Bismarck Otto von (Bismarck, Otto von) (1815-98), German statesman, who was called the "Iron Chancellor".
A Prussian nobleman, Bismarck showed himself in parliament as an ardent monarchist and opponent of democracy. During the revolutions of 1848, he opposed the demand for constitutional reforms, and in 1851, as a representative of Prussia in the Austrian-dominated Frankfurt Assembly, he demanded equal rights for Prussia.
After a short stay as ambassador in St. Petersburg (1859) and Paris (1862), he was appointed the first minister of Prussia (1862-90).
Increased the size and reorganized the Prussian army.
In 1864, Prussia, together with Austria and other German states, defeated Denmark by annexing Schleswig-Holyptein, as well as the Kiel Canal, which was of great strategic importance for the German Union.
In 1866, Bismarck provoked a conflict between Prussia, who acted together with Italy, and Austria, known as the Seven Weeks War (Austro-Prussian War), from which Prussia emerged victorious. Then Bismarckannexed Hanover, in the same year united most of the German states into the North German Confederation and became its chancellor.
He was the initiator of the Franco-Prussian War (1870-71), which led to the capitulation of Napoleon III and a long and brutal siege of Paris by Prussian troops. Under the peace treaty at Versailles, France lost Alsace-Lorraine, and Bismarck here in January 1871 proclaimed the King of Prussia, Wilhelm I, Emperor of the German Empire.
In Germany, Bismarck introduced a single currency, central bank, legislation and carried out a number of administrative reforms.
Bismarck's attempts to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (the so-called "Kulturkampf") ended in failure, but the Prussian school system was established throughout Germany, controlled by government officials.
A supporter of a strong executive power, Bismarck sought to limit the powers of the German parliament (Reichstag), brutally cracked down on supporters of socialism. In an attempt to distract workers from the socialists and keep trade unions under control, Bismarck introduced the first social security system in history - a series of social insurance laws (1883-87), providing for compensation in case of illness, accidents and old age.
In the field of international relations, the chancellor initiated the creation of the “Union of the Three Emperors” (German: Dreikaiserbund), and then the Triple Alliance.
With great success he presided over the Berlin Congress (1878) and the Berlin Conference on Africa (1884). Thanks to his policy of protecting the national economy and protectionist tariffs, German industry and trade prospered, and the country itself actively acquired overseas colonies.
The death of Wilhelm I exposed the weakness of Bismarck's position, which depended on the will of the monarch, and not on the support of the people. Wilhelm II saw Bismarck as a threat to his power and forced him to resign in 1890.
Bismarck spent the last years of his life in seclusion.
Otto Eduard Leopold Karl-Wilhelm-Ferdinand Duke von Lauenburg Prince von Bismarck und Schönhausen(German Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen ; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - prince, politician, statesman, the first chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of the Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).
As Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister-President, he had a significant influence on the politics of the created Reich until his resignation in the city. In foreign policy, Bismarck adhered to the principle of the balance of power (or European balance, see below). Bismarck's system of alliances)
In domestic politics, the time of his reign from 1999 can be divided into two phases. He first formed an alliance with moderate liberals. Numerous internal reforms took place during this period, such as the introduction of civil marriage, which was used by Bismarck to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (see below). Kulturkampf). Beginning in the late 1870s, Bismarck separated from the liberals. During this phase, he resorts to a policy of protectionism and state intervention in the economy. In the 1880s, an anti-socialist law was introduced. Disagreements with the then Kaiser Wilhelm II led to Bismarck's resignation.
In later years, Bismarck played a prominent political role, criticizing his successors. Thanks to the popularity of his memoirs, Bismarck managed to influence the formation of his own image in the public mind for a long time.
By the middle of the 20th century, an unconditionally positive assessment of the role of Bismarck as a politician responsible for the unification of the German principalities into a single national state dominated in German historical literature, which partially satisfied national interests. After his death, numerous monuments were erected in his honor as a symbol of strong personal power. He created a new nation and implemented progressive welfare systems. Bismarck, being loyal to the king, strengthened the state with a strong, well-trained bureaucracy. After the Second World War, critical voices became louder, accusing Bismarck, in particular, of curtailing democracy in Germany. More attention was paid to the shortcomings of his policies, and the activities were considered in the current context.
Biography
Origin
Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small estate nobles in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers in the peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves in anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were Junkers - the descendants of the conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe River. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.
Youth
iron and blood
The regent under the incapacitated King Frederick William IV - Prince Wilhelm, who was closely associated with the army, was extremely dissatisfied with the existence of the Landwehr - the territorial army, which played a decisive role in the fight against Napoleon and maintained liberal sentiments. Moreover, the Landwehr, relatively independent of the government, proved ineffective in putting down the 1848 revolution. Therefore, he supported the Minister of War of Prussia, Roon, in developing a military reform that involved the creation of a regular army with an extended service life of up to 3 years in the infantry and four years in the cavalry. Military spending was supposed to increase by 25%. This met with resistance and the king dissolved the liberal government, replacing it with a reactionary administration. But again the budget was not approved.
At this time, European trade was actively developing, important role in which Prussia played with its intensively developing industry, an obstacle to which was Austria, practicing the position of protectionism. To inflict moral damage on her, Prussia recognized the legitimacy of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who came to power in the wake of the revolution against the Habsburgs.
Annexation of Schleswig and Holstein
Bismarck is a triumph.
Creation of the North German Confederation
Fight against Catholic opposition
Bismarck and Lasker in Parliament
The unification of Germany led to the fact that in one state there were communities that were once fiercely conflicting with each other. One of the most important problems facing the newly created empire was the question of interaction between the state and the Catholic Church. On this ground began Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle for the cultural unification of Germany.
Bismarck and Windthorst
Bismarck went to meet the liberals in order to ensure their support for his course, agreed with the proposed changes in civil and criminal legislation and ensuring freedom of speech, which did not always correspond to his desire. However, all this led to the strengthening of the influence of centrists and conservatives, who began to consider the offensive against the church as a manifestation of godless liberalism. As a result, Bismarck himself began to view his campaign as a serious mistake.
The long struggle with Arnim and the implacable resistance of the center party of Windthorst could not but affect the health and character of the chancellor.
Consolidation of peace in Europe
Introductory quotation to the exposition of the Bavarian War Museum. Ingolstadt
We do not need war, we belong to what the old prince Metternich had in mind, namely, to a state completely satisfied with its position, which, if necessary, can defend itself. And besides, even if it becomes necessary - do not forget about our peace initiatives. And I declare this not only in the Reichstag, but especially to the whole world, that this has been the policy of Kaiser Germany for the past sixteen years.
Soon after the creation of the Second Reich, Bismarck became convinced that Germany was not in a position to dominate Europe. He failed to realize the idea of uniting all Germans in a single state that had existed for hundreds of years. Austria prevented this, striving for the same, but only on the condition of the dominant role in this state of the Habsburg dynasty.
Fearing French revenge in the future, Bismarck sought rapprochement with Russia. On March 13, 1871, together with representatives of Russia and other countries, he signed the London Convention, which abolished Russia's ban on having a navy in the Black Sea. In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov (with whom Bismarck had a personal relationship, like a talented student with his teacher), organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the chancellor from the conservative junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents.
Bismarck, given the central position of Germany in Europe and the real danger associated with this to be involved in a war on two fronts, created a formula that he followed throughout his reign: "A strong Germany strives to live peacefully and develop peacefully." To this end, she must have a strong army in order to "not be attacked by anyone who draws her sword."
During his entire service life, Bismarck experienced the "nightmare of coalitions" (le cauchemar des coalitions), and, figuratively speaking, unsuccessfully tried, juggling, to keep five balls in the air.
Now Bismarck could hope that England would concentrate on the problem of Egypt, which arose after France bought shares in the Suez Canal, and Russia became involved in solving the Black Sea problems, and therefore the danger of creating an anti-German coalition was significantly reduced. Moreover, the rivalry between Austria and Russia in the Balkans meant that Russia needed German support. Thus, a situation was created where all significant forces in Europe, with the exception of France, would not be able to create dangerous coalitions, being involved in mutual rivalry.
