The history of the stress pit in international waters: causes, sides, consequences of resistance (yes)
ViewHistory A1. The consequence of the Neolithic Revolution: 1 1) The appearance of the generic community 2) the appearance of religious beliefs 3) transition 3) transition to the producing economy 4) separation of handicrafts from agriculture A2. The first ancient civilizations arose: 1) in Greece 2) in America 3) in the Middle East 4) on the Apennine Peninsula AZ. Great empires I I - I millennium BC e. contributed to the emergence of: 1) Homo sapiens 2) private property 3) civil society 4) eastern civilizational community A4. The emergence of:) Islam □ 3) Buddhism is connected with the history of India: 2) Zoroastrianism □ 4) Confucianism А5. The creation of the poems "Iliad" and "Odyssey" by Homer belongs to the period that historians 1) dominate □ 3) the era of Hellenism 2) the Middle Ages □4) the archaic era A6. Appearance in the III century. n. e. in the Roman state, the colony testified to: 1) the crisis of the republican system 2) the emergence of feudal relations 3) the transformation of Rome into a world power 4) the original character of Roman architecture A7. A characteristic feature of Western European medieval society was its division into: 1) varnas □3) classes 2) policies □4) estates А8. The era of the mature Middle Ages includes: 1) the beginning of the Crusades 2) the creation of barbarian states 3) the beginning of the industrial revolution 4) the fall of the Western Roman Empire A9. The culture of Byzantium is the successor of the culture: 1) Catholic □ 3) Slavic 2) pagan □ 4) ancient А10. Feudalism in the East, unlike feudalism in the West, is characterized by: 1) the exploitation of dependent peasants 2) the absence of feudal fragmentation 3) the rule “my vassal’s vassal is not my vassal” 4) the state’s supreme ownership of land
2*. What contributed to the intensification of revolutionary terror and the exacerbation of grassroots violence during the French Revolution? Do you think a revolution can do without violence?
3. Why did thousands of French enthusiastically volunteer for the army during the revolutionary wars? What helped them overcome their natural fear of being killed or maimed in war?
4. Why did the revolutionaries declare the attack of the sans-culottes on prisons in September 1792 and the extermination of prisoners as "revolutionary self-defense"? How do you think they could motivate it?
1. Back in December 1790, in his newspaper "Friend of the People" J.-P. Marat demanded the execution of the entire royal family, all the generals, ministers who supported the monarchy, etc.: “Kill without mercy the entire Parisian general staff, all deputies of the National Assembly ... Six months ago, 500-600 heads would have been enough ... Now, perhaps, it will be necessary to cut off 5-6 thousand heads. But even if you had to cut off 20,000, you can’t hesitate for a single minute.”
Rate these words. Why did the Friend of the People think that there should be more and more executions? In your opinion, was this position of Marat exceptional or did he have like-minded people? Justify your answer.
2. In 1792, the Russian Empress Catherine II drew up a document "On measures to restore royal rule in France." In particular, it said: “Currently, 10 thousand troops are enough to go through France from end to end ... All the French nobles who left their homeland will inevitably join the recruited army, and, perhaps, also regiments of German sovereigns. By means of this army it is possible to liberate France from the robbers, restore the monarchy and the monarch, disperse the impostors, punish the villains.
Explain what allowed Catherine II to count on a quick victory for the interventionists in 1792. What forces did the European monarchs expect to rely on in the fight against the revolution?
“From this moment until the enemies are expelled from the territory of the republic, all the French are declared in a state of constant requisition. Young people will go to the front to fight, the married must forge weapons and bring food; women will prepare tents, clothes and serve in hospitals; children to pluck lint [thread dressing] from old linen; old people will force themselves to be led out into the square in order to arouse courage in the soldiers, hatred of kings and the idea of the unity of the republic. National buildings will be turned into barracks; squares will become weapons workshops; the earth from the cellars will be subjected to leaching in order to extract saltpeter from it.
Think about how the citizens of revolutionary France must have felt when they read the text of this decree. What were their responsibilities? Could all these measures help in the fight against the enemy?
4. Based on the materials of the textbook, continue filling out the one you started after studying § 1.
§ 3. Jacobin dictatorship and Thermidor. French Republic in 1793–1795
Jacobin dictatorship
In the provinces, the news of the expulsion of the Girondins from the Convention was greeted with indignation. In the northern departments of the country, army units were already being formed to march on Paris. This movement (the Jacobins called it a federalist rebellion) also embraced the large cities of the south - Bordeaux, Marseille, Nimes. On July 13, 1793, the young republican Charlotte Corday killed the most odious Jacobin, Jean Paul Marat. She hoped that the death of this "monster" would stop the civil war that had begun. In Toulon, where supporters of the monarchy were popular, the local authorities preferred to surrender the city to the British. The situation also escalated in Lyon, where royalist officers (i.e., supporters of the monarchy) stood at the head of the detachments that opposed the power of the Jacobins.
The French Republican army was still pursued by defeats: the Austrians successfully advanced through the lands of France in the northeast, the British captured the French colonies in the West Indies. In France itself, a civil war was going on: in the Vendée, the troops of the Convention were defeated, in Brittany an uprising of Chouans (supporters of the power of the king and the Catholic Church) began.
Having received power as a result of the uprising and coup on May 31 - June 2, 1793, the Jacobins needed the broadest support of the population. The convention adopted a decree on the sale of land previously owned by emigrants, in small plots and in installments. On June 17, all senior duties were abolished.
The reforms carried out in Russia in the 1860s–1870s, despite their significance, were limited and contradictory, which contributed to the intensification of the ideological and political struggle and led to the final formation of three directions in the social movement: revolutionary, liberal, conservative (Scheme 164).
Conservatism (translated from French and Latin - to preserve) as a public ideological and political trend, he defended the preservation and inviolability of traditional foundations and foundations in society. Supporters of conservatism stood guard over the autocracy, which, in their opinion, was the most important core of the state, advocated the curtailment of reforms and the implementation of counter-reforms, the preservation of landownership. The ideologists of the conservatives were K.P. Pobedonostsev, D.A. Tolstoy, M.N. Katkov, V.P. Meshchersky and others.
