscribed in Russian history with Russian blood. The name "Petrograd" can be accepted, provided that it means not even the Emperor Peter the Great, but the Apostle Peter. And then Petra Grad and not Petrograd.

Kyiv - the beginning of Holy Russia. Prince Vladimir baptized the Russian people into the Orthodox Christian faith. Holy Russia blossomed in Vladimir with the care and deeds of the Grand Duke Andrei Bogolyubsky and, having strengthened in a series of centuries, became the heart of the Muscovite kingdom. At that time, faith organically entered everyday life, and everyday life into faith. The state ideology was inseparable from the Orthodox worldview, from the symphony of the Kingdom and the Priesthood. “All life is in the Church” – this is Moscow's axiom, the historical root of that attitude, which is usually called church-conservative.

4. Absolutely agree. But it was not the prince who baptized, but the priesthood according to the Will of God.

Peter's reforms lead the civil and state life of Russia beyond the church fence. Great Russia signified imperial Russia. Petersburg was revealed to the world, the motto of which will be the words of Catherine's mandate: "Russia is a European state." The Synod took the place of the patriarch. The symphony of power has changed. "All life is in the state" - this is the axiom of St. Petersburg, the source of that Russian worldview, which is commonly called state-conservative. The Russian Empire followed the path of the Byzantine Empire. By the will of the emperors, it became more and more Great Russia, and less and less Holy Russia remained in it. By decrees of the autocrats, state reforms were carried out, political, economic and judicial reforms were carried out, which contributed to "civil liberation".

5. Performed by Nikita Sergeevich. The state shifted its focus from spiritual potential to power and structures. Potential began to dissipate. As a result, the state fell. "For where the corpse is, there the eagles will gather." A corpse is a state that has lost its spiritual potential. In our case, instead of eagles, there were revolutionaries.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the revolutionary community raised the slogan "All life is in civil society" and brought people to the streets of Petrograd. This was the beginning of the worldview, which is commonly called liberal-democratic. In 1914, defending Orthodox Serbia, Russia entered the world war, which ended for her in a series of revolutions that crushed the centuries-old monarchy.

6. "There is no greater love than if a man lays down his life for his friends." We fell. But before that, they showed the world a high example of sacrifice in the name of the Commandment. The world and all of its history will eventually end. And then there will be Judgment Day. And so we have hope.

Having survived the Civil War and emigration, Imperial Russia turned into the Soviet Union - "Great Russia without Holy Russia." "All life is in the party" - this is the axiom of Soviet Russia and the basis of the ideology that is commonly called communist.

7. Accurately noticed. Reliance on one structure. And if the wrong people get into the structure? You can't put all your eggs in one basket.

8. Even before the USSR, there were 10 Russian-Turkish wars. And 20 Russian-Polish.

The political regime based on fear was accompanied by mass enthusiasm and personal sacrifice. The hardships of collectivization and industrialization were overcome. Survived the horrors and pain of the Gulag. Illiteracy, homelessness, and banditry have been eliminated. Poverty, disease and hunger have been defeated. The people's feat of victory in the Great War was accomplished, after which our country, once again overcoming economic devastation with a jerk, was the first to master space. However, having reached the maximum in the late 1960s from what could be achieved under the Soviet form of government and the socialist regime, the Soviet people, on whose shoulders the incredible hardships of mobilization work fell, overstrained themselves. The pathos of communist ideology and the potential of Soviet statehood were exhausted. The Bolshevik experiment entered its final phase. On the shadow counters of the “administrative market”, the dismantling of the centralized system of the Soviet state and law began, accompanied by the decomposition of the party elite, the degradation of the socialist public and the collapse of the value system of the Soviet person. Perestroika began in the mid-1980s, and in 1991 the Soviet Union was gone. The last act was played quickly and swiftly - just as in 1917. The seemingly unshakable power collapsed in three August days ...

9. It all started long before the three days of August. First, under Nikita Khrushchev, they invented electronic money and threw it into circulation through the material incentive fund for workers. The commodity-money balance was disturbed, and the tares of inflation appeared in the socialist economy. Then a person came to power, in the structure of whose choice there was an opportunity to betray. After all, both Stalin and Khrushchev and Brezhnev were related to the Great Patriotic War, in which we bled the Western Capitalist World great. But Gorbachev had no such attitude and the West could deal with him. We did not find ourselves in the power of a person who would be tied to his country with the blood of the West. And then it's a matter of technology.

10. Bravo. Now we need to name the main beneficiaries of our collapse: the US and the UK. They were the customers of this geopolitical revolution.

As a result, we entered the 21st century, no longer living in Holy Russia and not in Great Russia, but on the territory of the Russian Federation. We have new state borders: in the Caucasus - as in the beginning of the 19th century, with Central Asia - as in the middle of the 19th century, and, which is much more dramatic for us, with the West - as in 1600, i.e. after the reign of Ivan the Terrible . From the Soviet Union, we, the citizens of the Russian Federation, inherited 75% of the territory and 51% of the population. More than 20 million of our compatriots found themselves outside the borders of Russia and, in fact, became emigrants. Such is the price paid by the Russian people for state independence and personal freedom gained at the end of the 20th century...

11. Bravo. This is how the Anglo-Saxons trade with us. Us political ideas. From us are landowners with cheap raw materials and cheap labor.

What to do?

The 21st century has come... Can we honestly say to ourselves and people today: “Yes, we are satisfied with everything that has happened and is happening in Russia”? It seems not! The modern social system, which is an explosive mixture of liberal modernization catching up with the West, the arbitrariness of "local bosses", and pervasive corruption, does not suit the majority of Russians. Behind the "parade" of economic reforms and the "facade" of liberal institutions, traditional, archaic social relations are still hidden. People are tired of listening to declarations of political independence, listening to calls for individual freedom and believing fairy tales about the wonders of the market economy. The euphoria of liberal democracy is over! It's time to do business! The first thing we need is the establishment and maintenance of law and order in the country. The second is ensuring cultural and national security. The third is the growth of “welfare for all”. Fourth, restoring a sense of pride and responsibility for one's country. Fifth - guaranteeing social justice and social protection of citizens, as well as upholding the rights and freedoms of our compatriots living in the near and far abroad. To achieve this, we should: - revive the strength and power of the Russian state;

12. I agree.

– to support the formation of civil society structures new for Russia;

13. What exactly and for what purpose, what exactly will these structures do, how to evaluate the benefits from them?

14. How?

– ensure dynamic and sustainable economic growth;

15. How?

- to lay the foundations of legal consciousness among citizens, to instill in them a sense of respect for the law, labor, land and private property.

16. How?

But first of all, we must believe in our Russia, strengthen the spirit of our nation,

17. And this is the business of the Church. We need the Law of God in schools, and public observation and advisory councils in the newspapers. Radio and TV channels.

Restore the positive image of our country around the world.

18. Vain hopes. The West does not need strong competitors. The West has always needed from us only cheap and better free raw materials. Cheap and better free laborers and cannon fodder to clean up their messes. If we do not fulfill these demands of the West, we are totalitarian slave owners and tyrants. So it has always been, is and will be.

The Russians today expect from us just such reforms and such changes. No return to the past - this will not happen in Russia! And appeals to the future - a worthy future of a great country. We are convinced that only a fair form of combination of freedom and power, based on the combination of the commandments and ideals of TRUTH with the principles and norms of LAW, can and should provide all of us with "a normal human life in normal human logic - without revolutions and counter-revolutions." This is our course - the course towards economic growth and political stability, which should allow Russia to become a strong independent competitive country in the 21st century.

19. So Justice, Truth and Right. Yes, that's bad luck, because what kind of thing is Truth? Suppose I promised someone to give in the face and fulfilled the promise. I did the truth. But is this Truth true? If he gave for the cause, then it is fair. What if it's idle? In general, improvement is needed here.

Growth and stability is the sustainable development of the country, the relationship of state reforms and social changes, which, on the one hand, are based on the national cultural tradition, and on the other hand, respond to global civilizational challenges. This "sustainable development" is dynamic. It marks the emergence of a new type of political, economic and legal thinking for Russia. Thinking strategic, global, long-term, promising, forming a new positive picture of the Russian world. The logic of growth and stability gives rise to a new organizational and legal form of activity - public-state. It requires management reform, the emergence of a new generation of leaders at all levels of government, the birth of a new generation of specialists in the commercial and non-commercial sectors. The same should be said about our public. On the party and trade union building of the country. And, of course, about the organization and revival of city and zemstvo self-government. "New cadres" should have a special quality: "see and hear" their people and their country in the "noise and roar" of global changes. They should be able to: - anticipate the main directions of global development; - outline long-term priorities and main paths in the development of the country; - set strategic goals and solve tactical tasks of domestic and foreign policy; - identify and resolve key problems of state building and public self-government; - strengthen the vertical of state power at the federal and regional levels;

20. Federalism is tolerable in peacetime, and at the very least. And in the military he is a burden. With appointed governors, federalism is a sham.

– identify and support network structures of civil society;

21. What, for what purpose, what will Russia get from this?

– ensure freedom and competition in the sphere of economic activity and entrepreneurship;

22. The Soviet economy was planned and sectoral. And because everything was cheap and high quality. The industry principle is when all organizations producing one product are closed in one industry, with a single boss, funding, planning, and so on. We must return to this. Otherwise, there will be a waste of energy on competition and not on people. Why feed Moloch competition?