At the same time, this created for Russia the need to avoid an aggravation of the international situation, and she was forced to lose some of the advantages of her victory at the London talks, which found their expression at the congress that opened on June 13 in Berlin. The Berlin Congress was created to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish war, which was chaired by Bismarck. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers to do this. On July 13, 1878, Bismarck signed the Treaty of Berlin with representatives of the great powers, establishing new frontiers in Europe. Then many of the territories that had passed to Russia were returned to Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to Austria, the Turkish sultan, filled with gratitude, gave Cyprus to Britain.
In the Russian press, after this, an acute pan-Slavist campaign against Germany began. The nightmare of the coalition reappeared. On the verge of panic, Bismarck offered Austria to conclude a customs agreement, and when she refused, even a mutual non-aggression pact. Emperor Wilhelm I was frightened by the end of the former pro-Russian orientation of German foreign policy and warned Bismarck that things were moving towards an alliance between tsarist Russia and France, which had become a republic again. At the same time, he pointed out the unreliability of Austria as an ally, which could not deal with its internal problems, as well as the uncertainty of Britain's position.
Bismarck tried to justify his line by pointing out that his initiatives were taken in the interests of Russia as well. On October 7, he signed a “Dual Alliance” with Austria, which pushed Russia into an alliance with France. This was Bismarck's fatal mistake, destroying the close relations between Russia and Germany that had been established since the German War of Independence. A fierce tariff struggle began between Russia and Germany. Since that time, the General Staffs of both countries began to develop plans for a preventive war against each other.
According to this treaty, Austria and Germany were to jointly repel the attack of Russia. If Germany was attacked by France, Austria pledged to remain neutral. It quickly became clear to Bismarck that this defensive alliance would immediately turn into offensive action, especially if Austria was on the brink of defeat.
However, Bismarck still managed on June 18 to confirm the agreement with Russia, according to which the latter pledged to remain neutral in the event of a Franco-German war. But nothing was said about the relationship in the case of the Austro-Russian conflict. However, Bismarck showed understanding of Russia's claims to the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles in the hope that this would lead to conflict with Britain. Bismarck's supporters saw the move as further proof of Bismarck's diplomatic genius. However, the future showed that this was only a temporary measure in an attempt to avoid an impending international crisis.
Bismarck proceeded from his belief that stability in Europe could be achieved only if England joined the Mutual Treaty. In 1889, he approached Lord Salsbury with a proposal to conclude a military alliance, but the lord categorically refused. Although Britain was interested in resolving the colonial problem with Germany, she did not want to bind herself with any obligations in central Europe, where the potentially hostile states of France and Russia were located. Bismarck's hopes that the contradictions between England and Russia would contribute to its rapprochement with the countries of the "Mutual Treaty" were not confirmed.
Danger on the left
"While it's stormy - I'm at the helm"
To the 60th anniversary of the Chancellor
In addition to the external danger, the internal danger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions, became ever stronger. To combat it, Bismarck tried to enact new repressive legislation. Bismarck increasingly spoke of the "red threat", especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor.
Colonial politics
At certain points he showed a commitment to the colonial issue, but this was a political move, for example, during the election campaign of 1884, when he was accused of lack of patriotism. In addition, this was done in order to reduce the chances of the heir prince Frederick with his leftist views and far-reaching pro-English orientation. In addition, he understood that the key problem for the country's security was normal relations with England. In 1890, he exchanged Zanzibar from England for the island of Helgoland, which much later became the outpost of the German fleet in the oceans.
Otto von Bismarck managed to draw his son Herbert into the colonial affairs, who was involved in settling issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and drank.
Resignation
Bismarck tried not only to influence the formation of his image in the eyes of his descendants, but also continued to interfere in contemporary politics, in particular, he undertook active campaigns in the press. Bismarck's attacks were most often subjected to his successor - Caprivi. Indirectly, he criticized the emperor, whom he could not forgive his resignation. In the summer, Mr. Bismarck took part in the elections to the Reichstag, however, he never took part in the work of his 19th constituency in Hanover, never used his mandate, and 1893. resigned his powers
The press campaign was successful. Public opinion leaned in favor of Bismarck, especially after Wilhelm II began to openly attack him. The authority of the new Reich Chancellor, Caprivi, was especially hard hit when he tried to prevent Bismarck from meeting with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The trip to Vienna turned into a triumph for Bismarck, who declared that he had no obligations to the German authorities: "all bridges are burned"
Wilhelm II was forced to agree to reconciliation. Several meetings with Bismarck in the city went well, but did not lead to a real détente in relations. How unpopular Bismarck was in the Reichstag was shown by the fierce fighting over the approval of congratulations on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Because of the publication in 1896. With a top-secret reinsurance treaty, he attracted the attention of the German and foreign press.
Memory
Historiography
In the more than 150 years since the birth of Bismarck, many different interpretations of his personal and political activities have arisen, some of them are mutually opposed. Until the end of World War II, German-language literature was dominated by writers whose point of view was influenced by their own political and religious outlook. Historian Karina Urbach noted in 1994: “His biography was taught to at least six generations, and it is safe to say that each successive generation studied a different Bismarck. No other German politician has been used and distorted as much as he.
Empire times
Disputes around the figure of Bismarck existed even during his lifetime. Already in the first biographical editions, sometimes multi-volume, Bismarck's complexity and ambiguity were emphasized. Sociologist Max Weber critically assessed the role of Bismarck in the process of German unification: “The work of his life was not only in the external, but also in the internal unity of the nation, but each of us knows that this was not achieved. This cannot be achieved by his methods. Theodor Fontane painted a literary portrait in the last years of his life in which he compared Bismarck to Wallenstein. Bismarck's assessment from Fontane's point of view differs significantly from the assessment of most contemporaries: "he is a great genius, but a small man."
The negative assessment of Bismarck's role did not find support for a long time, thanks in part to his memoirs. They have become an almost inexhaustible source of quotes for his fans. For decades, the book underpinned the idea of Bismarck by patriotic citizens. At the same time, it weakened the critical view of the founder of the empire. During his lifetime, Bismarck had a personal impact on his image in history as he controlled access to documents and sometimes corrected manuscripts. After the chancellor's death, his son, Herbert von Bismarck, assumed control of the formation of the image in history.
Professional historical science could not get rid of the influence of Bismarck's role in the unification of the German lands and joined in the idealization of his image. Heinrich von Treitschke changed his attitude towards Bismarck from being critical to becoming a dedicated admirer. The foundation of the German Empire he called the most striking example of heroism in the history of Germany. Treitschke and other representatives of the Little German-Borussian school of history were fascinated by Bismarck's strength of character. Bismarck's biographer Erich Marx wrote in 1906: "In fact, I must admit: living in those days was such a great experience that everything that has to do with it is of historical value." However, Marx, along with other historians of Wilhelm's time such as Heinrich von Siebel, noted the inconsistency of Bismarck's role in comparison to the achievements of the Hohenzollerns. So, in 1914. in school textbooks, Bismarck, Wilhelm I, was not called the founder of the German Empire.
The decisive contribution to the exaltation of Bismarck's role in history was made in the First World War. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Bismarck in 1915. articles were published that did not even hide their propaganda purpose. In a patriotic impulse, historians noted the duties of German soldiers to defend the unity and greatness of Germany obtained by Bismarck from foreign invaders, and at the same time, they were silent about Bismarck's numerous warnings about the inadmissibility of such a war in the middle of Europe. Bismarck scholars such as Erich Marx, Mack Lenz and Horst Kohl portrayed Bismarck as the vehicle for the German warlike spirit.
Weimar Republic and Third Reich
The defeat of Germany in the war and the creation of the Weimar Republic did not change the idealistic image of Bismarck, as the elite of historians remained loyal to the monarch. In such a helpless and chaotic state, Bismarck was like a guide, a father, a genius to look up to in order to end the "Versailles humiliation." If any criticism of his role in history was expressed, then it concerned the Little German way of solving the German question, and not the military or imposed unification of the state. Traditionalism protected from the emergence of innovative biographies of Bismarck. The publication of further documents in the 1920s once again helped to emphasize Bismarck's diplomatic skill. The most popular biography of Bismarck at that time was written by Mr. Emil Ludwig, which presented a critical psychological analysis, according to which Bismarck was portrayed as a Faustian hero in a historical drama of the 19th century.