Scheme 164
The bureaucratic and bureaucratic state apparatus, the church, and a significant part of the periodical press were considered the stronghold and at the same time the sphere of the spread of conservatism. Conservative traditionalism was recognized as the official ideology of Russia until 1917.
Liberalism (translated from Latin - free) as a socio-political movement arose primarily among the intelligentsia, which advocated the introduction of constitutional principles into the political and legal system, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms. The liberals were opponents of the revolution and defended the evolutionary path of the country's development, so they were ready for cooperation and compromises with the autocracy. Their activities mainly consisted in submitting "most subject addresses" to the emperor's name - petitions with proposals for programs of possible transformations in the work of zemstvo institutions, etc. The ideological substantiation of Russian liberalism can be found in the works of K.D. Kavelina, B.N. Chicherina and others.
The liberal social movement was rather amorphous, did not have any stable organizational structure. There were serious divisions between his various groups.
The press organ of the Westernizing liberals was the influential journal Vestnik Evropy, which was directed by M.M. Stasyulevich. The writers I.A. Goncharov, D.N. Mamin-Sibiryak, M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, historians V.I. Guerrier, S.M. Solovyov and others.
Representatives of Slavophile liberalism were grouped around the journal Russkaya Beseda, headed by A.I. Koshelev.
At the end of the 1870s. zemstvo liberals (I.I. Petrunkevich and S.A. Muromtsev) put forward the idea of establishing a zemstvo representation in Russia under the supreme power. To a large extent, this was due to the fact that at the end of the reign of Alexander II, key positions in the executive branch were occupied by M.T. Loris-Melikov. The basis of the program of his activities was the idea of cooperation with the liberal circles of society, their transfer from the opposition to the camp of the allies in the fight against the revolutionary movement. He managed to establish friendly relations with the historian and publisher of the magazine "Russian Antiquity" M.I. Semevsky, professor of jurisprudence A.D. Gradovsky, famous lawyer M.F. Koni, liberal K.D. Kavelin and others.
January 28, 1881 M.T. Loris-Melikov submitted to the emperor a report sometimes called by historians and publicists without sufficient grounds "the constitution of Loris-Melikov." The essence of the project was to establish preparatory commissions with the involvement of representatives of the zemstvo bodies in them. The commissions had to discuss bills and express their opinion until they were submitted to the State Council. Of course, this project cannot be called a constitution, since it fully preserved the principle of unlimited autocratic power and did not fundamentally affect the political system of the country.
Alexander II basically approved the project, but on March 1, 1881, as a result of a terrorist act, he was killed by the Narodnaya Volya. Alexander III, who ascended the throne, and his reactionary entourage rejected the proposal of M.T. Loris-Melikov, who soon retired.
The most active in the social movement were representatives revolutionary direction who aspired to a radical reorganization of society, mainly by force. The ideological basis for this was the theory of a special, non-capitalist development of Russia through communal socialism, the ideologists of which were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky. They criticized capitalism and assumed that the peasant community should become the cell of the future socialist society. These theoretical views influenced the formation of a new radical trend - populism (scheme 165).
Ways to achieve a new just society were formulated by other ideologues of revolutionary populism, who laid the foundations of three ideological currents:
ü rebellious (anarchist). Its ideologist M.A. Bakunin (1814-1876) believed that the Russian peasant was by nature a rebel and therefore he should be roused to a revolution that should destroy the state and create in its place a federation of self-governing communities and associations;
ü propaganda. Its founder P.L. Lavrov (1823-1900) argued that the people were not ready for a revolution, so he paid the main attention to the long-term propaganda of socialist ideas and believed that the advanced part of the Russian intelligentsia should "wake up" the peasantry;
ü conspiratorial. The theorist of this trend P.N. Tkachev (1844–1885), in his views on a possible revolution in Russia, emphasized a conspiracy to overthrow a coup by professional revolutionaries. The seizure of power, in his opinion, should quickly draw the people into socialist reconstruction.
Scheme 165
For many years of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. this utopian theory of populist socialism became the theoretical and programmatic basis for many radical revolutionary movements and political parties.
At the same time, it should be noted that revolutionary radicalism largely stemmed from the peculiarities of the socio-economic and political development of the country (limited reforms, autocracy, police arbitrariness, lack of political freedoms, communal-collectivist way of life for the majority of the population). The absence of civil society contributed to the fact that only secret organizations could arise in Russia.
From 1861 to the mid-1870s. there was a formation of populist ideology and the creation of secret revolutionary circles (diagram 166).
This arose as a result of dissatisfaction with the peasant reform of 1861. The first secret organization was Land and Freedom (1861–1864), the founders and leaders of which were N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solov'evichi, N.A. Sleptsov, N.N. Obruchev, N.I. Utin and others. They kept in touch with the editorial office of the newspaper A.I. Herzen and N.I. Ogarev "Bell", with a committee of Russian officers in Poland, created a number of local organizations in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, issued revolutionary proclamations. In 1864, Land and Freedom decided to dissolve itself.
Since the mid 1860s. other secret circles began to appear. In 1863–1866 the circle of N.A. Ishutin and I.A. Khudyakov, whose member D. Karakozov in April 1866 made an attempt on Alexander II. The secret organization "People's Punishment" in 1869 was created by S.G. Nechaev, who used provocative methods in his revolutionary activities, which led to the murder of student I. Ivanov, who was suspected of betrayal.
A large populist organization was considered a circle called "Chaikovites" (leaders M.A. Natanson, N.V. Tchaikovsky, S.L. Perovskaya and others), whose representatives initiated the "going to the people".
The active struggle of the populists against the autocratic system began in the mid-1870s. In 1874–1876 on the basis of the ideas of populist theorists, many young raznochintsy organized "going to the people" with the aim of enlightening and propagating revolutionary ideas. But it ended in failure: the peasants did not understand their noble impulses.
In 1876, a new secret organization "Land and Freedom" was formed. Its program provided for the overthrow of the autocracy in a revolutionary way, the transfer of all land to the peasants and the introduction of secular self-government. The organization was headed by G.V. Plekhanov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.M. Kravchinsky, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. With the participation of "Earth and Freedom" in 1876 in St. Petersburg on the square in front of the Kazan Cathedral, the first political demonstration in Russia was held, where G.V. Plekhanov. In 1877, many landowners undertook a second "going to the people." They settled in the villages for a longer period as artisans, doctors, teachers. But their propaganda also did not give the desired results. Part of the Narodniks began to lean towards the terrorist struggle. IN AND. Zasulich in May 1878 made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepova, and S.M. Kravchinsky in August of the same year killed the chief of gendarmes N.V. Mezentsev.