- master innovative and support traditional forms and methods of administrative and economic activity. We believe that the solution of the tasks of ensuring the political stability and economic growth of the country and the transformation of Russia into a competitive world power is possible provided that the state and civil society come to an agreement and jointly formulate the National Mission and Development Program for Russia in the 21st century. To achieve this "consent" we need to rethink the role and importance of the main factors of material production: LABOR, LAND, CAPITAL AND HUMAN, considering them from the point of view of the spiritual unity of RIGHT and TRUTH.

23. And justice.

In order to see the material world and man through LAW AND TRUTH, a new worldview is needed that can simultaneously perceive both general trends in the global development of mankind and local features of the development of nations, peoples and individuals. And there is such a universal worldview: we call it enlightened-conservative. Enlightened conservatism is a positive ability to comprehend the past and future world of things, properties and relationships in the proper and correct way, as well as the ability to act effectively in the modern world without destroying it. The worldview of enlightened conservatism, presented as a system of principles and ideas, forms the theoretical basis of the Russian conservative movement and sets the theoretical vector for the development of a full-fledged program of action. Enlightened conservatism as an ideology makes it possible to consistently and effectively implement a dynamically stable domestic and foreign policy aimed at achieving global goals and solving specific tasks of the political, economic and social development of our country. Enlightened conservatism and enlightened conservatives - who are they? Enlightened conservatism is true conservatism. It has nothing to do with reactionary, stagnant, "protective" and unwilling to change. The Russian thinker Nikolai Alexandrovich Berdyaev gave a vivid and precise description of his main principles: “Conservatism maintains the connection of times, does not allow the final rupture of this connection, connects the future with the past. Conservatism has a spiritual depth, it turns to the origins of life, connects itself with the roots. True conservatism is the struggle of eternity with time, the resistance of incorruptibility to decay. An energy lives in it that does not only preserve, but transforms. In Russia, as in Western Europe, the historical forerunners of true or enlightened conservatism were free-thinking statist aristocrats. Prince Pyotr Andreevich Vyazemsky called Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin a "liberal, or free conservative." Nikolai Vasilyevich Gogol on the pages of the book "Selected passages from correspondence with friends" appears before us as an enlightened Russian conservative. The enlightened conservatives include prominent representatives of the state bureaucracy who survived their finest hour during the reign of the All-Russian emperors Alexander I, Nicholas I, Alexander II, Alexander III, Nicholas II. All of them were convinced that a strong state, carrying out reforms for the benefit of its people, is a reliable guarantee for the prosperity of Great Russia. Metropolitan Filaret (Drozdov), the author of the Manifesto of 1861, which liberated the peasantry of Russia from centuries of serfdom, is a vivid example of an enlightened conservative church figure.

24. And in the Soviet history textbook, the Church is shown as a brake on the development of society, while another person is put up as the author of the Manifesto.

A significant contribution to the development of the theoretical foundations of "enlightened conservatism" in the second half of the XIX century and in the first half of the XX century was made by Russian thinkers K.N. Leontiev, B.N. Chicherin, P.B. Struve, S.L. Frank, I.A. Ilyin and N.N. Alekseev.

25. Chicherin, Struve and Frank are Westernizers and therefore strangers to Russia. Here Ilyin and Leontiev are theirs.

A highly professional example of a successful enlightened conservative press in Russia was in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. the newspaper of Aleksey Sergeevich Suvorin "New Time", which, according to contemporaries, was a real "parliament of opinions". The greatest reformer of the early 20th century, Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, adhered to enlightened conservative views in political and state activity.

26. Stolypin's reform failed on such a problem as the psychology of communication between a Russian person and a dung cow. According to his reform - farming, each peasant was entitled to a separate piece of land and a Dutch cow. This cow is accustomed to year-round grazing in warm Holland and good food. Gives a lot of milk and little manure. Can't stand our cold weather. And our cow can exist in a cold stall, make do with pasture and give a lot of manure. And the manure is used as fertilizer for arable land. After all, Russia at that time was a deeply agrarian country. The cuts failed for the following reasons: the vast expanses of Russia, in winter they cover deep snows. You will need help, you will not call anyone. And there is no one to talk to. The result is something like a voluntary solitary confinement, intolerable among the sociable Russian people. Therefore, it is impossible to be an honest person and recognize Stolypin as the Great.

The members of the Union of October 17, who in 1905 introduced the principle of solidary implementation of reforms by representatives of the state bureaucracy and civil society into the practice of political life in Russia and saw their main goal in “bridge building” between the Zemstvo self-government and the supreme power, are a historical example of a party association of enlightened conservatives, played a significant role in the activities of the State Duma of the third convocation. World and domestic history teaches that all the most important reforms aimed at modernization were successfully carried out only if they were carried out by state, public and church leaders of Russia of a centrist, enlightened-conservative orientation. And the “devastation in the country and in the minds”, which brought and is bringing hardships, hardships and trials to Russia, has been and is being created by the preachers of radical progress and the frantic leaders of liberal bourgeois-democratic and proletarian revolutions. Our voters It is paradoxical, but today in Russia the voters of the essentially revolutionary party of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continue to be a huge number of people who, in stable conditions, as a rule, are the main support of the "conservative party". It is for the conservatives in civilized countries that people with technical and natural science education - engineers and technicians, teachers and doctors - voted and vote. Classy specialists and skilled workers who have their own housing, small savings and live by the labor of their own hands, also prefer to vote for the conservatives. Most of the military and law enforcement officers, as a rule, give their votes to the conservatives. People who prefer conservatives rely on law and order; they have a sense of pride in their country; they demand respect for their human dignity. Many of our supporters are among entrepreneurs, and among representatives of large, medium and small businesses. The electoral basis of the party of Russian conservatives is the entire healthy part of our society, the core of which should be the emerging middle class in Russia. This layer is not necessarily wealthy, but respectable and responsible, enterprising and law-abiding citizens. These are active members of social groups, public associations, creative and trade unions, commercial and non-commercial organizations that form in the true sense of the word the golden fund of the nation and create the material and spiritual basis for economic growth and stable life of Russian civil society and the state. Most of our voters live not so much in the center as in the regions. Enlightened conservatism is provincial in the good sense of the word. It has a truly national, all-Russian scale. This is not just one of the socio-political movements supported by a part of our people. Enlightened conservatism is the worldview of the multinational Russian people as a whole preserved and represented by the political, economic, scientific and cultural elite. This is the philosophy of "growth and stability". Philosophy of Consolidation. Philosophy of concentration of mature and responsible social forces and innovative creative energies from the periphery to the center. A creative, unifying tendency is clearly expressed in the movement of enlightened conservatism. We are supported by educated, business-minded, studying youth, practically all middle-aged people who form the backbone of the productive part of the population, as well as the older generation, wise by experience, who thinks about what they leave as a legacy to their children and grandchildren. Our voters are sensible people. They do not trust the rally demagogues. This is the “huge taciturn majority” that drags the country on itself, studies hard and works hard, regularly pays taxes and does not like idlers and talkers.

27. Alas, here is ignorance of the subject. Employee taxes are paid by the employer. So the correct payment of taxes is not a personal conscious individual act.

Work on this text went on throughout the year. The manifesto was published in a limited number of copies and handed over to the leaders of the Russian state.

CONTENT

* * *

There are white and black pages in every period of Russian history. We cannot and do not want to divide them into our own and others. This is our story! Her victories are our victories, her defeats are our defeats.

We are convinced that by ceasing to share the past, we acquire the present and guarantee the future. Historically, the Russian State has developed following a thousand-year path: from "Holy Russia" to "Great Russia". Kyiv! Vladimir! Moscow! Petersburg-Petrograd! Moscow! Here are five stages in the life of our Fatherland, the fate of our Motherland. Kyiv - the beginning of "Holy Russia". Prince Vladimir baptized the Russian people into the Orthodox Christian faith. "Holy Russia" flourished in Vladimir with the care and deeds of the Grand Duke Andrei Bogolyubsky and, having grown stronger in a series of centuries, became the heart of the Muscovite Kingdom. At that time, faith organically entered everyday life, and everyday life into faith. The state ideology was inseparable from the Orthodox worldview, from the symphony of the Kingdom and the Priesthood. All life in the Church is an axiom of Moscow, the historical root of that attitude that is customarily called ecclesiastical-conservative.

In 1914, defending Orthodox Serbia, Russia entered the World War, which ended for her in a series of revolutions that crushed the centuries-old monarchy.

It was a geopolitical revolution.

This is the price paid by the Russian people for the state independence and personal freedom acquired at the end of the 20th century...

What to do?

The 21st century has come... Can we honestly say to ourselves and people today: yes, we are satisfied with everything that has happened and is happening in Russia? It seems not!

People are tired of listening to declarations of political independence, listening to calls for individual freedom and believing fairy tales about the wonders of the market economy.

The euphoria of liberal democracy is over! It's time to do business!

To achieve this, we should:

Revive the strength and power of the Russian state;

Support the formation of civil society structures new to Russia;

Ensure dynamic and sustainable economic growth;

To lay the foundations of legal consciousness among citizens, to instill in them a sense of respect for the law, labor, land and private property.

But above all, we must believe in our Russia, strengthen the spirit of our nation, and restore the positive image of our country throughout the world.

The Russians today expect from us just such reforms and such changes.

No return to the past - this will not happen in Russia! And appeals to the future - a worthy future of a great country.

This is our course - a course towards economic growth and political stability, which should allow Russia to become a strong independent competitive country in the 21st century.

"New cadres" should have a special quality: "see and hear" their people and their country in the "noise and roar" of global changes.