During the Nazi period, the historical lineage between Bismarck and Adolf Hitler was more often portrayed to secure the Third Reich's leading role in the German unity movement. Erich Marx, a pioneer of Bismarck research, emphasized these ideologized historical interpretations. Bismarck was also portrayed in Great Britain as the predecessor of Hitler, who stood at the beginning of Germany's special path. As the Second World War progressed, Bismarck's weight in propaganda decreased somewhat; his warning about the inadmissibility of war with Russia was not mentioned since. But conservative representatives of the resistance movement saw Bismarck as their guide.
An important critical work was published by the German jurist in exile Erich Eyck, who wrote a biography of Bismarck in three volumes. He criticized Bismarck for being cynical about democratic, liberal, and humanist values and blamed him for the destruction of democracy in Germany. The system of unions was very cleverly built, but, being an artificial construction, was doomed to disintegration from birth. However, Eick could not resist admiring the figure of Bismarck: “but no one, wherever he was, can not agree that he [Bismarck] was the main figure of his time ... No one can help but admire the strength of the charm of this man, who is always curious and important."
Post-war period until 1990
After World War II, influential German historians, notably Hans Rothfelds and Theodor Schieder, took a varied but positive view of Bismarck. Friedrich Meinecke, a former admirer of Bismarck, argued in 1946. in the book "The German catastrophe" (German. Die deutsche Katastrophe) that the painful defeat of the German nation-state shattered all praise for Bismarck for the foreseeable future.
Briton Alan J. P. Taylor published in 1955. psychological, and not least because of this limited, biography of Bismarck, in which he tried to show the struggle between paternal and maternal principles in the soul of his hero. Taylor positively described Bismarck's instinctive struggle for order in Europe against the aggressive foreign policy of the Wilhelmian era. The first post-war biography of Bismarck, written by Wilhelm Momsen, differed from the writings of its predecessors in a style that claims to be sober and objective. Momsen emphasized Bismarck's political flexibility, and believed that his failures could not overshadow the successes of state activity.
In the late 1970s, a movement of social historians against biographical research emerged. Since then, biographies of Bismarck began to appear, in which he is depicted either in extremely light or dark colors. A common feature of most of the new biographies of Bismarck is an attempt to synthesize Bismarck's influence and describe his position in the social structures and political processes of the time.
American historian Otto Pflanze released between and gg. a multi-volume biography of Bismarck, in which, unlike others, Bismarck's personality, studied by means of psychoanalysis, was brought to the fore. Bismarck was criticized by Pflanze for his treatment of political parties and subordination of the constitution to his own ends, which set a negative precedent to follow. According to Pflanze, Bismarck's image as the unifier of the German nation comes from Bismarck himself, who from the beginning only sought to increase Prussian power over the core states of Europe.
Phrases attributed to Bismarck
- By Providence itself I was destined to be a diplomat: after all, I was even born on the day of the first of April.
- Revolutions are conceived by geniuses, carried out by fanatics, and scoundrels use their results.
- People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war and before an election.
- Do not expect that once you take advantage of Russia's weakness, you will receive dividends forever. Russians always come for their money. And when they come - do not rely on the Jesuit agreements you signed, supposedly justifying you. They are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, it is worth either playing fair with the Russians, or not playing at all.
- The Russians take a long time to harness, but they go fast.
- Congratulate me - the comedy is over ... (during the departure from the post of chancellor).
- He, as always, with a prima donna's smile on his lips and with an ice compress on his heart (about the Chancellor of the Russian Empire, Gorchakov).
- You don't know this audience! Finally, the Jew Rothschild ... this, I tell you, is an incomparable beast. For the sake of speculation on the stock exchange, he is ready to bury the whole of Europe, but is it ... me?
- There will always be someone who doesn't like what you do. This is fine. Everyone in a row likes only kittens.
- Before his death, having regained consciousness for a short while, he said: “I am dying, but from the point of view of the interests of the state, this is impossible!”
- The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That is why it will definitely happen.
- Learn like you're going to live forever, live like you're going to die tomorrow.
- Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main force of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians ... These latter, even if they are dissected by international treatises, just as quickly reunite with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury ...
- The great questions of the time are not decided by the decisions of the majority, but only by iron and blood!
- Woe to that statesman who does not bother to find a basis for war, which will still retain its significance after the war.
- Even a victorious war is an evil that must be prevented by the wisdom of the nations.
- Revolutions are prepared by geniuses, made by romantics, and crooks use its fruits.
- Russia is dangerous because of the meagerness of its needs.
- A preventive war against Russia is suicidal for fear of death.
Gallery
see also
Notes
- Richard Carstensen / Bismarck anekdotisches. Muenchen: Bechtle Verlag. 1981. ISBN 3-7628-0406-0
- Martin Kitchen. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany:-Cambridge University Press 1996 ISBN 0-521-45341-0
- Nachum T. Gidal: Die Juden in Deutschland von der Römerzeit bis zur Weimarer Republik. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag 1988. ISBN 3-89508-540-5
- Showing the significant role of Bismarck in European history, the author of the cartoon is mistaken about Russia, which in those years pursued a policy independent of Germany.
- "Aber das kann man nicht von mir verlangen, dass ich, nachdem ich vierzig Jahre lang Politik getrieben, plötzlich mich gar nicht mehr damit abgeben soll." Zit. nach Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122.
- Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 7 f.
- Alfred Vagts: Diederich Hahn - Ein Politikerleben. In: Jahrbuch der Manner vom Morgenstern. Band 46, Bremerhaven 1965, S. 161 f.
- "Alle Brücken sind abgebrochen." Volker Ullrich: Otto von Bismarck. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1998, ISBN 3-499-50602-5, S. 124.
- Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122-128.
- Reinhard Pozorny(Hg) Deutsches National-Lexikon-DSZ-Verlag. 1992. ISBN 3-925924-09-4
- In original: English. „His life has been taught to at least six generations, and one can fairly say that almost every second German generation has encountered another version of Bismarck. No other German political figure has been as used and abused for political purposes.“ Div.: Karina Urbach, Between Savior and Villain. 100 Years of Bismarck Biographies, in: The Historical Journal. Jg. 41, no. 4, December 1998, p. 1141-1160 (1142).
- George Hesekiel: Das Buch vom Grafen Bismarck. Velhagen & Klasing, Bielefeld 1869; Ludwig Hahn: Furst von Bismarck. Sein politisches Leben und Wirken. 5 bd. Hertz, Berlin 1878-1891; Hermann Jahnke: Furst Bismarck, sein Leben und Wirken. Kittel, Berlin 1890; Hans Blum: Bismarck und Seine Zeit. Eine Biographie für das deutsche Volk. 6 bd. mit Reg-Bd. Beck, Munich 1894-1899.
- "Denn dieses Lebenswerk hätte doch nicht nur zur äußeren, sondern auch zur inneren Einigung der Nation führen sollen und jeder von uns weiß: das ist nicht erreicht. Es konnte mit seinen Mitteln nicht erreicht werden." Zit. n. Volker Ullrich: Die nervous Großmacht. Aufstieg und Untergang des deutschen Kaiserreichs. 6. Aufl. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 978-3-596-11694-2, S. 29.
- Theodor Fontana: Der Zivil-Wallenstein. In: Gotthard Erler (Hrsg.): Kahlebutz and Krautentochter. Markische Portrats. Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 2007,
Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 in a family of small estate nobles in the Schönhausen estate in Brandenburg. A native of the Pomeranian Junkers.
He studied law first at the University of Göttingen, then at the University of Berlin. In 1835 he received a diploma, in 1936 he underwent an internship at the Berlin Municipal Court.
In 1837-1838 he worked as an official in Aachen, then in Potsdam.
In 1838 he entered the military service.
In 1839, after the death of his mother, he retired from the service and managed the family estates in Pomerania.