Scheme 166
Within the "Earth and freedom" two directions were determined. Representatives of the first direction ("politics"), disillusioned with propaganda, advocated the use of terror as the main method of struggle, and representatives of the second ("village workers") - for the continuation of work in the countryside. In August 1879, at the congress of "Land and Freedom" there was a split into two independent organizations:
"Black Repartition" (1879–1881), whose leaders were G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deutsch, P.B. Axelrod, who continued to stand on the platform of peaceful propaganda of populist ideas in the countryside;
"Narodnaya Volya" (1879–1881), headed by A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. Perovskaya, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. Its members, disappointed in the revolutionary possibilities of the peasantry, relied on the fight against the tsarist government with the help of terror, trying to create a political crisis in the country. In their opinion, it could lead to a popular uprising and the revolutionaries coming to power, or to concessions from the autocracy and the introduction of a constitution, which provided the populists with the opportunity to carry out legal propaganda of socialist ideas. Members of the "Narodnaya Volya" organized several assassination attempts on Emperor Alexander II. March 1, 1881 from a bomb explosion on the embankment of the Catherine Canal in St. Petersburg, the tsar died. The long struggle waged by the "Narodnaya Volya" ended in regicide, but there was no revolutionary explosion. The people remained inert, police repression intensified, and the overwhelming majority of the revolutionary Narodniks were crushed.
C7. During the reign of Alexander 3, critical assessments of the judicial reform of 1864 were expressed; the post-reform courts were called dangerous talking shops and claimed that they contributed to the growth of the revolutionary movement.
What point of view on the question of the meaning of judicial reform do you know? Which point of view do you think is more convincing? Open it and give at least three facts and statements that can serve as arguments to support your point of view.
An alternative point of view given in the task:
The judicial reform was the most consistent of the Great Reforms of the 18s, an important step towards the establishment of an equal, independent, open judiciary for all.
A. When choosing the point of view set out in the task:
Post-reform courts in the 18s. sometimes people were acquitted. Guilt was not in doubt
Acquittals handed down by a jury to participants in the revolutionary movement are known (the trial of Vera Zasulich)
Court hearings aroused great public interest, often took place in an atmosphere of sensationalism, and were perceived as sources of scandalous information.
The post-reform period was classless, the old class division of legal proceedings was destroyed, the principle of independence and irremovability of judges and judicial investigators was introduced
A jury was set up to deliver a verdict on the guilt or innocence of the accused.
C6. Review the historical situation and answer the questions.
In the 15th century Russian boyars firmly held on to the right of parochialism. And the boyars said: "That is death to them, that without places to be." However, in the early 80s. 17th century Tsar Fedor Alekseevich abolished localism.
What was the reason for this measure? What was the significance of the abolition of parochialism?
The following reasons for the abolition of parochialism in the 1980s can be named. 17th century
The urgent need for reforms in Russia demanded a change in the principle of appointment to the highest government positions;
Local orders had a negative impact on the state and military service, the system of distribution of ranks and positions in the Russian state;
Localism hampered the king in the right to choose officials;
Localism introduced rivalry, envy, disputes among the boyars.
Provisions on the meaning of the abolition of parochialism:
Personal qualities, professional skills, zealous service to the sovereign became the main source of promotion;
The claims of the feudal nobility to power were dealt a blow;
Representatives of the nobility gradually became the mainstay of absolutism, won the struggle for predominance in the ruling elite of Russia.
C4. Name at least three changes in the position of the peasantry and townspeople after the adoption of the Council Code. Give at least three provisions that characterize the significance of this document.
Changes in the position of the peasantry and townspeople after the adoption of the Council Code:
Cancellation of school years and the introduction of an indefinite investigation of fugitive peasants
Establishing the heredity of serfdom
Granting landowners the right to dispose of the property of a serf
Granting landowners the right to a patrimonial court and police supervision of serfs
Imposing on the serfs the obligation to perform duties in favor of the state
Elimination of "white" settlements
The prohibition of peasants to keep constant trade in cities and the consolidation of the right to trade for townspeople
Provisions characterizing the significance of the Cathedral Code:
In fact, completed the process of legal registration of serfdom
Contributed to the strengthening of royal power, contained a number of provisions aimed at protecting the personality of the monarch and the Russian Orthodox Church
Contributed to the design of the class structure of society, the definition of the rights and obligations of the main classes
It acted as a code of laws of the Russian state until the first half of the 19th century.
C7. In domestic science, there is a judgment that the reason for the election of Mikhail Romanov to the Russian throne was that the boyars, who played the main role at the Zemsky Sobor in 1613, believed that "Mikhail is young, he has not yet reached his mind and will be convenient for us."
What other judgment about the reasons for the election of Mikhail Romanov to the Russian throne do you know? Which one do you think is more convincing? List at least three facts. Propositions of judgments. Which can serve as arguments for your chosen point of view.
On the reasons for choosing Mikhail Romanov to the Russian throne:
The Romanovs, who had family ties with the previous dynasty, were most suited to all classes, which made it possible to achieve reconciliation and national harmony.
Arguments:
- for the nobility- Romanovs - descendants of an old boyar family;
- for the Cossacks Mikhail Romanov - the son of Patriarch Filaret, who was in the Tushino camp for a long time and was associated with the Cossacks;
- for the peasantry, townspeople Mikhail Romanov was a "natural king", a symbol of national independence and the Orthodox faith.
C7. Many Western historians consider the Soviet Union to be responsible for the outbreak of the Cold War in the second half of the 1940s.
What other assessments of the causes of the Cold War do you know? What assessment do you think is the most convincing? Give at least three facts, provisions that argue your chosen point of view.
Other estimates, alternative to the one given in the task:
A) the leaders of the United States and its allies, representatives of the aggressive forces of these states are responsible for the unleashing of the "cold war";
B) Both sides are "to blame" for the "cold war". Defending their own interests, ambitions, the main reason was the struggle of two superpowers - the USSR and the USA for leadership in the world.