They must be able to:

Anticipate the main directions of global development;

To outline long-term priorities and main ways in the development of the country;

Set strategic goals and solve tactical tasks of domestic and foreign policy;

Identify and resolve the key problems of state building and public self-government;

Strengthen the vertical of state power at the federal and regional levels;

Identify and support networks of civil society;

Ensure freedom and competition in the field of economic activity and entrepreneurship;

Master innovative and support traditional forms and methods of administrative and economic activity.

In order to achieve this “consent”, we need to rethink the role and significance of the main factors of material production: LABOR, LAND, CAPITAL AND HUMAN, considering them from the point of view of the spiritual unity of RIGHT AND TRUTH.

And there is such a universal worldview, we call it enlightened-conservative.

Enlightened conservatism is a positive ability to comprehend the past and future world of things, properties and relationships in a proper and correct way, as well as the ability to act effectively in the modern world without destroying it.

Enlightened conservatism and enlightened conservatives - who are they?

Enlightened conservatism is true conservatism. It has nothing to do with "reactionary", "stagnant", "protective" and "unwilling to change".

Russian thinker Nikolai Alexandrovich Berdyaev gave a vivid and accurate description of his main principles:

“Conservatism maintains the connection of times, does not allow the final rupture of this connection, connects the future with the past. Conservatism has a spiritual depth, it is turned to the origins of life, it connects itself with the roots. True conservatism is the struggle of eternity with time, the resistance of incorruptibility to decay. An energy lives in it that does not only preserve, but transforms.

In Russia, as in Western Europe, the historical forerunners of true or enlightened conservatism were free-thinking aristocratic statesmen.

Prince Pyotr Andreevich Vyazemsky called Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin "a liberal, or free, conservative." Nikolai Vasilievich Gogol on the pages of the book "Selected passages from correspondence with friends" appears before us as an enlightened Russian conservative.

All of them were convinced that a strong state, carrying out reforms for the benefit of its people, is a reliable guarantee for the prosperity of Great Russia.

A significant contribution to the development of the theoretical foundations of "enlightened conservatism" in the second half of the 19th and in the first half of the 20th century was made by Russian thinkers K. N. Leontiev, B. N. Chicherin, P. B. Struve, S. L. Frank, I. A. Ilyin and N. N. Alekseev.

The greatest reformer of the early 20th century, Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, adhered to enlightened conservative views in political and state activity.

The members of the Union of October 17, who in 1905 introduced into the practice of the political life of Russia the principle of solidary implementation of reforms by representatives of the state bureaucracy and civil society and saw their main goal in the “bridge building” between the Zemstvo self-government and the supreme power, are a historical example of a party association of enlightened conservatives, played a significant role in the activities of the State Duma of the third convocation.

And the “devastation in the country and in the minds”, which brought and is bringing hardships, hardships and trials to Russia, was created and is being created by the preachers of radical progress and the frantic leaders of the liberal bourgeois-democratic and proletarian revolutions.

Our voters

Paradoxically, today in Russia the voters of the essentially revolutionary party of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continue to be a huge number of people who, in stable conditions, as a rule, are the main support of the “conservative party”.

People who prefer conservatives rely on law and order; they have a sense of pride in their country; they demand respect for their human dignity.

Many of our supporters are also among entrepreneurs. Moreover, among representatives of large, medium and small businesses.

In the movement of enlightened conservatism, a creative, unifying tendency is clearly expressed.

We are supported by educated, business-minded, studying youth, practically all middle-aged people who form the backbone of the productive part of the population, as well as the wiser older generation, who thinks about what they leave as a legacy to their children and grandchildren.

Basic Ideas, Principles and Values of Enlightened Conservatism

The atmosphere and the living environment of the state and social development of Russia should not be a revolutionary breakdown or counter-revolutionary revenge, but political stability and economic growth, the basis of which is enlightened conservatism.

We are convinced that the basis of political unity, economic prosperity, social well-being and cultural prosperity of Russia lies in the theory and practice of enlightened conservatism.

And we will try to convey this idea to every person.

We will promote and disseminate the ideas and values of enlightened conservatism among the national elite and among the masses, among all segments of the population, in all regions of Russia, at all levels of government and public self-government, as well as among our compatriots living in near and far abroad.

Modern Russian conservatism is an innovative account of the state, public and national traditions of "Holy Russia" and "Great Russia" that have developed over the course of our thousand-year history.

The ideology of enlightened conservatism absorbed:

Fundamental spiritual foundations of Orthodoxy and religions traditional for Russia;

Imperial norms, principles and mechanisms of state building;

Principles, norms and customs of Russian and international public and private law;

Pre-revolutionary experience of Russian parliamentary practice and party building;

Traditional for Russia forms of zemstvo and city self-government.

Enlightened conservatism, in essence, is constructive conservatism.

It is the antithesis of state anarchy, social anarchy and individual arbitrariness. It opposes nationalist extremism and international terrorism.

Enlightened conservatism is conservatism without prejudice.

He does not oppose personal freedom and does not deny social justice, but he objects to the one-sided absolutization that these universal principles have received in liberalism and social democracy.

Enlightened conservatism is dynamic conservatism.

This is the political, economic and social culture of our thinking, brought up on the universal ethical and aesthetic foundations of human activity: measure, rhythm and tact.

In its historical tradition, Russian conservatism consistently includes four components: ecclesiastical, monarchical, Soviet and liberal. At the present stage, due to political and legal reasons, it manifests itself mainly as liberal or free conservatism, the main task of which, according to Peter Struve, is to:

“To liberate and be freed in order to revive and be reborn on the foundations of liberalism, understood as the eternal truth of human freedom, underlying the reforms of Catherine the Great, Alexander I, Alexander II, which marked the civil dispensation of our Motherland, and conservatism, understood as the great vital truth of protective state principles and loving devotion to the holy origins and great deeds of the sons of our Fatherland, the lessons of which we were taught by St. Sergius of Radonezh, Dmitry Donskoy, Peter the Great, Pushkin and Speransky.

We are convinced that the goals of enlightened conservatism are achieved only through the united efforts of the nation and the individual, consolidated actions of the state and civil society, coordinated decisions and actions of the presidential, legislative, executive and judicial authorities.

The ideology and worldview of enlightened conservatism are based on certain principles and values.

The main ones are:

The right measure is everywhere and in everything, following the just law and the divine order, commanded in the TRUTH;

Developed and balanced system of public and private LAW;

Symphony of spiritual and material production in the life of the nation;

Strengthening the vertical of power and expanding the horizontal of culture and life of civil society;

Harmonious coordination of domestic and foreign policy and economy;

Regulated market economy or flexible combination of "market and plan";

A developed culture of legal awareness, brought up on the habit of observing and respecting the universal ideals, principles and norms of continental law and the special legal customs of peoples;

Loyalty to power, the ability to adequately obey authoritative power;

Personification of power and preference for personal responsibility over collective irresponsibility;

Recognition of the sinfulness of human nature and the inseparable connection of man with the material world around him;

Acquisition and preservation of one's own dignity and freedom, respect and recognition of another's dignity and freedom;

Observance of honor, recognition of duty, veneration of rank;

Careful storage of traditions and creative perception of innovations;

Love for the motherland and service to the fatherland;

Memory and remembrance of ancestors, care for descendants, care for children and parents;

Preference for evolution over revolution, caution for change;

Following the pragmatic logic of life circumstances and common sense;

Love for one's people, nation and culture, along with respect for and interest in the diversity of life of other peoples, nations and cultures;

Rejection of radicalism, one-sidedness and excessive generalizations, distrust of egalitarianism and rigid central planning.

In enlightened conservatism, priority is given to: the natural over the artificial, unity over uniformity, the concrete over the abstract, wisdom and responsibility over ideological schemes and prudent politicking, eternity over temporality.

The main principle of thinking and acting for an enlightened conservative coincides with the main principle of sustainable development - think globally, act locally.

A flexible combination of traditional and new approaches in the development of the strategy and tactics of the country's development, the search for and finding measures "everywhere and in everything", a balanced and responsible approach to the political, economic and legal construction of Russia, a wise and prudent foreign policy of the state, real concern for the needs and the concerns of a particular person - this is what determines the enlightened nature of Russian conservatism, forms the basis of its ideological platform, forms the program of its actions.

The ideals, values and interests of enlightened conservatism are consistently revealed in four basic areas for Russian society: Culture, Nation, Personality and State.

culture

Cult defines culture, and culture educates the nation. It shapes personality, organizes society and constitutes the state. Culture embraces the whole world of things around us, properties and relationships.

The values and interests of enlightened conservatism are based on spiritual ideals.

Evaluation of the individual, nation, society and state through the "spiritual crystal" of culture is a condition for their enlightened and conservative understanding.

The main concern for the enlightened conservative is both the preservation of the life of each person, and the continuation of the life of the entire human race.

Therefore, enlightened conservatism pays great attention to questions of culture and science, education and upbringing.

To be a conservative is to be human:

Who loves God and his neighbor;

Who remembers the ancestors and takes care of the descendants;

Who cares about the world around him and thinks about it as a living being;

Which preserves, develops and multiplies culture, science and education.

Today we are faced with the expansion of false culture. With culture presented as a thing and consumed as a commodity. With "cultural consumer goods", which can be mastered with the most insignificant abilities, without any intellectual effort and at the cheapest price.

We must resist the false culture and oppose it with the true culture.

No one will teach us the true culture. It cannot be passively “assimilated, adopted, inherited”. It can be joined only by creative personal labor.

Cultural succession is continued by the one who creatively develops it, who transforms tradition into innovation, who considers tradition as a task. The principle of true cultural development is "armed evolution" or evolution that knows how to defend itself.

It is this attitude and approach that the entire world culture requires of us today, Russian culture in particular.