After his father's death in 1845, the family property was divided and Bismarck received the estates of Schönhausen and Kniephof in Pomerania.
In 1847-1848, he was a deputy of the first and second United Landtags (parliament) of Prussia, during the revolution of 1848 he advocated armed suppression of unrest.
Bismarck became known for his conservative stance during the constitutional struggle in Prussia from 1848-1850.
Opposing liberals, he contributed to the creation of various political organizations and newspapers, including the "New Prussian newspaper" (Neue Preussische Zeitung, 1848). One of the organizers of the Prussian Conservative Party.
He was a member of the lower house of the Prussian Parliament in 1849 and of the Erfurt Parliament in 1850.
In 1851-1859 he was the representative of Prussia in the Allied Sejm in Frankfurt am Main.
From 1859 to 1862 Bismarck was the Prussian envoy to Russia.
In March - September 1962 - the Prussian envoy to France.
In September 1862, during a constitutional conflict between the Prussian royalty and the liberal majority of the Prussian Landtag, Bismarck was called by King Wilhelm I to the post of head of the Prussian government, and in October of the same year became Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Prussia. He stubbornly defended the rights of the crown and achieved a resolution of the conflict in her favor. In the 1860s, he carried out a military reform in the country and significantly strengthened the army.
Under the leadership of Bismarck, the unification of Germany was carried out by means of a "revolution from above" as a result of three victorious wars of Prussia: in 1864 together with Austria against Denmark, in 1866 against Austria, in 1870-1871 against France.
After the formation of the North German Confederation in 1867, Bismarck became Chancellor. In the German Empire proclaimed on January 18, 1871, he received the highest state post of imperial chancellor, becoming the first Reich Chancellor. Under the 1871 constitution, Bismarck was given virtually unlimited power. At the same time, he retained the post of Prussian Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Bismarck reformed German law, administration and finance. In the years 1872-1875, on the initiative and under pressure from Bismarck, laws were passed against the Catholic Church depriving the clergy of the right to supervise schools, prohibiting the Jesuit order in Germany, on compulsory civil marriage, on the abolition of articles of the constitution providing for the autonomy of the church, etc. These events seriously limited the rights of the Catholic clergy. Attempts to disobey caused repression.
In 1878, Bismarck passed through the Reichstag an "exceptional law" against the socialists, which prohibited the activities of social democratic organizations. He ruthlessly persecuted any manifestation of political opposition, for which he was nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor".
In 1881-1889, Bismarck passed "social laws" (on insurance of workers in case of illness and injury, on pensions for old age and disability), which laid the foundations for the social insurance of workers. At the same time, he demanded a tougher anti-worker policy and during the 1880s successfully sought the extension of the "exclusive law".
Bismarck built his foreign policy on the basis of the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian war and the seizure of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, contributed to the diplomatic isolation of the French Republic and sought to prevent the formation of any coalition that threatened the hegemony of Germany. Fearing a conflict with Russia and wishing to avoid a war on two fronts, Bismarck supported the creation of the Russian-Austrian-German agreement (1873) "Union of the Three Emperors", and also concluded a "reinsurance agreement" with Russia in 1887. At the same time, in 1879, on his initiative, an alliance agreement was concluded with Austria-Hungary, and in 1882, the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy), directed against France and Russia and marked the beginning of the split of Europe into two hostile coalitions. The German Empire became one of the leaders in international politics. Russia's refusal to renew the "reinsurance pact" at the beginning of 1890 was a serious setback for the chancellor, as was the failure of his plan to turn the "exclusive law" against the socialists into a permanent one. In January 1890, the Reichstag refused to renew it.
In March 1890, Bismarck was dismissed from his post as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Prime Minister as a result of contradictions with the new Emperor Wilhelm II and with the military command on foreign and colonial policy and on the labor issue. He received the title of Duke of Lauenburg, but refused it.
Bismarck spent the last eight years of his life at his Friedrichsruhe estate. In 1891 he was elected to the Reichstag for Hanover, but never took his seat there, and two years later refused to run for re-election.
From 1847 Bismarck was married to Johanna von Puttkamer (died 1894). The couple had three children - daughter Marie (1848-1926) and two sons - Herbert (1849-1904) and Wilhelm (1852-1901).
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Otto von Bismarck (Eduard Leopold von Schönhausen) was born on April 1, 1815 in the family estate of Schönhausen in Brandenburg northwest of Berlin, the third son of the Prussian landowner Ferdinand von Bismarck-Schönhausen and Wilhelmina Mencken, at birth he received the name Otto Eduard Leopold.
Schönhausen Manor was located in the heart of the province of Brandenburg, which occupied a special place in the history of early Germany. Five miles to the west of the estate was the Elbe River, the main waterway of Northern Germany. Schönhausen Manor has been in the hands of the Bismarck family since 1562.
All generations of this family served the rulers of Brandenburg in peace and military fields.
Wilhelmina, Otto's mother, came from a family of civil servants and belonged to the middle class. Such marriages increased in the nineteenth century as the educated middle classes and the old aristocracy began to coalesce into a new elite.
At the urging of Wilhelmina, Bernhard, the elder brother, and Otto were sent to study at the Plamann School in Berlin, where Otto studied from 1822 to 1827. At the age of 12, Otto left school and moved to the Friedrich Wilhelm Gymnasium, where he studied for three years. In 1830, Otto moved to the gymnasium "At the Gray Monastery", where he felt freer than in previous educational institutions. Neither mathematics, nor the history of the ancient world, nor the achievements of the new German culture attracted the attention of the young cadet. Most of all, Otto was interested in the politics of past years, the history of military and peaceful rivalry between different countries.
After graduating from high school, on May 10, 1832, at the age of 17, Otto entered the University of Göttingen, where he studied law. When he was a student, he gained a reputation as a reveler and a fighter, and excelled in duels. Otto played cards for money and drank a lot. In September 1833, Otto moved to the New Capital University in Berlin, where life turned out to be cheaper. To be more precise, Bismarck was only listed at the university, since he hardly attended lectures, but used the services of tutors who attended him before exams. In 1835 he received a diploma and was soon enlisted to work at the Berlin Municipal Court. In 1837, Otto took up the post of tax official in Aachen, a year later - the same post in Potsdam. There he joined the Guards Jaeger Regiment. In the autumn of 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where, in addition to performing his military duties, he studied animal breeding methods at the Elden Academy.
Bismarck is a landowner.
On January 1, 1839, Otto von Bismarck's mother, Wilhelmina, died. The death of his mother did not make a strong impression on Otto: only much later came to him a true assessment of her qualities. However, this event resolved for some time an urgent problem - what should he do after the end of his military service. Otto helped his brother Bernhard manage the Pomeranian estates, and their father returned to Schönhausen. His father's financial loss, together with an innate distaste for the lifestyle of a Prussian official, forced Bismarck to resign in September 1839 and take over the management of the family estates in Pomerania. In private conversations, Otto explained this by the fact that, due to his temperament, he was not suitable for the position of a subordinate. He did not tolerate any superiors over himself: "My pride requires me to command, and not to carry out other people's orders". Otto von Bismarck, like his father, decided "to live and die in the village" .
Otto von Bismarck himself studied accounting, chemistry, and agriculture. His brother, Bernhard, took almost no part in the management of the estates. Bismarck proved to be a quick-witted and practical landowner, winning the respect of his neighbors both with his theoretical knowledge of agriculture and with his practical successes. The value of the estates increased by more than a third in the nine years Otto ruled them, with three of the nine years having experienced a widespread agricultural crisis. And yet Otto could not be just a landowner.
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On the estate, Bismarck continued his education, taking up the works of Hegel, Kant, Spinoza, David Friedrich Strauss and Feuerbach. Otto was an excellent student of English literature, for Bismarck was more interested in England and her affairs than in any other country. Intellectually, the "mad Bismarck" was far superior to his neighbors - the junkers.
In mid-1841, Otto von Bismarck wanted to marry Ottoline von Puttkamer, the daughter of a wealthy Junker. However, her mother refused him, and in order to unwind Otto went traveling, visiting England and France. This vacation helped Bismarck to dispel the boredom of rural life in Pomerania. Bismarck became more sociable and made many friends.