When choosing the assessment set out in the assignment:
One of the foundations of the state ideology of the USSR was the statement about the inevitable victory of the world revolution, the Soviet leadership tried to implement this provision when favorable conditions arose;
The establishment of pro-Soviet regimes in the states of Eastern Europe was regarded by the ruling circles of Western countries as the forcible imposition of the Soviet model of development, the "expansion" of the USSR.
The refusal of the USSR and, under its pressure, the countries of Eastern Europe to accept the Marshall Plan further deepened the confrontation between the two groups of states.
If you select the score set out in part 1(a) of the response content:
During the reforms, serfdom increased, the lack of freedom of all classes, including the nobility
One of the consequences of the reforms of Peter 1 was the cultural split of Russian society into a Europeanized elite and a mass of the population alien to new European values.
The main method of carrying out transformations was violence, applied against all sectors of society, reliance on the punitive power of the state.
B. When choosing an alternative point of view:
- reforms of Peter 1 were based on the changes in all spheres of the country's life that occurred in the middle and in the second half of the 17th century, during the reign of his father Alexei Mikhailovich
As a result of the Petrine reforms, a significant step was taken in the development of the economy (manufactory, protectionist policies, the development of national production, etc.), public administration (the proclamation of an empire, collegium, the Senate, etc.)
Russian culture was enriched by the latest achievements of European science, art, and education for that time (the opening of schools, the publication of the first printed newspaper, the creation of the Academy of Sciences, etc.)
Peter's reforms in the field of military affairs created an army that managed to win access to the Baltic Sea and turn Russia into one of the strongest European powers.
C5. Compare the system of government in Russia during the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich and after the reforms carried out by Peter 1. What was common in them and what was different.
As general characteristics, the management systems in Russia during the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich and after the reforms carried out by Peter 1 can be named:
Under Alexei Mikhailovich, a tendency towards the formation of absolutism is being formed, under Peter 1;
Under Alexei Mikhailovich, the activities of Zemsky Sobors ceased;
The general trend is the tendency towards the formation of a bureaucratic apparatus.
Differences:
|
Under Alexei Mikhailovich |
Under Peter 1 (by 1725) |
|
The Boyar Duma is gathering The highest organs of executive power are orders The order of the great sovereign of secret affairs is being organized The principle of locality is preserved Strengthened the influence of the state on the church |
Senate established Collegiums were created as the highest bodies of executive power Adopted the Table of Ranks The patriarchate has been abolished. Holy Synod established to govern the church Russia proclaimed an empire |
C4. Expand the main results of the transformational activities of Peter 1.
The results of the foreign policy activities of Peter 1.:
Access to the Baltic Sea was won, Russia acquired the status of a great power (since 1721 - an empire )
Results of domestic policy in the economy:
As a result of state assistance to the development of industry. Policies of protectionism the emergence of large-scale manufactory production. New industries
Development of trade (policy of mercantelism)
In the political system:
- public administration reforms, creation of a new state apparatus (Senate, Boards), regional and city reforms (creation of local governments)
Church reform. The creation of the Synod, the subordination of the church to secular power
Military reforms, regular army and navy
In social relationships:
Strengthening the position of the nobility, expanding its estate privileges (Decree on uniform inheritance, Table of ranks)
The tightening of serfdom, the intensification of the exploitation of peasants and working people, the introduction of a poll tax
In the field of culture and life:
The introduction of the civil alphabet, the publication of the first newspaper, the transition to a new chronology
Formation of the system of secular education. development of sciences (foundation of the Academy of Sciences)
The introduction of European customs in everyday life
Conclusion: the transformation of Peter 1 led to the strengthening of the military-political position of Russia in Europe. Strengthening autocracy.
C4. Name at least three popular uprisings that took place in the 18th century, indicate their reasons (at least three).
The following 18th century folk performances:
Revolt of 17 in Astrakhan;
The uprising on the Don under the leadership of K. Bulavin (17 years)
Performance of working people at manufactories (20s of the 18th century)
Religious performances of the Old Believers in the first quarter of the 18th century;
Movements of peasants and working people in the –s. 18th century;
Peasant - Cossack uprising led by E. Pugachev 17
Reasons for popular demonstrations: toughening:
The tightening of feudal oppression;
The growth of duties of peasants and townspeople;
The plight of working people;
Decrees of Peter 1. on ascribed and possessive peasants;
The offensive of the state on the Cossack liberties;
Persecution of the Old Believers.
C5. Compare the ideas underlying the theory of official nationality. And the ideas that the Slavophiles adhered to in the middle of the 19th century. What was common and what was different.
General characteristics:
- an idea of the originality of the historical path of Russia, its difference from the historical path of the West;
Belief in the charity of the autocracy for the Russian society;
Representation in the special role of Orthodoxy as the spiritual foundation of Russian society.
Differences:
|
The theory of official nationality |
Views of the Slavophiles |
|
The main task is to preserve the established order based on the triad of "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality", the rejection of reforms Defense of autocracy as the only form of government supported by the Russian people Preservation of serfdom as a form of guardianship of the people by landlords Maintaining censorship Idealization of the past of Russia, the idea of the unity of the history of the country |
Recognition of the need for reforms, significant changes in the public life of Russia Preservation of autocracy with the obligatory addition of the power of autocratic power with the opinion of society (“the power of power - to the king, the power of opinion - to the people”), the reconstruction of the Zemsky Sobor Abolition of serfdom Implementation of the principle of freedom of the press A sharply critical attitude towards the activities of Peter 1. the idea of a “break” in Russian history as a result of the transformations he carried out. |
C6. At the beginning of the 19th century, he came up with a program of reforms. He proposed to implement the principle of separation of powers, create the State Duma and the State Council, and carry out other transformations.
What other ideas about the prospects for the development of the country were expressed during the reign of Alexander 1? Name two views. Was Speransky's program implemented? Why? Give at least three reasons.
Views can be named:
Russia does not need transformations, it needs "not a constitution, but fifty efficient governors" and unlimited autocracy ()
Radical changes are needed - the adoption of the Constitution and the approval of the constitutional order, the restriction or liquidation of autocracy, the abolition of serfdom (Decembrists).