Tradition

The individual, the nation and the state in Russia need stable conditions of existence, and stability is the sister of tradition.

A person with a stable psyche and common sense, as a rule, is conservative. He wants to live and die the way his fathers and grandfathers lived and died.

Conservatism is as old as human nature. Like her, he is ultimately determined by tradition, that is, the preservation and transmission from generation to generation of skills and abilities, knowledge and beliefs, values and ideals.

What distinguishes a conservative tradition from a radical innovation of any kind is that it is not rationalistic, but mystical. It is based not on an external system of logical rules and rational ideas, but on the internal spiritual structure of the individual, the psychology of the nation, customs, rituals and rituals of tribes and peoples.

Tradition is a wave, the current spiritual and material unity of past, present and future generations.

Russian culture has long absorbed and creatively reworked many ethnic traditions. Therefore, it implies a respectful and careful attitude to all beliefs, traditions and customs of our multinational people. However - it is not omnivorous and not passive. It has the determination and will to repulse sectarianism and aggression, resist terror and resist evil by force.

Revolution as a principle and a way of solving political, economic, cultural and social problems is rejected by us. We deny it not only in its direct form - as a bloody rebellion and total violence - but also in a hidden form - as a creeping state decay, a chronic social disease and spiritual impoverishment of a person.

It's time to say: revolutions are over - forget it!

Story

Conservative thinking is not only traditional, it is historical.

Love for the Fatherland is brought up not by patriotic cries, but by a deep feeling and knowledge of native history. Including “close history”: the history of the region, city, district, street, house in which we live, in which our ancestors lived before us, and our descendants will live after us.

Love for the Fatherland requires from each of us daily apprenticeship, personal labor of knowing our Motherland.

Enlightened conservatism is not blind preservation of the obsolete and mortal. Our goal is the fight against decay, organic growth, the transfer of meaning through the continuity of generations.

History is understood by us as the unity of past, present and future time.

We are not enemies of progress, and we are not against the development of human society "forward and upward." It's just that in doing so, we would like to be aware of: where is the "up" and what does "forward" mean?

We are convinced that the assertion of the new must not turn into a bloody break with the old. Old age must be respected. The destruction of ancient shrines should not be justified by the construction of new temples.

"Create without destroying!" is our historical motto.

Nations and people who have forgotten their history are doomed to disappear. And we should not forget that we are aware of ourselves as Russians, and not as Germans, French or British, primarily because of our past.

Pseudo-scientific references to the universal laws of history, the "logic of progress" and the "miracles of the market" seem unconvincing to us. We serve God and the Fatherland, and not the idols of Theory and History, to which our contemporaries, deprived of faith, hope and love, are forced to make bloody sacrifices.

Our historical feeling is characterized by respect for the authority and strength of state power, the desire for public order and the rejection of the elements of the Russian rebellion "senseless and merciless." And with all the love for the simple Russian people, we are sincerely grateful not to Emelyan Pugachev, but to Alexander Vasilyevich Suvorov, who suppressed his rebellion.

The Preobrazhensky regiments of Peter the Great, the state reforms of the Russian emperors, the political, economic and legal innovations of Speransky and Stolypin are close to us not only in themselves, but also because they were liberally carried out “from above” by enlightened state bureaucrats and conservatively supported “from below” by Zemstvo leaders and members of the public.

Concrete historicism is the most important element in the thinking and worldview of a Russian conservative.

Nation

A nation for enlightened conservatives is the spiritual and material unity of all citizens of Russia, the cultural and linguistic community of peoples living on its territory.

By God's Will, the thousand-year union of numerous peoples and tribes that has developed in Russia is a unique Russian nation.

We are characterized by a special supranational, imperial consciousness, which defines Russian existence in a system of special - Eurasian - coordinates. The rhythm of our development and the territory of our responsibility are measured by continental scales.

Russia-Eurasia is neither Europe nor Asia, nor is it a mechanical combination of the latter. It is an independent cultural and historical continent, organic, national unity, geopolitical and sacred center of the world.

Misunderstanding of the role and place that Russia occupied, occupies and is called upon to occupy in the world is at least dangerous, and by and large - disastrous, because it leads to the death of Orthodox civilization, the disappearance of the Russian nation and the collapse of the Russian state.

We must not and cannot allow this!

With those who do not understand and do not recognize this, we are not on the way!

Motherland and Fatherland

Every normal person loves the Motherland and honors the Fatherland.

Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin, in his letter to Pyotr Yakovlevich Chaadaev, expressed this feeling simply and clearly:

“I am far from delighted with what I see around me, but I swear on my honor that for nothing in the world I would not want to change the Fatherland, or have a different history than the history of our ancestors, such as God gave it to us.”

It is also noteworthy that Pushkin wrote these words in French...

Enlightened conservatism is alien to leavened patriotism, which is just as far from true patriotism as national forgetfulness. The hysteria of national exclusivity, loud chauvinism is at best a stupidity, at worst a provocation.

Without monopolizing the right to patriotism, we firmly declare an equal rejection of both the feeling of proletarian internationalism, leading to the "barracks friendship of peoples", and the "blind attachment" to cosmopolitan values, which gives rise to callousness and indifference to one's Motherland.

True enlightened patriotism is the norm, a principled courageous position, an indicator of the mental health and maturity of a person and citizen, for whom love for one's land does not mean hostility to foreign countries, because patriotism is a community of love, not hatred.

We unite around a constructive yes, not a destructive no.

However, a person's love for the Motherland will not be complete and complete without sacrificial devotion and service to his Fatherland. That is why we are consistent statesmen, although not every form of state is equally supported and recognized by us.

national question

We are convinced that the national feeling of every nation requires a sympathetic and respectful attitude.

There are many folk cultures in Russia. All of them are equal to each other. None is higher or lower than the other.

Each nation lives in its own way: it is born and dies in its own way, rejoices and mourns in its own way, rises and falls in spirit in its own way. Each nation has its own instinct and spirit, its own destiny, reflected in its national culture.

National pride is a sure and strong beginning of the people's path; an ardent feeling, precious in a creative sense.

True genius is national. Great culture is unique.

Healthy enlightened nationalism is a multiethnic and multicultural nationalism. This is a free, creative, in the true sense of the word, creative nationalism. There is no foreignness complex in him. He is not afraid of rivalry and absorption by alien elements. On the contrary, he is able to absorb and creatively process them in himself. It was this type of nationalism that created great empires in world history with a positive mission, which were characteristic of Byzantine, Anglo-Saxon and Russian statehood.

Personality

Personality is not a means, but the goal of social and state development.

However, speaking of the high status and outstanding role of the individual in history, we mean precisely the individual, and not isolated individuals existing outside of society and the state. For us, the human personality is an organic unity of I, YOU and WE. It is considered by us in the light of God's Providence and through the prism of social relations.

The ideologists of Russian conservatism, as free creative individuals, can and must act today as the social and political leaders of our country, and the enlightened conservative movement should become a forge of personnel for the leaders of the Nation and the State, who in the 21st century will be able to take responsibility for life and the fate of our Fatherland - Russia.

A family

We become citizens in society, subjects in the state, and people in the family. Love for the Motherland and Fatherland is born in us from love for mother and father. In the family, we join our native language, learn the rules of behavior, master the culture of everyday life.

The social policy of Russian conservatives is primarily focused on the development of an integral system of state and non-state measures to maintain the health and well-being of the Russian family.

We are convinced: we will save and save the Russian family from troubles, hardships and misfortunes - we will save and save Russia and the Russian people.

The protection of motherhood, fatherhood and childhood is our social priority.

We hope that such a social policy will be supported not only by the majority of citizens and public organizations of our country, but also by Russian society as a whole.

Recognizing the civil equality of the sexes, we, nevertheless, always take into account the special mental and physical differences between men and women. We will support and strengthen in the public and state spheres everything that allows a woman to remain a woman, and a man - a man.

We will do everything to revive and support in the modern world the tradition of a large, large, integral family, in which there are three generations: parents, children and grandchildren. This will help to avoid the moral damage and mental pain that arise when children are brought up in single-parent families, and not only without a mother or father, but also without grandparents.

Our elderly should not only be provided with the necessary means of social assistance from the state, but also be surrounded in their families with love and care, warmth and respect.

Our children must be protected from physical violence, spiritual sectarianism, homelessness, pornography and drugs not only by the state and society, but also by their families and, first of all, by us - parents.

A healthy large family is a guarantee of personal development, the prosperity of the nation and the strengthening of the state.

freedom

The main guarantee of personal freedom and public independence is fraternal human solidarity.

Fraternal solidarity, mutual assistance and service to the common cause limit the individual arbitrariness of a person, but do not contradict his personal freedom.

Our ideal is social brotherhood - a union of free people who are equally powerful in acquiring civil rights and bearing civic duties.

Inner freedom, or TRUTH, is a gift from God. It is associated with moral responsibility and requires a person to live “according to conscience”.

External freedom, or RIGHT, is not only the ability of a person to act as he pleases, but also a public obligation to answer for his actions within the boundaries of customs and norms established by society and supported by the state.

Violation of the internal and external freedoms of a person is unacceptable and must be protected by the Church and the State.

We carefully preserve secrecy and emphasize the exclusivity of those areas in which a person should have complete and unrestricted freedom of action. Faith, love, friendship, family, raising children, private property form a “magic ring of freedom”, where a person is free to allow or not allow strangers around him.

Our personal freedom must not violate the rights and freedoms of fellow citizens, it cannot encroach on the collapse of the foundations of the constitutional order, lead to the violation of law and public order, serve rebellion, revolution and treason.