Bismarck's entry into politics.
After his father's death in 1845, the family property was divided and Bismarck received the Schönhausen and Kniephof estates in Pomerania. In 1847 he married Johanna von Puttkamer, a distant relative of the girl he courted in 1841. Among his new friends in Pomerania were Ernst Leopold von Gerlach and his brother, who not only were at the head of the Pomeranian pietists, but were also part of a group of court advisers.
Bismarck, a student of Gerlach, became known for his conservative stance during the constitutional struggle in Prussia in 1848-1850. From a "mad junker" Bismarck turned into a "mad deputy" of the Berlin Landtag. Opposing liberals, Bismarck contributed to the creation of various political organizations and newspapers, including the "New Prussian newspaper" ("Neue Preussische Zeitung"). He was a member of the lower house of the Prussian parliament in 1849 and of the Erfurt parliament in 1850, when he opposed a federation of German states (with or without Austria), because he believed that this union would strengthen the revolutionary movement that was gaining strength. In his Olmutz speech, Bismarck spoke in defense of King Frederick William IV, who capitulated to Austria and Russia. The contented monarch wrote of Bismarck: "Ardent reactionary. Use later" .In May 1851, the King appointed Bismarck as Prussian representative to the Allied Diet in Frankfurt am Main. There, Bismarck almost immediately concluded that Prussia's goal could not be a German confederation under Austrian dominance, and that war with Austria was inevitable if Prussia were to dominate a united Germany. As Bismarck improved in the study of diplomacy and the art of government, he increasingly moved away from the views of the king and his camarilla. For his part, the king began to lose confidence in Bismarck. In 1859, the king's brother Wilhelm, who was then regent, relieved Bismarck of his duties and sent him as an envoy to St. Petersburg. There, Bismarck became close to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince A.M. Gorchakov, who assisted Bismarck in his efforts to diplomatically isolate first Austria and then France.
Otto von Bismarck - Minister-President of Prussia. His diplomacy.
In 1862, Bismarck was sent as an envoy to France at the court of Napoleon III. He was soon recalled by King William I to resolve the contradictions on the issue of military appropriations, which was vigorously discussed in the lower house of parliament.
In September of the same year, he became the head of the government, and a little later - the minister-president and minister of foreign affairs of Prussia.A militant conservative, Bismarck announced to the liberal middle-class majority in parliament that the government would continue to collect taxes in accordance with the old budget, because parliament, due to internal contradictions, would not be able to pass the new budget. (This policy continued in 1863-1866, which enabled Bismarck to carry out military reform.) At a meeting of the parliamentary committee on September 29, Bismarck emphasized: "The great questions of the time will not be decided by speeches and majority resolutions - this was a blunder of 1848 and 1949 - but iron and blood." Since the upper and lower houses of parliament were unable to develop a unified strategy on the issue of national defense, the government, according to Bismarck, should have taken the initiative and forced parliament to agree to its decisions. By limiting the activities of the press, Bismarck took serious measures to suppress the opposition.
For their part, the liberals sharply criticized Bismarck for offering to support the Russian Emperor Alexander II in suppressing the Polish uprising of 1863-1864 (the Alvensleben convention of 1863). Over the next decade, Bismarck's policies led to three wars: the war with Denmark in 1864, after which Schleswig, Holstein (Holstein) and Lauenburg were annexed to Prussia; Austria in 1866; and France (the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871).
On April 9, 1866, the day after Bismarck signed a secret agreement on a military alliance with Italy in the event of an attack on Austria, he submitted to the Bundestag his draft of a German parliament and universal secret suffrage for the country's male population. After the decisive Battle of Kötiggrätz (Sadova), in which the German troops defeated the Austrian ones, Bismarck managed to get the annexationist claims of Wilhelm I and the Prussian generals, who wanted to enter Vienna and demanded large territorial acquisitions, to be abandoned, and offered an honorable peace to Austria (Prague Peace of 1866) . Bismarck did not allow Wilhelm I to "bring Austria to its knees" by occupying Vienna. The future chancellor insisted on relatively easy peace terms for Austria in order to ensure her neutrality in the future conflict between Prussia and France, which year by year became inevitable. Austria was expelled from the German Confederation, Venice joined Italy, Hanover, Nassau, Hesse-Kasel, Frankfurt, Schleswig and Holstein went to Prussia.
One of the most important consequences of the Austro-Prussian war was the formation of the North German Confederation, which, along with Prussia, included about 30 more states. All of them, according to the constitution adopted in 1867, formed a single territory with laws and institutions common to all. The foreign and military policy of the union was actually transferred into the hands of the Prussian king, who was declared its president. A customs and military treaty was soon concluded with the South German states. These steps clearly showed that Germany was rapidly moving towards its unification under the leadership of Prussia.
The southern German lands of Bavaria, Württemberg and Baden remained outside the North German Confederation. France did everything possible to prevent Bismarck from including these lands in the North German Confederation. Napoleon III did not want to see a united Germany on his eastern borders. Bismarck understood that this problem could not be solved without a war. In the next three years, Bismarck's secret diplomacy was directed against France. In Berlin, Bismarck introduced a bill to Parliament exempting him from liability for unconstitutional acts, which was approved by the Liberals. French and Prussian interests kept clashing on various issues. In France at that time militant anti-German sentiments were strong. Bismarck played on them.
Appearance "ems dispatch" was caused by the scandalous events around the nomination of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern (nephew of Wilhelm I) to the Spanish throne, vacated after the revolution in Spain in 1868. Bismarck correctly calculated that France would never agree to such an option, and in the event of Leopold's accession in Spain, he would begin to rattle weapons and make belligerent statements against the North German Confederation, which would sooner or later end in war. Therefore, he vigorously promoted the candidacy of Leopold, assuring, however, Europe that the German government was completely uninvolved in the claims of the Hohenzollerns to the Spanish throne. In his circulars, and later in his memoirs, Bismarck denied his participation in this intrigue in every possible way, arguing that the nomination of Prince Leopold to the Spanish throne was a "family" affair of the Hohenzollerns. In fact, Bismarck and Minister of War Roon and Chief of Staff Moltke, who came to his aid, spent a lot of effort to convince the reluctant Wilhelm I to support Leopold's candidacy.
As Bismarck had hoped, Leopold's bid for the Spanish throne caused an uproar in Paris. On July 6, 1870, the French Foreign Minister, the Duke de Gramont, exclaimed: "This will not happen, we are sure of it ... Otherwise, we would be able to fulfill our duty without showing any weakness or hesitation." After this statement, Prince Leopold, without any consultation with the king and Bismarck, announced that he was renouncing his claims to the Spanish throne.
This step was not included in Bismarck's plans. Leopold's refusal destroyed his hopes that France herself would unleash a war against the North German Confederation. This was fundamentally important for Bismarck, who sought to secure the neutrality of the leading European states in a future war, which he later succeeded largely due to the fact that France was the attacking side. It is difficult to judge how sincere Bismarck was in his memoirs when he wrote that upon receiving the news of Leopold's refusal to take the Spanish throne "My first thought was to retire"(Bismarck repeatedly submitted his resignation to Wilhelm I, using them as one of the means of pressure on the king, who, without his chancellor, did not mean anything in politics), however, another of his memoirs dating back to the same time looks quite authentic: "I already at that time considered the war a necessity, from which we could not honorably evade" .
While Bismarck was thinking about other ways to provoke France into declaring war, the French themselves gave an excellent reason for this. On July 13, 1870, the French ambassador Benedetti came to William I, who was resting on the Ems waters, in the morning and conveyed to him a rather impudent request from his minister Gramont - to assure France that he (the king) would never give his consent if Prince Leopold again put forward his candidacy for Spanish throne. The king, outraged by such a trick that was really daring for the diplomatic etiquette of those times, answered with a sharp refusal and interrupted Benedetti's audience. A few minutes later, he received a letter from his ambassador in Paris, which stated that Gramont insisted that Wilhelm, in his own hand, assure Napoleon III that he had no intention of harming the interests and dignity of France. This news completely pissed off William I. When Benedetti asked for a new audience for a conversation on this topic, he refused to receive him and conveyed through his adjutant that he had said his last word.