The project was not fully implemented, and the reasons can be given:
The plans caused sharp discontent of the court society.
He did not find support among the metropolitan bureaucracy, who feared a new system of public service.
The personal qualities of Alexander 1, who retreated under the pressure of conservative sentiments, also influenced the failure of the reforms.
An important reason is the contradiction between the need for reforms and the real danger of a social explosion caused by reforms.
C4. Explain what was the historical need for reforms in Russia in the middle of the 19th century.
Internal preconditions for reforms in 18s.
Decomposition of the feudal economic system;
Estates of landowners: their profitability due to increased exploitation of the peasants, and not the introduction of new technology
Subsistence economy of peasants: their poverty, low purchasing power;
The growth of peasant uprisings;
The need to overcome the backwardness of Russian industry: one of the reasons is the lack of labor due to the serfdom of a significant part of the population
Foreign Policy Crisis:
- Russia's defeat in the Crimean War of 18 The main reason is the military-technical backwardness of the country
Awareness of the Russian society. Government circles of the immorality of serfdom, the need to abolish it in order to overcome the backlog of Russia from the leading countries of Europe.
C4. Expand the thesis: "The defeat of Russia in the Crimean War meant the collapse of the principles of the reign of Nicholas."
In the field of foreign policy, Nicholas 1's calculation on the solidarity of European monarchs did not materialize.
England and France went to war against Russia
Austria, which Russia helped to suppress the revolutionary uprisings of the 18s, took a position of hostile neutrality (waiting)
Russia found itself in a state of international isolation
The war showed that the great European powers are opposed to the growing influence of Russia in the Balkans
In the field of domestic policy - the war revealed the general economic, technical and military backwardness of Russia
The defeat was largely due to the peculiarities of the internal situation in Russia during the reign of Nicholas, including:
Preservation of the feudal system in the countryside
Insufficient industrial development
Poor transport conditions, weak rail network
Preservation of the class principle of manning the army, which prevented the promotion of gifted people "from the common people"
Obsolete weapons of the army and navy
The heroism of Russian soldiers was not supported by the necessary economic and military power of the country
Conclusion: defeat in the war was considered by many as a consequence of the crisis state of the Russian Empire.
C6. Consider the historical situation and answer the questions.
The land was redistributed among the peasants who supported this measure.
In the spring of 1919 The Bolsheviks proclaimed a policy of alliance with the middle peasants.
B. For the alternative estimates set out in part 1 of the response content:
- White postponed until the completion of Gr. War decision agrarian. national issues. The question of the future state structure of Russia;
In the camp of the whites there was no unity, no coordination of political and military actions;
The leaders of the white movement received aid from abroad, had to coordinate their actions with foreign powers;
In September 1918 The Red Terror was officially declared in the country
Throughout Gr. During the war, both sides used such measures as execution without trial, taking hostages, etc., but the Bolsheviks carried out these measures more widely;
The Bolsheviks were able to mobilize more forces into their army than the Whites.
C5. Compare the foreign policy of the Soviet state in the first half of the 1930s. and in the late 1930s. Point out what was common and what was different.
Common features:
Soviet foreign policy was determined by the position of the USSR as the only country of socialism in a hostile environment;
By the beginning of the 1930s. passed a period of diplomatic recognition of the Soviet state, the USSR was an active participant in international relations;
In the context of the aggressive actions of the fascist states in the 1930s. The USSR sought to suspend, push back the threat of war.
Differences:
|
First half of the 1930s |
Late 1930s |
|
Participation of the USSR in the activities of international organizations, entry into the League of Nations |
Carrying out their own course, curtailing contacts with the League of Nations after the start of the war against Finland |
|
The struggle for the creation of a system of collective security in Europe (including the conclusion of agreements with France, Czechoslovakia) |
The desire to ensure their own security on the basis of bilateral treaties, the search for allies - Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations; the conclusion of the Soviet-German treaties in 1939. |
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Condemnation by the Soviet Union of acts of aggression by fascist states |
Conclusion of non-aggression and "friendship and border" pacts with Nazi Germany; the accession of new territories in 19gg. |
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Coordination of the country's foreign policy and leadership tasks with the international communist movement; promotion of anti-fascist slogans |
Rejection of the slogans of struggle after the conclusion of the Soviet-German treaties of 1939. (until June 1941) |
C4 . What are the main directions (at least two) of the foreign policy of the USSR in 1919. Give at least three examples of any politicians.
1. Main policy directions:
Participation in the resolution of international problems within the framework of the UN;
Strengthening the influence of the USSR on the Eastern European states;
Support for the national liberation movement in colonial and dependent countries;
Expansion of the influence of the USSR on the communist and workers' parties of many countries of the world;
Active participation in the organization of the peace movement
2. Examples:
The refusal of the USSR to accept the Marshall Plan;
Forcing Stalin on the atomic project in order to eliminate the US monopoly on atomic weapons, testing the atomic bomb (1949);
Helping the Chinese Communists in the Civil War;
Aid to North Korea during the Korean War (10 years);
Promoting the formation of the GDR after the creation of the FRG
C7. During the transition to NEP, some leaders of the Soviet state argued that this would be a step towards the restoration of capitalism, recognition of the defeat of Soviet power. What other point of view on the essence of NEP do you know? Which point of view do you find more convincing? Give at least three facts, provisions that can serve as arguments confirming your chosen point of view.
1. Another point of view:
NEP is a special policy, designed for a significant period of time, aimed at building the foundations of socialism.
2. When choosing the assessment set out in the task:
- the NEP was a forced measure, taken under the pressure of negative circumstances for the Soviet government (the severe consequences of the Civil War, etc.);
In introducing the New Economic Policy, the leadership of the Communist Party and the Soviet state recognized that the policy of war communism, as a policy of a direct transition to socialism, had been defeated;
Similar thoughts were expressed by many communists who had a negative attitude towards the NEP.
When choosing an alternative point of view:
Having abandoned war communism, the leadership of the party and the state continued to set the goal of building socialism;
Commanding heights remained in the hands of the state (large enterprises, subsoil, foreign trade);
Numerous restrictions were imposed on the activities of private capital;
The state allowed separate market mechanisms, but prevented the creation of a market system;
The dictatorship of the proletariat was strengthened, there was a one-party system
C5. Compare the goals and methods of state policy in the countryside during the NEP period and after the start of the policy of complete collectivization. What was common in them (at least two common characteristics), and what was different (at least three differences).