We proceed from the fact that the state and society can and should prevent specific individuals from their criminal and illegal actions leading to terror and violence, threatening human life, public order and state security.

A harmonious combination of freedom, equality and fraternity serves as the main requirement of an enlightened conservative approach to all phenomena of modern social life, and in particular to state building.

State

We are consistent statesmen.

Like a nation and an individual, the state is based not only on material (political and economic) dimensions, but also carries a spiritual and moral meaning.

The state is culture in the form of service to the Fatherland.

The state as statehood and nation is the spiritual unity of peoples and citizens who recognize and recognize fraternal solidarity, protect and support it with love and sacrificial service.

The state as a state apparatus is a strong-willed force that can and must regulate the actions of citizens and non-governmental organizations, eliminate public and individual arbitrariness, fight terrorism and prevent the development of ethnic hatred. The state can and should do this insofar as it does it for the benefit of each individual and of society as a whole.

Committing violence, which is perceived and evaluated by the individual and the nation as a just action to suppress all kinds of untruth, the state shows not only its external political and legal power, but also reveals its internal, truthful meaning. Therefore, we will defend state interests with all our might and insist on the need for state regulation of social activities when this is necessary for social harmony and political stability, for reconciling the various interests of social classes, groups and individuals.

The state realizes itself as a management system with the help of vertical connections, but it cannot and should not replace civil, network, horizontal connections between non-governmental organizations, parties, societies, unions, enterprises, universities, cities. The bureaucratization of social management and the nationalization of civil and social relations, which go hand in hand with the "dictatorship of money", "emergency" and the arbitrariness of regional temporary workers, are denied by us, since they are destructive both for the traditional life of the Russian community and for the creative initiative of a private owner, owner .

We also advocate a clear delineation of powers and responsibilities between the center and the regions.

More than half of the tax funds can and should go to local budgets, remain at the level of the city, town, district and be directed to solving the real problems of specific people. A fair division of powers and spheres of management, rights and obligations, income and expenses will also entail personal responsibility of leaders at all levels before the law, the country and the people.

In the broad autonomy of local self-government, we see not a weakening of power, but a new way of its effective organization in the system of social and state coordinates. This shows the unity of the people and power, the unity based on local traditions, combined with global innovations.

We are convinced that the participation of every citizen and the entire civil society in state building is vital. It is simply impossible to live without it in the modern world. However, state and civil complicity must be full-fledged, and not degenerate into the arbitrariness of the bureaucracy or into a dissident protest that undermines the authority, strength and power of state power.

The main task of modern Russia is to find and preserve such a form of state, "in which the spirit of a civil corporation would saturate the form of a state institution."

This form of state is a guarantee state or a state with a positive mission.

The guarantee state ensures the implementation of a stabilizing socio-political program that promotes the economic growth of the country. A distinctive feature of this program is that it is positively perceived by the state, civil society and private individuals who hold different political views and beliefs.

This is a national socio-political program in the true and full sense of the word.

Its main goal is to affirm the national ideal - the unity of RIGHT and Pravda as the basis of political power, economic prosperity of Russia and the growth of personal well-being of Russian citizens.

Her main tasks are to implement ideas:

Symphonies of State and Civil Society;

Union of individual, nation and state;

Harmony of labor, land and capital;

Equivalence of “the rights and freedoms of peoples” and “human rights and freedoms”.

The idea of a guarantee state should find its legal expression and legal form in the Basic Law of the state - the Constitution of Russia.

The fundamental difference between the new Constitution of Russia and the current one is that it must be based not only on the Declaration of Human Rights, but also on the Declaration of the Rights of Peoples.

The guarantee state is called upon to protect both the rights of citizens and the rights of peoples. At the same time, one must understand that these rights will hang in the air if they are not guaranteed by clearly formulated obligations of the state as a whole.

In the 21st century, the guarantee state is called upon to assume constitutional responsibility for consolidating the domestic and foreign policy of the state and civil society at all levels and in all spheres of Russian life.

The guarantee state is a new state-public type of organization of power. In it, the state apparatus, civil society and citizens act in solidarity in order to achieve common national goals. The state, civil society and the individual bear subsidiary responsibility in the guaranteeing state.

The guarantee state assumes the following obligations to its citizens:

1. The Guarantee State is obliged to ensure the state sovereignty of the country commanded by God and conquered by the exploits of the ancestors, to revive the single political, economic, legal and cultural space of historical Russia and to preserve the Russian language as the language of interethnic communication on the Eurasian continent.

2. When determining the form of government, form of government and political regime, as well as when developing a long-term and medium-term strategy for the development of the country, the guarantee state is obliged to proceed from the cultural and historical type of civilization traditional for Russia.

3. The guarantee state, as the supreme presidential power, is obliged to develop and implement a unified national policy of Russia based on its traditional ideals and values and pursuing the innovative interests of the Russian state, civil society and the individual.

4. When solving any internal and external problems, the Guarantee State is obliged to proceed from ensuring the national security of Russia and protecting the interests of Russian citizens, and only from them.

5. The Guarantee State is obliged to develop and adopt such a system of LAW, which, while regulating the content and form of the political and economic activities of the state, civil society and the individual, ensuring law and order in the country, proceeds from the fact that Russian law is a special part of the continental law family and as such, it is accepted by Russian legal consciousness as a strict but fair TRUTH.

6. The guarantee state is obliged to create political and legal conditions for the intensive growth of the Russian economy and ensure Russia's global leadership in four areas: land, water, air and space.

7. The Guarantee State is obliged to build such a system of state control and management that will facilitate the organization of production and consumption of goods and services that will make it possible to raise the standard of living by an order of magnitude, increase the income of Russian citizens tenfold and make them forget what material need and poverty.

8. The Guarantee State is obliged to take all necessary measures to eradicate such concepts as terrorism, corruption and organized crime from our lives once and for all.

9. The Guarantee State is ultimately obliged to consider material production as a means for the production of the spiritual, which is its goal. The internal policy of the country should provide mechanisms for the implementation of the priority development of spiritual production, in the first place: science, culture and education.

10. The Guarantee State is obliged to develop and implement such a national policy that would embody the idea of reviving the personal and civic dignity of the Russian people and people, who traditionally constitute an absolute majority in Russia, but at the same time would not infringe on the rights and freedoms of other peoples of the Russian Federation.

The Guarantee State is the State of the Common Cause and the Common Cause.

We believe that he owns the future.

Politics

Only a new policy can ensure the life and activity of the guarantee state.

Politics is the will to power. This is the art of taking, holding and, most importantly, transferring power. This is the ability and ability of a political movement and party to prepare and nominate a leader who can become not only the head of state, but also the leader of the nation.

Enlightened conservatism refutes the conventional wisdom that politics is a dirty business of rogues and embezzlers. We believe that the best people of the country, honest, decent and educated citizens, who put the interests of society and the state above personal gain and self-interest, can and should be engaged in politics.

We, like air, need a political guard, the main reason for the existence of which is love for one's Motherland and service to one's Fatherland.

Careerists and crooks should be expelled from modern Russian politics, access to demagogues and swindlers should be closed, and criminals and corrupt officials should be eradicated from it.

LAW and PRAVDA - this is the leitmotif of activity for a real Russian politician.

Careful qualitative selection of political personnel, nomination of bright leaders, formation of a new political elite and uniting all honest and decent people of our country around it - these are the main organizational and political tasks of our movement.

We are aware of the importance and significance of public control over the political, economic and legal activities in the country. We welcome the establishment of a new public body - the Public Chamber, designed to become the "supreme expert council of the country", a permanent people's tribune for leaders of civil society.

We believe that governors and mayors of federal cities should be nominated and dismissed by the President of the country.

We are convinced that dirty political technologies - "black and gray PR", bribery and pressure of powerful and oligarchic groups on voters - should finally and irrevocably become a thing of the past. Elections to government bodies throughout the country must become transparent, fair and fair. The popular referendum must regain direct constitutional force.

However, politics does not end with victory in elections, and its main task is not only to secure a constitutional majority in the State Duma.

Politics is a difficult, daily, continuous work aimed at reviving state power, achieving social harmony and increasing the well-being of Russian citizens.

In order to achieve a new quality of political and legal work in the country, one should not only strengthen internal party discipline, but also strive to reduce the total number of political parties. Dwarf, toy, pocket parties that do not represent anyone or anything, as well as parties that have lost the support of their voters, must leave the arena of political struggle.

In the future, three political parties should remain in Russia that can really fight for power: conservative, liberal and socialist.

We believe that all politicians working in legislative bodies should bear not only party, but legal (civil and criminal) responsibility. The same applies to civil servants working in the judicial and executive authorities. Political and economic criminals should be identified by the prosecutor's office and the Accounts Chamber, severely and fairly punished by the Russian court, regardless of the position and position they held or occupy.

A traitor and a thief should be in prison, whoever he is!

Law and Order must become in Russia not only a possibility, but also a reality. To do this, they must be backed up by the political will of the leader of the country. A leader who can take responsibility, act quickly, accurately and decisively in cases where this is necessary to ensure national security or save the lives of Russian citizens.

Russia's foreign policy should become a logical continuation of its domestic policy on a global scale. It is high time for Russian statesmen and diplomats to start thinking not in terms of a district, city, region or country, but in terms of continents and continents.

Geopolitics in Russia should be given priority over politics, geoeconomics over economics, and geoculture over culture.

It is enough to look at yourself and the world on your knees. The time has come to regain dignity, gain confidence, stand on your feet - and calmly, with even breathing, defend your own national interests.