Bismarck learned about these events from a dispatch sent that afternoon from Ems by adviser Abeken. The dispatch to Bismarck was delivered at lunchtime. Roon and Moltke dined with him. Bismarck read the dispatch to them. The dispatch made the most difficult impression on the two old soldiers. Bismarck recalled that Roon and Moltke were so upset that they "neglected food and drink." Having finished reading, after some time Bismarck asked Moltke about the state of the army and about its readiness for war. Moltke replied in the spirit that "an immediate outbreak of war is more advantageous than a delay." After that, Bismarck edited the telegram right there at the dinner table and read it to the generals. Here is its text: "After the news of the abdication of the Crown Prince of Hohenzollern was officially communicated to the French imperial government by the Spanish royal government, the French ambassador presented an additional demand to His Royal Majesty in Ems: to authorize him to telegraph to Paris that His Majesty the King undertakes for all future times never give his consent if the Hohenzollerns return to their candidacy. His Majesty the King refused to receive the French ambassador again and ordered the adjutant on duty to tell him that his majesty had nothing more to tell the ambassador. "
Even Bismarck's contemporaries suspected him of falsification "ems dispatch". The German Social Democrats Liebknecht and Bebel were the first to speak about this. Liebknecht in 1891 even published the pamphlet "The Ems Despatch, or How Wars Are Made". Bismarck, in his memoirs, wrote that he only crossed out "something" from the dispatch, but did not add "not a word" to it. What did Bismarck strike out of the Ems dispatch? First of all, something that could point to the true inspirer of the king's telegram appearing in print. Bismarck crossed out the wish of Wilhelm I to submit "to the discretion of your Excellency, i.e. Bismarck, the question of whether our representatives and the press should be informed of the new demand of Benedetti and the refusal of the king." To reinforce the impression of the French envoy's disrespect for William I, Bismarck did not include in the new text the mention that the king had responded to the ambassador "rather harshly." The rest of the reductions were not significant. The new edition of the Ems dispatch brought Roon and Moltke, who dined with Bismarck, out of depression. The latter exclaimed: "That sounds different; before it sounded like a signal to retreat, now it's a fanfare." Bismarck began to develop his future plans for them: “We must fight if we do not want to take on the role of the defeated without a fight. But success depends largely on the impressions that the origin of the war will cause in us and others; it is important that we are those who who was attacked, and Gallic arrogance and resentment will help us in this ... "
Further events unfolded in the most desirable direction for Bismarck. The publication of the "Ems dispatch" in many German newspapers caused an uproar in France. Foreign Minister Gramont shouted indignantly in parliament that Prussia had slapped France in the face. On July 15, 1870, the head of the French cabinet, Emile Olivier, demanded a loan of 50 million francs from Parliament and announced the government's decision to call up reservists into the army "in response to the call to war." The future President of France, Adolphe Thiers, who in 1871 would make peace with Prussia and drown the Paris Commune in blood, was still a member of parliament in July 1870, and was perhaps the only sensible politician in France in those days. He tried to convince the deputies to refuse credit to Olivier and to call up reservists, arguing that since Prince Leopold had renounced the Spanish crown, French diplomacy had achieved its goal and one should not quarrel with Prussia over words and bring matters to a rupture on a purely formal occasion. Olivier replied to this that he was "with a light heart" ready to bear the responsibility that henceforth fell on him. In the end, the deputies approved all the proposals of the government, and on July 19, France declared war on the North German Confederation.
Bismarck meanwhile communicated with the deputies of the Reichstag. It was important for him to carefully hide from the public his painstaking behind-the-scenes work to provoke France into declaring war. With his usual hypocrisy and resourcefulness, Bismarck convinced the deputies that in the whole story with Prince Leopold, the government and he personally did not participate. He shamelessly lied when he told the deputies that he learned about Prince Leopold's desire to take the Spanish throne not from the king, but from some "private person", that the North German ambassador left Paris himself "for personal reasons", but was not recalled by the government (in fact, Bismarck ordered the ambassador to leave France, being annoyed by his "softness" towards the French). Bismarck diluted this lie with a dose of truth. He did not lie when he said that the decision to publish the dispatch about the negotiations in Ems between William I and Benedetti was made by the government at the request of the king himself.
William I himself did not expect that the publication of the Ems Dispatch would lead to such a quick war with France. After reading Bismarck's edited text in the papers, he exclaimed: "This is war!" The king was afraid of this war. Bismarck later wrote in his memoirs that William I should not have negotiated with Benedetti at all, but he "left his person as a monarch to the shameless processing of this foreign agent" in large part due to the fact that he succumbed to the pressure of his wife Queen Augusta with "her justified in a feminine way by timidity and the national feeling that she lacked. Thus, Bismarck used Wilhelm I as a front for his behind-the-scenes intrigues against France.
When the Prussian generals began to win victory after victory over the French, not a single major European power stood up for France. This was the result of the preliminary diplomatic activity of Bismarck, who managed to achieve the neutrality of Russia and England. He promised Russia neutrality in the event of its withdrawal from the humiliating Treaty of Paris, which forbade it to have its own fleet in the Black Sea, the British were outraged by the draft treaty published at the direction of Bismarck on the annexation of Belgium by France. But the most important thing was that it was France that attacked the North German Confederation, despite the repeated peace-loving intentions and small concessions that Bismarck made towards her (withdrawal of Prussian troops from Luxembourg in 1867, statements of readiness to abandon Bavaria and create from it a neutral country, etc.). In editing the Ems dispatch, Bismarck did not impulsively improvise, but was guided by the real achievements of his diplomacy and therefore emerged victorious. And the winners, as you know, are not judged. The authority of Bismarck, even in retirement, was so high in Germany that it never occurred to anyone (except the Social Democrats) to pour tubs of dirt on him when, in 1892, the original text of the Ems dispatch was made public from the Reichstag rostrum.
Otto von Bismarck - Chancellor of the German Empire.
Exactly one month after the start of hostilities, a significant part of the French army was surrounded by German troops near Sedan and capitulated. Napoleon III himself surrendered to William I.
In November 1870, the South German states joined the Unified German Confederation, which had been transformed from the North. In December 1870, the Bavarian king offered to restore the German Empire and the German imperial dignity, destroyed in his time by Napoleon. This proposal was accepted, and the Reichstag turned to Wilhelm I with a request to accept the imperial crown. In 1871, at Versailles, William I wrote the address on an envelope - "Chancellor of the German Empire", thus confirming Bismarck's right to rule the empire that he created, and which was proclaimed on January 18 in the mirror hall of Versailles. On March 2, 1871, the Treaty of Paris was concluded - difficult and humiliating for France. The border regions of Alsace and Lorraine were ceded to Germany. France had to pay 5 billion indemnities. Wilhelm I returned to Berlin as a triumph, although all the merit belonged to the Chancellor.
The "Iron Chancellor", representing the interests of the minority and absolute power, ruled this empire in 1871-1890, relying on the consent of the Reichstag, where from 1866 to 1878 he was supported by the National Liberal Party. Bismarck reformed German law, administration and finance. The educational reforms he carried out in 1873 led to a conflict with the Roman Catholic Church, but the main reason for the conflict was the growing distrust of German Catholics (who accounted for about a third of the country's population) in Protestant Prussia. When these contradictions surfaced in the activities of the Catholic "Centre" party in the Reichstag in the early 1870s, Bismarck was forced to take action. The struggle against the dominance of the Catholic Church was called "Kulturkampf"(Kulturkampf, struggle for culture). During it, many bishops and priests were arrested, hundreds of dioceses were left without leaders. Now church appointments had to be coordinated with the state; church employees could not be in the service of the state apparatus. Schools were separated from the church, civil marriage was introduced, the Jesuits were expelled from Germany.