1. As general characteristics of the goals and methods of state policy in the countryside during the NEP period and after the start of the policy of complete collectivization, the following can be named:
Transformation of agriculture on socialist principles as one of the goals of state policy
Recognition of the economic advantages of large. Technically equipped farms over small peasant farms
Recognition of the need for technical re-equipment of agriculture based on the development of heavy industry
Implementation of measures against the kulaks
Unequal exchange between city and countryside, prices for manufactured goods are higher than prices for agricultural products
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After the beginning of continuous collectivization |
|
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The main forms of procurement of agricultural products - tax in kind and public procurement |
A system of mandatory state deliveries is being formed |
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Free trade in bread and other agricultural products |
Free trade in bread and other agricultural products abolished |
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Use of market mechanisms and methods |
A rigid administrative-command system is being formed |
|
ry aimed at limiting the kulaks. Mainly of an economic nature (taxes, deprivation of benefits, reduction in purchase prices) |
A policy of dispossession is being pursued, the elimination of the kulaks as a class |
|
Small individual peasant farms are the basis of agricultural production |
Kolkhozes and state farms become monopoly in essence, producers of agricultural products |
General history. History of the New Age. Grade 8 Burin Sergey Nikolaevich
§ 2. The development of the revolution
§ 2. The development of the revolution
Aggravation of the situation in the country
In the first months of the revolution, the economic situation of France continued to deteriorate. Meanwhile, there was still not enough money in the state treasury. Back in November 1789, it was decided to cover debts and meet other needs of the state "to transfer all church property to the disposal of the nation." At the same time, the Church promised to provide finance "as needed."
But even this measure made little difference. Unrest continued in the villages, where some types of seigneurial requisitions were still preserved. The soldiers were also worried: they were constantly not paid a salary. In August 1790, the authorities were even forced to use force against a rebellious regiment in the city of Nancy?. As a result, about 3 thousand rebels and the local residents who supported them died.
Peasant under the burden of duties. Caricature
Unrest also spread among the workers. In June 1791, the Constituent Assembly on the proposal of the deputy Jean le Chapelier? banned strikes and workers' organizations. Chapelier said that "strike encroaches on the freedom of the entrepreneur", thus violating the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. “Is the owner not entitled to establish his own rules at the enterprise?” asked the deputy. Nevertheless, in practice, the new law only increased the discontent of the people.
What, in your opinion, violated personal rights and freedoms more - strikes or the law that banned them?
Louis XVI, who was rapidly losing his former power, was also dissatisfied. On the night of June 21, 1791, the king and queen secretly fled from Paris. They hurried to the northeastern border, beyond which in the German principalities (mainly in the town of Koblenz) there were thousands of monarchist emigrants and troops loyal to the monarchy. But the flight of the king was urgently reported to the province, and in the town of Vare?nn his carriage was intercepted. The unlucky fugitives had to return to the capital, surrounded by an agitated crowd. The people demanded that the king be deposed and put on trial. However, the Constituent Assembly declared that the monarch was "kidnapped", and he himself was not to blame for anything. Far-left revolutionaries took advantage of this event and demanded that the king be judged.
Massive anti-monarchist demonstrations began in Paris. During one of them, held on July 17 on the Champ de Mars, the traditional site of parades, the crowd massacred supposed agents of the "aristocracy" and began to throw stones at the soldiers. The mayor of Paris, Jean Bailly, arrived at the Champ de Mars? and additional troops led by Gilbert Lafayette, who commanded the National Guard. After volleys of buckshot from guns, the crowd dispersed, leaving several dozen dead on the field. Following this, the authorities carried out arrests of some revolutionary activists.
Alignment of socio-political forces
At the initial stage of the revolution, it was led by progressive-minded nobles, prominent representatives of which were deputy Honore Mirabeau and a participant in the US War of Independence, General Gilbert Lafayette, lawyers, journalists, scientists, as well as some representatives of the enlightened clergy, among whom Abbé Emmanuel Sieyes and Bishop Charles were especially prominent. Talleyra?n. All these leaders had great authority. Thanks to their efforts, the National Assembly legally abolished the Old Order, effectively turning France into a constitutional monarchy.
At the same time, radical journalists and politicians had a great influence on the mood of the urban lower classes. Majority sans-culottes(as the urban poor were called) supported the revolution in the hope that it would at least somehow improve their lives. As a rule, the sans-culottes did not even think about the methods and means that were used in this case. Violence and murder became a common feature of those years.
sans-culotte soldier
During the revolution in France, political clubs arose - the prototype of future parties. Supporters of the speedy adoption of the constitution united in the Society of Friends of the Constitution. But everyone called this society the Jacobin Club, since its members gathered in the library of the monastery of St. Jacob. The popularity of the Society grew rapidly, and soon its numerous branches arose in a number of cities in France.
The recognized leader of the Jacobins was the young lawyer Maximilien Robespierre. Later, the popular lawyer Georges Danto?n and the former doctor Jean-Paul Mara?t joined the Jacobins. Marat published the newspaper "Friend of the People", in which he defended the interests of small proprietors, commoners of the city and village. Soon he was also called the Friend of the People.
Maximilian Robespierre
On September 3, 1791, the Constituent Assembly finally adopted the first constitution in the history of the country, which was being prepared for two years. In general, having secured the scrapping of the Old Order, the French Constitution did not abolish some senior duties. The monarchy was also preserved, but now the power of the king was limited by the unicameral Legislative Assembly (it replaced the Constituent Assembly). Thus, a constitutional monarchy was established in France.
The fall of the monarchy and the convening of the Convention
In October 1791, the Legislative Assembly began to sit, in which the extreme right wing (about 260 people) consisted of supporters of the king - the so-called Feuillants (the word comes from the name of the monastery, where their meetings sometimes took place), and the left (about 130 people) - from the Republicans, the so-called Girondins(because several of the leading leaders of this "party" were elected in the department of Gironde), led by journalist Jacques Brissot? and montagna? ditch (in letters, translated from French - descended from the mountains). The remaining 350 deputies of the Assembly constituted its center (according to contemporaries, "a swamp") and supported one or the other wing.