We must again become united and strong, and Russia - Great.

This was, is and will be the main point of Russian policy.

Army

A special role in the life of our people belonged and still belongs to the army. Being the bearer of the strong-willed strength and moral power of the state, the army is called upon to ensure the country's defense capability and the security of its citizens.

As the embodiment of the institution of one-man command, the army must be built hierarchically and imbued with military discipline.

Courage, courage, personal courage have long been the main qualities of a Russian warrior who honored the glorious tradition of valiant service to the Motherland and Fatherland.

However, during the perestroika decade, the military profession, through the efforts of pseudo-democrats, began to be considered almost contemptible in society, and soldiers and officers occupied the position of outcasts and pariahs in society.

It's time to end this!

The army is a culture in the form of service to the Fatherland.

The officer corps, primarily the guards, must receive spiritual and material support from the Church and the State.

The military profession should again become prestigious and desirable, and the title of soldier, defender of the Fatherland - proud and lofty.

The army must receive everything that is needed for the effective defense of the country, be it conventional or precision weapons, the latest strategic weapons, or everything that is necessary for information and network wars.

For us, the meaning of reforming the army is not only in transferring it to a contract basis, but also in reviving the high military spirit of its units and divisions, which from time immemorial has allowed it to defeat numerous and strong enemies on the battlefields.

We are convinced that the most important state and social task is the military-patriotic education of young Russians, future defenders of the Motherland and Fatherland.

The army must turn our young men into real men capable of protecting themselves, their families and the Fatherland.

It should teach the young man to obey with dignity and lead responsibly. She should instill in him a sense of duty and honor, become for him a school of courage, courage and personal responsibility.

With such an army, we will be invincible!

Power

Power is a power freely accepted and voluntarily supported by the people, based on moral authority and represented in the chosen person.

Weak power is not power, but self-deception and deceit. Power that does not command respect is not power. Socially impotent power is a source of disaster and destruction.

Russia is a great and huge state; it has always faced, faces and will face grandiose goals and long-term tasks.

To change everything quickly, to get everything at once in Russia they wanted and want for a long time, since the time of Peter the Great. Reforms and wars for centuries pressed one another. They were followed by riots and revolutions.

Much has been achieved and mastered, but little has been retained and preserved. And in the end... everything didn't work out.

And it won't work!

We must finally understand and learn once and for all that Russia is a continental Empire, and not a national state. Russia has a different scale, a different measure, a different pace and rhythm of life. We can't be in a hurry. Will and faith, knowledge and strength, wisdom and patience - this is the right recipe for any Russian government, and even more so for the government involved in reforms.

We are convinced that those who have advocated and continue to advocate in Russia for quick reforms do not understand the nature of Russian statehood and undermine the root existence of the nation, individual and state.

The Russian state power must be wise, strong and patient, or it will not exist at all.

And in order to be wise, strong and patient, the government in Russia must become the unified power of the state, civil society and the individual.

The effectiveness of the Russian government is determined in the eyes of citizens not so much by the amount of property controlled by it, but by the effectiveness, balance and effectiveness of state and civil reforms, as well as the creation of political, economic and legal mechanisms that ensure the implementation of the consolidated interests of the individual, civil society and the state in our country.

Let us recall the words of Ivan Aleksandrovich Ilyin:

“Russia needs a strong but differentiated government. Strong, but restrained and legal. Strong, but not just bureaucratic. Strong but decentralized. Militaryly fixed, but only in the form of the last argument. Police-protected, but not exaggerating the competence of the police.

We believe that the supreme power in Russia should be thought of as the one and only, legal and truthful power. The prototype of such power is historically close and understandable to us. At present, he is constitutionally fixed and presented as the President of Russia.

Supreme power has always been of exceptional importance in Russia. In our country, much, if not everything, depended on the head of the Supreme Power, on his personal moral qualities.

The words of Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev, spoken to the heir to the Russian throne in 1876, can still be safely addressed to the President of the Russian Federation:

“The whole secret of Russian order and prosperity is at the top, in the person of the supreme power. Where you dissolve yourself, the whole earth will bloom there. Your work will inspire everyone to work, your indulgence and luxury will flood the whole earth with indulgence and luxury. This is what the union with the earth in which you were born means, and the power that is destined for you from God.

Along with the supreme presidential power, in Russia there is a higher, governing power. It is constitutionally divided into three branches: legislative, judicial and executive.

Speaking of supreme and supreme power, we must distinguish between three concepts: strength, power, authority. But one distinction is not enough. No less important for us is their unification, expressed in the phrase: "authoritative force of power."

In practice, this means:

Firstly, the unconditional recognition of the superiority of the supreme, guiding power on the part of all who obey it, and obey voluntarily, without coercion, and not out of hopelessness or self-interest for the sake of it;

Secondly, a clear understanding that the highest state power, the administrative power (legislative, executive and judicial) acts strictly in its own sphere, within the powers established by the Constitution, coordinating all fundamental decisions of the federal, regional and local levels with the civil society.

We are convinced that only "native and close to us power" can be an authoritative and strong state power in modern Russia. That power, in which we believe, which will be able to unite us around the “yes” that creates in love, and not around the “no” that divides us in struggle and hatred. The kind of power that will make us feel the country is “ours”, and the people - “ours”.

This internal free union of the individual with the nation, the citizen with society, the subject with the state is ultimately illogical. It comes not from the mind, but from the heart. And it is achieved not by administrative coercion, but by civil and church obedience, by following the rules of conduct contained in the norms of LAW and the commandments of TRUTH.

The triumph of law and order in the country is based on the citizens having a developed sense of justice, spiritual ideals, moral values and moral norms shared by the individual, civil society and the state. In turn, the “authoritative force of power”, acting in the conditions of a “developed sense of justice”, gives legitimacy to the public state system and guarantees a civil, private law system.

Restriction of human freedom by power is possible. But it is possible if and only if this restriction is accepted by him voluntarily, freely and in confidence. A Russian person submits to another person, the world and the state, not by themselves, but out of a feeling of love for God, Motherland and Fatherland.

It is important to understand that power is a problem not only for the one who submits, but also for the one who submits. It is for the latter that it is a heavy burden and a huge responsibility.

This is reminiscent of the words addressed in 1879 by K. P. Pobedonostsev to representatives of state power “of all times and peoples”:

“If you understood what it means to be a statesman, you would never have taken on this terrible title: it is terrible everywhere, and especially here in Russia. After all, this means: not to be comforted by your greatness, not to enjoy comforts, but to sacrifice yourself to the cause you serve, to give yourself to work that burns a person, to give every hour of yours, from morning to night to be in live communication with living people, not just papers.

State power is a personal sacrifice offered on the altar of the Fatherland!

This beginning of free loyalty, conscientious devotion, voluntary assistance, cordial obedience to the law is the strongest cement of any state, the source of the creative power of state power.

The free loyalty of a citizen, as an essential feature of enlightened conservatism, lays the foundation for the formation of a culture of Russian legal consciousness.

Throughout its history, Russia has perished and disintegrated as soon as a lack of free loyalty was discovered. It disintegrated from “curvature and theft”, and was saved by the free and sacrificial accumulation of straight souls.

Therefore, everything that undermines free loyalty must be eliminated from the life of the state and civil society, and everything that strengthens it must be affirmed and cultivated in them.

So it was in Russia before, so it will be in it in the future.

Information and communication

Information and communication are the capillaries of power.

The creation of an atmosphere of power, its direction, the production and dissemination of virtual myths, images, types and models of human behavior in society through the media and the INTERNET ensure the identity of the nation, personality and state.

In the modern world, thanks to the rapid growth of information technologies, the creation of a global communication network, the spread of satellite and mobile telephone communications, the role and importance of ideology and propaganda is not decreasing, but increasing; however, they become qualitatively different.

It's time for new ideologies.

The network of free information and communication communication covers the whole world today. The form and content of this communication, in what language, in space and time of what culture it will be conducted, depends on the life and fate of people and peoples in the modern world.

We believe that virtual communication, mass communication and information exchange can and should take place at two levels:

At the first, regional level, communication should be multicultural and multilingual;

At the second, global level, while remaining multipolar, communication on the INTERNET should be conducted in Russian and English.

In order for this to happen, Russia needs to be spiritually and materially reborn.

We need to overcome the psychology of outsiders. Stop rejoicing at the opening of foreign factories for the assembly of automobiles, audio and video equipment and other industrial goods. Enough to master the backsides of the industrial world. It's time to get off the raw needle, stop stupidly trading irreplaceable natural resources. It is necessary to revive the consciousness and being of a great continental power. Start living in the global world according to the laws of the post-industrial - information society.

Stop eating away the national treasure! Enough to live on loan!

We need to develop high technologies and promote Russian culture, science, technology and education in new promising areas.

We need a new creative leader class. It's time to become the first again - creators and pioneers.

We are not a nation of merchants, we are a nation of heroes!

This is the main condition for economic growth, a guarantee of domestic political stability and a source of foreign political power.

Ownership and finance

Ownership breeds power, and power guarantees property.

We are against the absolutization of any form of ownership. We believe that property in any form should serve the individual, society and the state.

In Russia, in the sphere of property, there was and should be a historically determined balance in relation between its forms. Private property must coexist along with state, public and other forms of property. Equally with others, it must be provided by law and guaranteed by the state.

State ownership is traditional for Russia. For centuries, it has been the political and economic basis of the country's stability. The patrimonial land tenure firmly linked property and power. The nobles received land in possession, use and disposal, serving the Tsar and the Fatherland. Under Peter the Great, the state built factories and transferred them to private companies. Large-scale railway construction in the 19th century was carried out on state subsidies and under state guarantees.