Bismarck built his foreign policy on the basis of the situation that developed in 1871 after the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian war and the capture of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany, which became a source of constant tension. With the help of a complex system of alliances that ensured the isolation of France, the rapprochement of Germany with Austria-Hungary and the maintenance of good relations with Russia (the alliance of the three emperors - Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia in 1873 and 1881; the Austro-German alliance in 1879; "Triple Alliance" between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy in 1882; "Mediterranean agreement" in 1887 between Austria-Hungary, Italy and England and "reinsurance agreement" with Russia in 1887), Bismarck managed to maintain peace in Europe. The German Empire under Chancellor Bismarck became one of the leaders in international politics.
In the field of foreign policy, Bismarck made every effort to consolidate the gains of the Peace of Frankfurt in 1871, contributed to the diplomatic isolation of the French Republic, and sought to prevent the formation of any coalition that threatened German hegemony. He chose not to participate in the discussion of claims to the weakened Ottoman Empire. When at the Berlin Congress of 1878, under the chairmanship of Bismarck, the next phase of the discussion of the "Eastern Question" ended, he played the role of an "honest broker" in the dispute between the rival parties. Although the "Triple Alliance" was directed against Russia and France, Otto von Bismarck believed that a war with Russia would be extremely dangerous for Germany. The secret treaty with Russia in 1887 - the "treaty of reinsurance" - showed Bismarck's ability to act behind the backs of his allies, Austria and Italy, to maintain the status quo in the Balkans and the Middle East.
Until 1884, Bismarck did not give clear definitions of the course of colonial policy, mainly because of friendly relations with England. Other reasons were the desire to preserve Germany's capital and keep government spending to a minimum. Bismarck's first expansionist plans provoked vigorous protests from all parties - Catholics, statesmen, socialists and even representatives of his own class - the Junkers. Despite this, under Bismarck, Germany began to turn into a colonial empire.
In 1879, Bismarck broke with the liberals and henceforth relied on a coalition of large landowners, industrialists, senior military and government officials.
Conflict with Wilhelm II and the resignation of Bismarck.
With the accession of Wilhelm II in 1888, Bismarck lost control of the government.
Under Wilhelm I and Frederick III, who ruled for less than six months, Bismarck's position could not be shaken by any of the opposition groups. The self-confident and ambitious Kaiser refused to play a secondary role, declaring at one of the banquets in 1891: "There is only one master in the country - this is me, and I will not tolerate another"; and his strained relationship with the Reich Chancellor became increasingly strained. Differences manifested themselves most seriously in the question of amending the "Exceptional Law Against Socialists" (in force in 1878-1890) and in the question of the right of ministers subordinate to the chancellor to a personal audience with the emperor. Wilhelm II hinted to Bismarck that his resignation was desirable and received a letter of resignation from Bismarck on March 18, 1890. The resignation was accepted two days later, Bismarck received the title of Duke of Lauenburg, he was also awarded the rank of Colonel General of the cavalry.Bismarck's removal to Friedrichsruhe was not the end of his interest in political life. He was especially eloquent in his criticism of the newly appointed Chancellor and Minister-President Count Leo von Caprivi. In 1891, Bismarck was elected to the Reichstag from Hanover, but never took his seat there, and two years later refused to run for re-election. In 1894, the emperor and the already aging Bismarck met again in Berlin - at the suggestion of Clovis Hohenlohe, Prince Schillingfürst, Caprivi's successor. In 1895, all of Germany celebrated the 80th anniversary of the Iron Chancellor. In June 1896, Prince Otto von Bismarck participated in the coronation of Tsar Nicholas II of Russia. Bismarck died in Friedrichsruhe on July 30, 1898. The "Iron Chancellor" was buried at his own request in his Friedrichsruhe estate, the inscription was engraved on the tombstone of his tomb: "Devoted servant of the German Kaiser Wilhelm I". In April 1945, the house in Schönhausen, where Otto von Bismarck was born in 1815, was burned down by Soviet troops.
Bismarck's literary monument is his "Thoughts and Memories"(Gedanken und Erinnerungen), and "Big Politics of European Cabinets"(Die grosse Politik der europaischen Kabinette, 1871-1914, 1924-1928) in 47 volumes serves as a monument to his diplomatic art.
References.
1. Emil Ludwig. Bismarck. - M.: Zakharov-AST, 1999.
2. Alan Palmer. Bismarck. - Smolensk: Rusich, 1998.
3. Encyclopedia "The World Around Us" (cd)
Otto Bismarck is one of the most famous politicians of the 19th century. He had a significant impact on political life in Europe, developed a security system. He played a key role in the unification of the German peoples into a single national state. He was awarded many prizes and titles. Subsequently, historians and politicians will evaluate differently who created
The biography of the chancellor is still between representatives of various political movements. In this article, we will get to know her better.
Otto von Bismarck: a short biography. Childhood
Otto was born on April 1, 1815 in Pomerania. His family members were cadets. These are the descendants of medieval knights who received land for serving the king. The Bismarcks had a small estate and held various military and civil positions in the Prussian nomenklatura. By the standards of the German nobility of the 19th century, the family had rather modest resources.
Young Otto was sent to the Plaman school, where the students were tempered with hard physical exercises. The mother was an ardent Catholic and wanted her son to be brought up in strict norms of conservatism. By adolescence, Otto transferred to the gymnasium. There he did not prove himself to be a diligent student. He could not boast of success in his studies. But at the same time he read a lot and was interested in politics and history. He studied the features of the political structure of Russia and France. I even learned French. At the age of 15, Bismarck decides to commit himself to politics. But the mother, who was the head of the family, insists on studying in Göttingen. Law and jurisprudence were chosen as the direction. Young Otto was to become a Prussian diplomat.
Bismarck's behavior in Hannover, where he was trained, is legendary. He did not want to study law, so he preferred a wild life to learning. Like all the elite youth, he frequented entertainment venues and made many friends among the nobles. It was at this time that the hot-tempered nature of the future chancellor manifested itself. He often gets into skirmishes and disputes, which he prefers to resolve by a duel. According to the memoirs of university friends, Otto participated in 27 duels in just a few years of his stay in Göttingen. As a lifelong memory of a turbulent youth, he had a scar on his cheek after one of these competitions.
Leaving the University
A luxurious life side by side with the children of aristocrats and politicians was beyond the means of the relatively modest Bismarck family. And the constant participation in troubles caused problems with the law and the leadership of the university. So, without receiving a diploma, Otto left for Berlin, where he entered another university. which he graduated in a year. After that, he decided to follow his mother's advice and become a diplomat. Each figure at that time was personally approved by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. After studying the Bismarck case and learning about his problems with the law in Hanover, he denied the young graduate a job.
After the collapse of hopes to become a diplomat, Otto works in Anchen, where he deals with small organizational issues. According to the memoirs of Bismarck himself, the work did not require significant efforts from him, and he could devote himself to self-development and recreation. But even in a new place, the future chancellor has problems with the law, so after a few years he enlists in the army. The military career did not last long. A year later, Bismarck's mother dies, and he is forced to return to Pomerania, where their family estate is located.
In Pomerania, Otto faces a number of difficulties. This is a real test for him. Managing a large estate requires a lot of effort. So Bismarck has to give up his student habits. Thanks to successful work, he significantly raises the status of the estate and increases his income. From a serene young man, he turns into a respected cadet. Nevertheless, the quick-tempered character continues to remind of itself. Neighbors nicknamed Otto "mad".
A few years later, Bismarck's sister Malvina arrives from Berlin. He is very close to her because of their common interests and outlook on life. Around the same time, he becomes an ardent Lutheran and reads the Bible every day. The future Chancellor is engaged to Johanna Puttkamer.
The beginning of the political path
In the 40s of the 19th century, a tough struggle for power between liberals and conservatives began in Prussia. To relieve tension, Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm convenes the Landtag. Elections are held in local administrations. Otto decides to go into politics and without much effort becomes a deputy. From the first days in the Landtag, Bismarck gained fame. Newspapers write about him as "a rabid junker from Pomerania". He's pretty harsh on liberals. Composes whole articles of devastating criticism of Georg Fincke.
His speeches are quite expressive and inspiring, so that Bismarck quickly becomes a significant figure in the camp of conservatives.