Approximately at the same time, the demarcation of political forces, which acted as a single camp at the beginning of the revolution, accelerated. Supporters of the constitutional monarchy formed the Feuillants Club. He was popular among the enlightened nobility, wealthy entrepreneurs, and financiers. The Feuillants and those who shared their views remained for some time the main force in the Legislative Assembly. They were opposed by groups that advocated the further development of the revolution, primarily the Jacobins.
The Legislative Assembly had to immediately face a lot of problems: interruptions in trade with the colonies, unrest in cities and villages, peasant uprisings. The royal family, after an unsuccessful attempt to escape from Paris, was now in the position of captives, which outraged all European monarchs.
The international situation worsened. Back in August 1791, Austria and Prussia signed a declaration in defense of the monarchy in France, announcing the possibility of military action against the French state. French emigrant nobles under the leadership of Louis Stanislas Count of Provence (younger brother of Louis XVI) and Prince Louis Joseph Conde? gathered near the border with France 15,000th army.
The Girondins, led by Brissot, sought to provoke the outbreak of war as soon as possible in order to hasten the establishment of a republic in France and insisted on the use of the most severe measures against emigrants and priests who did not swear allegiance to the Constitution of France. In March 1792, the king appointed three ministers representing the interests of the Girondins, and already on April 20, France declared war on Austria. The king secretly hoped that the troops of the Austrian emperor and the Prussian king would quickly reach Paris and the revolution would be crushed and his power restored. Therefore, he easily agreed to approve the declaration of war.
Why did the king, who wanted the defeat of the revolution, include decisive supporters of the revolutionary war in the government and declare war on the largest monarchies in Europe?
Already in the spring of 1792, it turned out that France was not prepared to wage war: taxes were collected poorly, the economic crisis continued, and paper money was rapidly depreciating. Due to the emigration of many nobles, the army lacked experienced officers, the discipline in the troops was extremely low, French soldiers often fled from the battlefield.
Meanwhile, the Girondins were preparing to overthrow the monarchy by military means. However, the king vetoed draft laws that introduced harsh measures against emigrants and priests, adopted under pressure from the Girondins, and dismissed the Girondin ministers in June 1792.
In July, the Austro-Prussian army entered French territory. The Legislative Assembly announced: "The Fatherland is in danger!", and detachments of national guards - federates - began to arrive in the capital from all over the country. However, instead of going to the front, the guards demanded the deposition of the king, whom the Girondins openly accused of treason. At the same time, the deputy of the Assembly, Maximilian Robespierre, also called for the overthrow of the king and the convening of a National Convention (i.e., a representative Assembly) to revise the Constitution of France and establish a republic in the country.
On August 1, a manifesto appeared in Paris from the commander of the Austro-Prussian army, Duke Friedrich Braunschweig, who promised that if the king was harmed in any way, the French capital would be destroyed and its inhabitants severely punished. These frightening promises hastened the course of events.
On August 10, an insurgent Commune was created in Paris. The city lower classes and the national guards tried in the morning to capture the royal residence - the Tuileries Palace ?, but their first attack was repulsed by the nobles and the king's Swiss guards. Louis XVI, who was hiding in the premises of the Legislative Assembly, at the request of the deputies ordered his defenders to lay down their arms. After that, most of the royal guards, nobles and even servants who were in the palace were killed by an angry mob. The king was removed from power, arrested and sent to the Temple prison. The Legislative Assembly decided to hold general elections for the National Convention, which was supposed to determine the future state structure of the country.
The events of August 10 opened a new stage in the development of the revolution. If from May 1789 to the summer of 1792 authoritative politicians from the Constituent and Legislative Assemblies could restrain the activity of the urban lower classes, now there was no such possibility: crowds of citizens acted independently, uniting around the Commune they had chosen.
Girondins and Montagnards. Execution of Louis XVI
In late August - early September 1792, the French lost the important fortresses of Longwy? and Verdun, the Austro-Prussian troops were approaching Paris. Fear of the enemy and of a possible conspiracy of "aristocrats" reigned in the capital. These sentiments led to the fact that on September 2–5, crowds of ordinary Parisians, at the call of Jean Paul Marat and led by revolutionary activists, as well as with the consent of the Commune of Paris, committed massacres of prisoners in city prisons (mostly nobles and priests were victims of the massacre). In total, about 1,500 people died in the capital. The Legislative Assembly failed to prevent monstrous crimes.
On September 20, the Convention began its work, in which 749 deputies were elected. The leading role in it belonged to the Republicans, who, however, waged a fierce political struggle among themselves on all issues. The right wing of the Convention consisted of the Girondins (about 140 people) led by the deputies Jacques Brissot?, Jerome Pétion? and Pierre Vergnot?. They wanted the rule of law and opposed harsh emergency measures, which they justified as "revolutionary necessity". The Girondins were most supported in the provincial trading cities.
Battle near the village of Valmy. Artist J. Mozez
The left wing of the Assembly consisted of Montagnards (just over 110 people). They opposed the Girondins and in their struggle tried to enlist the support of the city's lower classes and the Paris Commune. Some of the Montagnard deputies were members of the Jacobin Club, from which in October 1792 they expelled the Girondins. The most famous Montagnard leaders were Maximilian Robespierre, Georges Danton, Jean Paul Marat, Camille Desmoulins and Louis Antoine Saint-Just.
As in the Legislative Assembly, in the Convention, between the two opposing groups, there were about 500 "centrists" who, in various situations, supported either the Girondins or the Montagnards.
In the autumn of 1792, the French army achieved its first successes. September 20 at the Battle of Valmy? a victory was won over the Prussians, and on November 6 in the battle of Jemappe? over the Austrians.
On September 21, the Convention abolished the monarchy and announced the creation of the Republic - the First. But the main problem remained the decision of the fate of the deposed king. After the secret letters of Louis XVI with a request to emigrants and foreign monarchs to begin military intervention in the affairs of France were discovered in the palace cache, the deputies decided to start a trial of the former king. On January 16–17, 1793, a roll-call vote of deputies took place in the Convention. The Girondins tried to save the former monarch, but most of the vacillating “centrist” deputies, under pressure from the indignant people who filled the audience stands in the hall where the voting took place, together with the Montagnards, voted for the execution of the king. On January 21, 1793, Louis XVI was executed on a guillotine installed in the Place de la République in Paris.