Private property is also not new to Russia. We consider it an effective and necessary element of management. The role of private property in state building and public development is significant and great.

Private property creates and consolidates man's creative power over things and tools. It teaches a person to love work and land, to protect the hearth and homeland. She brings the family together.

It expresses and consolidates that settled way of life, without which culture is impossible.

The basis of the current private property that emerged as a result of privatization is largely the production, mining and energy facilities created in the Soviet era under the state planned economy.

Having transferred state property into private hands yesterday, today we must find the right way for its public recognition and legitimization.

It's not easy to do. Spells about the sacredness of private property and the inadmissibility of its redistribution will not help the cause.

The modern civilized path to the legitimation of private property lies through the demonstration of its social effectiveness and social responsibility, which should be expressed in the rise of the country's economy, the improvement of the people's life, and the increase in the well-being of every Russian family.

Private property should not only increase the income of individuals and legal entities, but also improve the well-being of the Russian people. Private property must serve the Motherland and Fatherland.

We believe that neither the wholesale privatization of state property, advocated by the liberals, nor its general nationalization, which the Communists expect, are effective at the present stage. These are political extremes, the time for which has passed in Russia.

From the point of view of the realities of the Russian market, as well as economic benefits for the state, society and the individual, today a more progressive form is not privatization or nationalization, but the lease of state, public and private property for a certain period of time with the payment of urgent contractual lease payments to the owner.

We are fundamentally opposed to a one-sided assessment of property in the monetarist light, in the light of the omnipotence of money and plutocracy. We consider private property not as an urgent individual arbitrariness, but as a family tradition bound by long-term succession.

From the world of property, we single out, first of all, real estate - a house as a place of residence for the family and landed property passed down from generation to generation.

LAND cannot and should not be an ordinary commodity. LAND is a “special commodity”, since it is, along with LABOR and CAPITAL, the main factor in material production (and irreplaceable at that). And in the spiritual sense, the EARTH has always been, is and will be for us "a mother that is not traded." Therefore, the land market in general and the market for agricultural land in particular must be clearly and strictly regulated by the Constitution and the Land Code.

We are in favor of broad support for housing construction in the center and, most importantly, in the provinces. The federal targeted program to support family housing construction could become a powerful engine for a number of sectors of the economy, and your own house with a land plot could become the material basis of a strong family, a guarantee of mental health and well-being of an individual, nation and state.

Economics and finance

The economy and, in particular, finance, should not be absolutized and be an end in itself. They should be a means for the effective growth of production and the sustainable development of the human personality.

We stand for an economy with a "human face". We need not spasmodic, but dynamic economic growth. We need to wean ourselves from talking about our economy in terms of “ups and downs.” Stop waiting for another financial and economic miracle. It's time to engage in real production, everyday work, routine work.

To restore what was destroyed, to return what was plundered, to recreate what was lost.

And finally, to find a combination of “market” and “plan” that is organic for our economy, which can and should be determined and established by the state in which the economy exists for a person, and not a person for the economy.

We are convinced that market transformations of the centralized economy were necessary. And they should continue. But to continue in the new conditions and with minimal social costs. And this can be achieved. But only in the event that the vector of modernization of the economy will not be reduced, as in the early 90s of the XX century, exclusively to the privatization of state property and focus only on profit and consumption growth.

Economic transformations in Russia in the 21st century must acquire a holistic, systemic character.

What does it mean?

First, modernization should not be replaced by Westernization. We are not Honduras.

Secondly, modernization should contribute to the organization in Russia of such a system of production, distribution, consumption and goods and services, which would organically and flexibly combine "plan" and "market".

And thirdly, in order to avoid excessive property and social stratification of society, modernization should be carried out based on traditional values and historical forms of Russian management, taking into account the current level of political, economic, scientific and cultural consciousness of our citizens.

In order for the reforms to be ultimately understood and accepted by the people, at the first stage they must at least be clear and understandable to them.

Having plunged into the elements of the market, we should seriously think not so much about stimulating the quantitative growth of production and consumption of goods and services, but about their qualitative and environmental components, as well as about the formation of a real, healthy human measure of their production and consumption.

In this regard, the state and civil society should take a responsible approach to the legislative regulation of the promotion of patterns of behavior and consumption growth, which are strongly imposed on people by advertising in the media.

A call to consumption without borders, complemented by the slogan "Forget everything - and have fun!" destructive and vicious. They lead man and mankind to a dead end of degradation and self-destruction.

We are not alone on the planet. We are surrounded by a huge, living and largely dependent on us world. It must be preserved and preserved. Therefore, our economic thinking and economic practice must become not only efficient, but also environmentally friendly.

The main thing is to find a stable social, political, legal and cultural rhythm and pace for the dynamic economic development of the country. This will not only solve our domestic economic problems, but will also strengthen our competitive position in international markets.

We are convinced that:

Determination of the exact measure of the ratio of LABOR, LAND and CAPITAL;

Strengthening the legal foundations of small, medium and large businesses;

Establishing a constructive dialogue between government and business;

Creation of a favorable environment for real competition, solid state and civil guarantees for the freedom of entrepreneurial activity;

Formation of a sense of social responsibility among entrepreneurs;

Relying on science-intensive industries and technologies can turn Russia into a politically stable country with a steadily growing market economy and thereby make our LAND favorable for the development of LABOR and attractive for the growth of CAPITAL.

We soberly assess the costs of globalization. We are aware of the real dangers that the dictates of transnational corporations and the speculation of international financial groups bring to the world.

We are against the blind worship of the golden calf. "Money that makes money" does not know the measure, leads to rising inflation and the global financial crisis. We are convinced that virtual money should be tied to a real value equivalent (be it gold, diamonds, oil or gas), the settlement and credit functions of the banking system should be separated, and the issuing activity of the Central Bank should be clearly and strictly regulated by federal law.

Everything is good - in its place and in its time.

The financial sector of the economy is important and necessary, but you can't pray to God on it. It should be considered as an effective means of managing, and not its end. Our goal is a free person, who under no circumstances should turn into a slave, including a slave of money. Therefore, the most important tasks for the Russian state and civil society are the "de-demonization" of speculative financial capital and the support of the real economy.

We need to sufficiently simplify and bring the principles, rules and mechanisms of monetary relationships and settlements between the state, society and the individual closer to the resource and commodity reality.

We should seek to put into practice such a state financial policy, primarily a budgetary one, that would first reduce and eventually eliminate the debt burden on the domestic economy.

Serious reflection and a fair political and social decision require, in our opinion, “sick economic issues”: about “natural rent” and “bank usury”.

We are supporters of the social market economy, which assumes that at a certain time, in a certain place and under certain circumstances, a coordinating, regulating and guaranteeing role of the state is possible and necessary, especially in those sectors of the economy that play a decisive role in replenishing the state budget, ensuring social peace and consent, preservation of the integrity and sovereignty of the Russian Federation.

We are for protectionist measures of the state that protect domestic producers. By supporting national capital and Russian industries oriented to the domestic market, we consider it possible for Russia to join the WTO on those conditions and at a time when it will be beneficial for us.

We believe that the goal of tax reform should not only be to collect more taxes (although this is certainly important), but also to develop in people the consciousness that paying taxes is not only necessary, but also eventually profitable. To do this, first of all, it is necessary to make the Russian tax system simple, understandable and convenient for taxpayers, and not for the tax authorities.

We are for progressive taxation. The rich should share with the poor. However, this does not mean that a successful entrepreneur, a conscientious tax-paying worker and a welfare state should produce and support professional parasites.

Dealing with issues of state building and social development in Russia, we, Russian conservatives, are betting on the formation of a new, genuine social and state elite, the emergence of a strong, economic, rooted middle class, the formation of a free and responsible human personality.

We consider our main task to be the qualitative selection of people "going to power", and we will do everything to ensure the high moral authority of the authorities, which ultimately consists of the moral authority of specific individuals called to lead the state.

We demand professionalism and decency from all officials who govern our state. We expect them to be consistent, resolute and responsible in carrying out political, economic and legal reforms.

Being engaged in state and party construction, contributing to the self-organization of civil society, we must always remember that our main goal and concern is people.

And God help us!

Nikita Mikhalkov

The “Manifesto of Enlightened Conservatism,” published by Russian Oscar-winning filmmaker and actor Nikita Mikhalkov on October 26, 2010, caused a stir in Russia. With his appearance, the old disputes between the "Westernizers" and the "Slavophiles" about the world role of Russia were revived. The liberal newspaper Moscow Times called the manifesto "high-profile". However, outside of Russia, the document has not received the attention it certainly deserves, especially given the difference in political tastes between President Dmitry Medvedev, who is considered a Westerner, and Prime Minister Putin, a Russian nationalist.

Mikhalkov openly takes the side of the Slavophiles, or rather their modern "neo-Eurasian" version, which was best described by Alexander Dugin. Russia, says Mikhalkov, is neither Europe nor Asia. And not their "mechanical combination". Russia represents "an independent cultural and historical continent, an organic national unity, a geopolitical and sacred center of the world." “Misunderstanding of the role and place of Russia in the world leads to the death of the Orthodox civilization, the disappearance of the Russian nation and the collapse of the Russian state,” Mikhalkov warns.