Opposition to liberals
At this time, a serious crisis is brewing in the country. A series of revolutions is taking place in neighboring states. The liberals inspired by it are actively engaged in propaganda among the working and poor German population. There are frequent strikes and strikes. Against this background, food prices are constantly rising, unemployment is growing. As a result, a social crisis leads to a revolution. It was organized by the patriots together with the liberals, demanding from the king the adoption of a new Constitution and the unification of all German lands into one national state. Bismarck was very frightened of this revolution, he sends a letter to the king asking him to entrust him with an army campaign against Berlin. But Friedrich makes concessions and partially agrees with the demand of the rebels. As a result, bloodshed was avoided, and the reforms were not as radical as in France or Austria.
In response to the victory of the liberals, a camarilla is created - an organization of conservative reactionaries. Bismarck immediately enters into it and conducts active propaganda through. By agreement with the king, a military coup takes place in 1848, and the rightists regain their lost positions. But Frederick is in no hurry to empower his new allies, and Bismarck is effectively removed from power.
Conflict with Austria
At this time, the German lands were greatly fragmented into large and small principalities, which in one way or another depended on Austria and Prussia. These two states waged a constant struggle for the right to be considered the unifying center of the German nation. By the end of the 40s, there was a serious conflict over the Principality of Erfurt. Relations deteriorated sharply, rumors spread about a possible mobilization. Bismarck takes an active part in resolving the conflict, and he manages to insist on the signing of agreements with Austria in Olmütz, since, in his opinion, Prussia was unable to resolve the conflict by military means.
Bismarck believes that it is necessary to begin a long preparation for the destruction of Austrian dominance in the so-called German space.
For this, according to Otto, it is necessary to conclude an alliance with France and Russia. Therefore, with the beginning of the Crimean War, he actively campaigns not to enter into a conflict on the side of Austria. His efforts are bearing fruit: mobilization is not carried out, and the German states remain neutral. The king sees a future in the plans of the "mad junker" and sends him as an ambassador to France. After negotiations with Napoleon III, Bismarck is suddenly recalled from Paris and sent to Russia.
Otto in Russia
Contemporaries claim that the formation of the personality of the Iron Chancellor was greatly influenced by his stay in Russia, Otto Bismarck himself wrote about this. The biography of any diplomat includes a period of mastery. That is what Otto devoted himself to in St. Petersburg. In the capital, he spends a lot of time with Gorchakov, who was considered one of the most prominent diplomats of his time. Bismarck was impressed by the Russian state and traditions. He liked the policy pursued by the emperor, so he carefully studied Russian history. I even started learning Russian. A few years later he could already speak it fluently. "Language gives me the opportunity to understand the very way of thinking and logic of Russians," wrote Otto von Bismarck. The biography of the "mad" student and cadet brought notoriety to the diplomat and interfered with successful activities in many countries, but not in Russia. This is another reason why Otto liked our country.
In it, he saw an example for the development of the German state, since the Russians managed to unite the lands with an ethnically identical population, which was an old dream of the Germans. In addition to diplomatic contacts, Bismarck makes many personal connections.
But Bismarck's quotes about Russia cannot be called flattering: "Never trust Russians, for Russians don't even trust themselves"; "Russia is dangerous because of the meagerness of its needs."
Prime Minister
Gorchakov taught Otto the basics of an aggressive foreign policy, which was very necessary for Prussia. After the death of the king, the "mad junker" is sent to Paris as a diplomat. Before him is a serious task to prevent the restoration of the long-standing alliance of France and England. The new government in Paris, created after another revolution, was negative about the ardent conservative from Prussia.
But Bismarck managed to convince the French of the need for mutual cooperation with the Russian Empire and the German lands. The ambassador selected only trusted people for his team. Assistants selected candidates, then they were considered by Otto Bismarck himself. A short biography of the applicants was compiled by the secret police of the king.
Successful work in establishing international relations allowed Bismarck to become Prime Minister of Prussia. In this position, he won the true love of the people. Otto von Bismarck graced the front pages of German newspapers weekly. Politician quotes became popular far abroad. Such fame in the press is due to the Prime Minister's love for populist statements. For example, the words: "The great questions of the time are not decided by speeches and resolutions of the majority, but by iron and blood!" are still used on a par with similar statements of the rulers of ancient Rome. One of the most famous sayings of Otto von Bismarck: "Stupidity is a gift of God, but it should not be abused."
Territorial expansion of Prussia
Prussia has long set itself the goal of uniting all German lands into one state. For this, training was carried out not only in the foreign policy aspect, but also in the field of propaganda. The main rival in leadership and patronage over the German world was Austria. In 1866, relations with Denmark sharply escalated. Part of the kingdom was occupied by ethnic Germans. Under pressure from the nationalist part of the public, they began to demand the right to self-determination. At this time, Chancellor Otto Bismarck secured the full support of the king and received extended rights. The war with Denmark began. The Prussian troops occupied the territory of Holstein without any problems and divided it with Austria.
Because of these lands, a new conflict arose with a neighbor. The Habsburgs, who sat in Austria, were losing their positions in Europe after a series of revolutions and upheavals that overthrew the representatives of the dynasty in other countries. For 2 years after the Danish war, hostility between Austria and Prussia grew in the first trade blockades and political pressure began. But it soon became clear that a direct military clash could not be avoided. Both countries began to mobilize the population. Otto von Bismarck played a key role in the conflict. Briefly setting out his goals to the king, he immediately went to Italy to enlist her support. The Italians themselves also had claims to Austria, seeking to take possession of Venice. In 1866 the war began. The Prussian troops managed to quickly seize part of the territories and force the Habsburgs to sign a peace treaty on favorable terms.
Consolidation of lands
Now all the ways for the unification of the German lands were open. Prussia headed for the creation of a constitution for which Otto von Bismarck himself wrote. The chancellor's quotes about the unity of the German people gained popularity in the north of France. The growing influence of Prussia greatly worried the French. The Russian Empire also began to fearfully wait for what Otto von Bismarck would do, whose brief biography is described in the article. The history of Russian-Prussian relations during the reign of the Iron Chancellor is very revealing. The politician managed to assure Alexander II of his intention to cooperate with the Empire in the future.
But the French were not convinced of the same. As a result, another war began. A few years earlier, an army reform had been carried out in Prussia, as a result of which a regular army was created.
Military spending also increased. Thanks to this and the successful actions of the German generals, France suffered a number of major defeats. Napoleon III was captured. Paris was forced to make an agreement, losing a number of territories.
On the wave of triumph, the Second Reich is proclaimed, Wilhelm becomes emperor, and Otto Bismarck is his confidant. Quotes from Roman generals at the coronation gave the chancellor another nickname - "triumphant", since then he was often depicted on a Roman chariot and with a wreath on his head.
Heritage
Constant wars and internal political squabbles seriously crippled the health of the politician. He went on vacation several times, but was forced to return due to a new crisis. Even after 65 years, he continued to take an active part in all the political processes of the country. Not a single meeting of the Landtag took place if Otto von Bismarck was not present. Interesting facts about the life of the chancellor are described below.
For 40 years in politics, he achieved tremendous success. Prussia expanded its territories and was able to seize superiority in the German space. Contacts were established with the Russian Empire and France. All these achievements would not have been possible without such a figure as Otto Bismarck. The photo of the chancellor in profile and in a combat helmet has become a kind of symbol of his uncompromisingly tough foreign and domestic policy.
Disputes around this person are still ongoing. But in Germany, everyone knows who Otto von Bismarck was - the iron chancellor. Why he was so nicknamed, there is no consensus. Either because of his quick temper, or because of his ruthlessness towards enemies. One way or another, he had a huge impact on world politics.
- Bismarck began his morning with exercise and prayer.
- During his stay in Russia, Otto learned to speak Russian.
- In St. Petersburg, Bismarck was invited to participate in royal fun. This is bear hunting in the woods. The German even managed to kill several animals. But during the next sortie, the detachment got lost, and the diplomat received severe frostbite on his legs. Doctors predicted amputation, but nothing happened.
- As a young man, Bismarck was an avid duelist. He took part in 27 duels and received a scar on his face in one of them.
- Otto von Bismarck was once asked how he chose his profession. He replied: "I was destined by nature to become a diplomat: I was born on the first of April."