Execution of King Louis XVI
After the execution of the king, several countries withdrew their ambassadors from Paris, the Convention declared war on England, and then on Spain. Austria, Prussia, England and Spain, already opposed to France, created an anti-French coalition (the first), which was joined by the Netherlands, Portugal, Italian and German states.
To protect the country, the Convention announced an additional conscription of 300 thousand people into the army. Measures against the internal "enemies" of the revolution, it was decided to toughen: at the suggestion of Montagnard Danton in March 1793, the Revolutionary Tribunal was created - an emergency court for the prosecution of political crimes.
In the spring of 1793, the military situation for the French Republic worsened. After the defeat of the French in the Battle of Neervi?nden, General Charles Dumouriez? fled to the enemy, and the demoralized army ceded to the Austrians all the occupied positions in Belgium. At the same time, in the west of France, in the region of Vende? I, a popular uprising began against the Republic and the Convention.
French Revolution at the end of the 18th century
Using the map, name the countries with which revolutionary France had to wage war. What was the participation of England in the hostilities against France? Where did the most important battles of the revolutionary and interventionist troops take place?
To cope with the military threat and the outbreak of civil war, the Convention announced the creation of a new authority - the Committee of Public Safety, which was supposed to oversee the work of the ministries and unite all efforts to defend the Republic. To reduce the acuteness of the situation in the cities, caused by the rapid rise in prices, the Convention in May 1793 introduced a price limit for bread and consumer goods ("maximum").
Meanwhile, in connection with heavy defeats on the battlefields, the struggle between the Girondins and the Jacobins in the Convention flared up with renewed vigor. The Jacobins tried to rely on the lower classes of Parisian society. In the spring of 1793 the Girondins tried twice to remove their "leaders". First, the deputy Marat was brought to trial for calls for reprisals against political opponents (but he was acquitted by the tribunal), and then the popular journalist and deputy prosecutor of the Paris Commune, Jacques Hébère, was arrested.
On May 31, 1793, with the support of Marat and other radical deputies of the Convention, with the participation of parts of the National Guard, an uprising against the Girondins began in Paris. The townspeople and detachments of the National Guard surrounded the Convention and demanded that the most active Girondin deputies be brought to justice. On this day, the Convention was able to calm the dissatisfied and confine itself to promises. The rebels quietly dispersed.
But already on June 2, the unrest resumed, and again the Convention was besieged. Negotiations with the insurgent people did not bring results; under the muzzle of guns and rifles, the frightened deputies voted for the arrest of 29 leaders of the Girondins party. Thus power in the Convention passed into the hands of the Jacobins. From that moment on, the Paris Commune began to have real political power and the support of the inhabitants of the capital and parts of the National Guard.
Summing up
The revolution in France destroyed not only the monarchy, but also the monarch himself. The country became a republic. But a serious external threat was added to the economic difficulties: the strong armies of the European monarchies were concentrated near the borders of France.
sans-culottes (in letters, translated from French - without short trousers) - so in the 18th century. called commoners, because instead of culottes, which were part of the aristocrat's costume, they wore long trousers.Girondins - a grouping in the Legislative Assembly, many of whose members were deputies from the Gironde department.
1791, September 3- Adoption of the first Constitution of France. “Showing excessive indulgence towards the criminal, as if we ourselves would not be in his place ... Louis must die in order for the Fatherland to live.”(From the speech of Maximilian Robespierre in the Convention on the fate of the king. December 3, 1792)
1. Why was the king not deposed after his attempt to escape from the country in June 1791, but lost his power and life after the sans-culottes stormed the royal palace on August 10, 1792? What has changed between these events?
2*. What contributed to the intensification of revolutionary terror and the exacerbation of grassroots violence during the French Revolution? Do you think a revolution can do without violence?
3. Why did thousands of French enthusiastically volunteer for the army during the revolutionary wars? What helped them overcome their natural fear of being killed or maimed in war?
4. Why did the revolutionaries declare the attack of the sans-culottes on prisons in September 1792 and the extermination of prisoners as "revolutionary self-defense"? How do you think they could motivate it?
1. Back in December 1790, in his newspaper "Friend of the People" J.-P. Marat demanded the execution of the entire royal family, all the generals, ministers who supported the monarchy, etc.: “Kill without mercy the entire Parisian general staff, all deputies of the National Assembly ... Six months ago, 500-600 heads would have been enough ... Now, perhaps, it will be necessary to cut off 5-6 thousand heads. But even if you had to cut off 20,000, you can’t hesitate for a single minute.”
Rate these words. Why did the Friend of the People think that there should be more and more executions? In your opinion, was this position of Marat exceptional or did he have like-minded people? Justify your answer.
2. In 1792, the Russian Empress Catherine II drew up a document "On measures to restore royal rule in France." In particular, it said: “Currently, 10 thousand troops are enough to go through France from end to end ... All the French nobles who left their homeland will inevitably join the recruited army, and, perhaps, also regiments of German sovereigns. By means of this army it is possible to liberate France from the robbers, restore the monarchy and the monarch, disperse the impostors, punish the villains.
Explain what allowed Catherine II to count on a quick victory for the interventionists in 1792. What forces did the European monarchs expect to rely on in the fight against the revolution?
“From this moment until the enemies are expelled from the territory of the republic, all the French are declared in a state of constant requisition. Young people will go to the front to fight, the married must forge weapons and bring food; women will prepare tents, clothes and serve in hospitals; children to pluck lint [thread dressing] from old linen; old people will force themselves to be led out into the square in order to arouse courage in the soldiers, hatred of kings and the idea of the unity of the republic. National buildings will be turned into barracks; squares will become weapons workshops; the earth from the cellars will be subjected to leaching in order to extract saltpeter from it.
Think about how the citizens of revolutionary France must have felt when they read the text of this decree. What were their responsibilities? Could all these measures help in the fight against the enemy?
4. Based on the materials of the textbook, continue filling out the table that you started after studying § 1.
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