“We are characterized by a special supranational, imperial consciousness, which defines Russian existence in a system of special - Eurasian - coordinates,” says Mikhalkov. However, while claiming kinship with the “builders of Byzantium and the Anglo-Saxon empire,” he does not show any desire for the revival of the empire, even less for the ideological expansion and global dominance that the former USSR aspired to. Leave Russia alone, he seems to be saying. His "Manifesto" is certainly less "imperialist" than the Project for a New American Century (PNAC) or "Clean break" used by neoconservatives here to influence US foreign policy.

Mikhalkov's desire for a stronger government, his conversion to the Orthodox Church, his pro-monarchist inclinations are markedly different from the values held by conservatives in the United States. And yet, on the whole, his “enlightened conservatism” seems to be more true than the tedious “regime change” speeches of American “neocons” (neoconservatives), who should be called rather pseudo-conservatives.

Mikhalkov's conservatism is based on "sensible enlightened nationalism, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural", which has nothing to do with any kind of aggressive and intolerant chauvinism. His definition of the Russian nation is liberal; it includes all peoples, all ethnic cultures and dialects that exist on the territory of the Russian Federation.

He calls for the strengthening of the Russian state, but not at the cost of oppressing individuals. "Personality is not a means, but the goal of social and state development." “For us, the human personality is an organic unity of I, YOU and WE. It is considered by us in the light of God's Providence and through the prism of social relations.

Speaking for an unnamed conservative movement, he presents his Manifesto as a challenge to national disputes in which he hopes “the state and civil society will come to an agreement and jointly formulate a National Mission and Program for the Development of Russia in the 21st Century.” If this is done, the movement, in whose name Mikhalkov speaks, will serve as an incubator for the maturation of future national leaders.

To transform into a truly modern nation, Mikhalkov argues, Russia must look not to the West for inspiration, but to its own past. Here he sees two main traditions: the spiritual tradition of "Holy Russia" with its capital in Kyiv, Vladimir and Moscow, and, after Peter the Great, the imperial tradition centered around St. Petersburg. In Holy Russia, the power of the rulers was limited by the patriarch, as well as by the Christian way of life. In Great Russia, imperial power eclipsed the authority of the Orthodox Church, although the idea of Holy Russia remained alive in the memory of the people.

After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the USSR turned into a kind of "Great Russia without Holy Russia". The communist ideology sought to destroy all religious influence by subordinating all citizens to the decrees of the Party. However, in the late 1960s, the Soviet people "got tired of the Bolshevik experiment" and the Soviet value system began to fall apart.

With the advent of perestroika, “we had no idea that we were participating in events of world significance,” Mikhalkov admits. Soon, not only did the Soviet Union fall, but a “political and economic division of the world” took place, which led to a geopolitical revolution. As a result, at the beginning of the 21st century, we found ourselves without both Holy Russia and Great Russia. Now we live in the Russian Federation, “the territory of which has decreased to 75%, and the population to 51% of the territory and population of the USSR; at the same time, 20 million Russians by nationality turned out to be outside Russia.

To make matters worse, the economic reforms of the 1990s, undertaken with the help and support of the West, significantly reduced Russia's technological, scientific, and industrial base. Mikhalkov promises to "restore what was destroyed, return what was plundered, and revive what was lost" in the process of ill-conceived neoliberal reforms. “We are convinced that market reforms were necessary for our centralized economy, and we are ready to continue them,” he solemnly declares, “but they should not be limited solely to the privatization of state property and focus only on profit and consumption growth.” He calls for "an organic combination of the free market and government planning."

"The current social structure, based on an explosive mixture of efforts to catch up with the West through liberal modernization, while tolerating arbitrary local rulers and ubiquitous corruption, does not satisfy most Russians," Mikhalkov said. “Behind the appearance of economic reforms and liberal initiatives, obsolete, archaic social relations are hidden.” Modernization is needed; but it should not become synonymous with "Westernization".

Having posed a rhetorical question: "What to do?", he answers it as follows:

1. Establish and maintain law and order

2. Fight for the preservation of cultural and national identity (as opposed to the influx of Hollywood imports that have dominated Russian mass culture).

3. Ensure the economic "general prosperity"

4. Restore self-respect and sense of civic responsibility

5. Guarantee social justice for all citizens

First of all, we must again believe in our Russia, strengthen the spirit of the nation, restore the positive image of our country around the world, - says Mikhalkov. It reminds me of another figure who lived in another era, in another country: Ronald Reagan, a conservative Republican who in 1976 tried to bring Americans out of a state of humiliation and defeat after the Vietnam catastrophe.

However, how enlightened can Mikhalkov's conservatism be considered? He knows Russian conservative thinkers well, including the Slavophiles of the middle of the 19th century and the monarchists of the late 19th century. He also quotes a dozen or two 20th-century thinkers from among white Russian emigrants, such as Pyotr Struve, Nikolai Berdyaev, Ivan Ilyin. Among Russian conservative statesmen, he most sympathizes with Pyotr Stolypin.

It is suspicious that the Nobel Prize winner, Russian writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn, an admirer of Stolypin, who was the first to call for an evolutionary, nationalist and conservative path for Russia to emerge from the quagmire of communism and return to the camp of all mankind, is suspicious in this list. As I wrote in 1991 in Russia Without Communism: A Chronicle of National Revival, Solzhenitsyn, in his 1973 Letter to Soviet Leaders, was the first to propose the idea of gradually replacing communist ideology with enlightened Russian nationalism. In 1990, at the height of perestroika, in his essay "How We Can Rebuild Russia," he challenged Mikhail Gorbachev's futile efforts to save communism by putting forward a program that emphasized the need to save the Russian people.

After his return to Russia in 1994, in his 1998 essay "Russia in Collapse," Solzhenitsyn dismissed Boris Yeltsin's reforms, in much the same way that Mikhalkov is now doing. That Nikita Mikhalkov does not mention Solzhenitsyn is regrettable, because, unlike the authors he quotes, his works are well known in the West, and he is authoritative enough to be an argument in favor of choosing a conservative path for Russia. In addition, as I emphasized in my eulogy to Solzhenitsyn, he influenced many Western intellectuals, helping them move away from communism and turn towards conservatism.

Mikhalkov does not seek to rely on the authority of foreign conservative thinkers, such as Edmund Berke or Joseph de Maistre. However, familiarity with them is necessary for any conservative movement. Particularly relevant would be Burke, whose liberal conservatism runs counter to the smallest detail with the so-called "neo-conservatives" who believe that the US mission is to "spread democracy" throughout the world. Not so fast, Burke says. Each country should strive to find the form of government that best suits its traditions and national character, Berke argues, anticipating the urging of the Slavophiles for Russia to find its own unique path.

De Maistre could better support Mikhalkov in his monarchist tendencies. Among other things, he wrote his treatises while in public service as ambassador of Piedmont-Sardinia to Russia, a country he saw as a bulwark against the virus of the French Revolution.

Whatever you think of Mikhalkov, his “Manifesto” marks a clear 180-degree reversal from Karl Marx’s “Communist Manifesto,” which tempted Russia to take the Western path and instead led it to a 73-year historical dead end of global revolutionary violence. Mikhalkov's calls for law and order, for a civil world, for a mixed economy, social justice, benevolent relations with other nations and for self-respect sound like banal statements prompted by common sense.

Known for his monarchist views, Mikhalkov does not directly call for the restoration of the monarchy. However, he keeps the doors open to anyone who can establish a stronger central authority and bring about constitutional changes to that end through a referendum. After all, in his film The Barber of Siberia, he had already played the role of his favorite conservative monarch, Tsar Alexander III. So his choice in favor of restoring the monarchy is not surprising.

The Manifesto marks the beginning of the politics of individuals in Russia. Mikhalkov himself, of course, has both charisma and origin. His family is the embodiment of the continuity of Russian history. Nikita Mikhalkov's father, Sergei Mikhalkov, was a famous Soviet poet whose poems were known to millions of people in the country. He wrote the words for the current anthem; the first version of the anthem was approved by Stalin, and later Sergei Mikhalkov remade them in accordance with the new post-communist era. The noble birth of Sergei should have doomed him to persecution, death or exile. However, he managed to flourish under Stalin, and under Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, and under Brezhnev, under Andropov, under Chernenko, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin and Medvedev.

Nikita Sergeevich, film director, cultural hero who has his fans and is attractive to a significant part of the Russian electorate. He also has many ill-wishers - but Reagan also had them. Could he become "the second Nikita Sergeevich"? Or maybe Tsar Nikita the First? God alone knows. Whether he decides to pursue a political career or not, Mikhalkov is a figure to be reckoned with.

The ruling party "United Russia" proposed to "discuss" Mikhalkov's Manifesto. Vladimir Zhirinovsky said that he repeats 80% of what the Liberal Democratic Party has been saying for many years. Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party, agreed only with Mikhalkov's negative assessment of the current situation. In a public discussion that took place on one of the television channels broadcast throughout the country, Mikhalkov branded his liberal opponent. My personal Kremlin source told me that President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin discussed the manifesto sitting next to each other, so it was impossible to hear what they were whispering about. He tried to call on the help of Julian Assange (founder of Wikileaks), but as it turned out, Julian himself needed help, and he refused to give out other people's secrets or disclose confidential information.

The materials of InoSMI contain only assessments of foreign media and do not reflect the position of the editors of InoSMI.

Portal for the student. Self-training

* * *

What to do?

Enlightened conservatism and enlightened conservatives - who are they?

Our voters

Basic Ideas, Principles and Values ​​of Enlightened Conservatism

culture

Tradition

Story

Nation

Motherland and Fatherland

national question

Personality

A family

freedom

State

Politics

Army

Power

Information and communication

Ownership and finance

Economics and finance

RELATED ARTICLES

Basic Ideas, Principles and Values of Enlightened Conservatism