Russian Emperor Alexander II.
Portrait from the Military Encyclopedia of the publishing house I.D. Sytin

On the night of January 10-11, 1863, bells rang throughout Poland. This was the signal to start a new uprising against the Russian authorities for the revival of the Commonwealth, which had lost its independence and was divided between Russia, Austria and Prussia at the end of the 18th century.

STRUGGLE FOR FEUDAL RIGHTS

Then, let us recall, not an inch of the land of historical Poland itself departed from Russia. Only after the end of the Napoleonic wars, most of it was transferred to the Russian Empire. After that, in November 1815, Alexander I signed the Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland formed in its composition. The supreme legislative power was exercised by the Sejm, which met every two years, and the State Council, which acted constantly. All administrative positions in the Kingdom of Poland could only be occupied by Poles. The constitution brought back many Polish historical traditions: the division into voivodeships, the collegiality of ministries (their functions were performed by government commissions) and voivodship authorities.

According to the Constitution, the Polish army was formed, administrative and judicial office work was to be carried out in Polish. The inviolability of the person, freedom of speech and press were proclaimed. Military service had to be served within the Kingdom of Poland, the same provision extended to imprisonment.

In the Kingdom of Poland, about one hundred thousand people had the right to vote, that is, more than there were voters in France during the Restoration. The Polish Constitution at that time turned out to be the most liberal in Europe. In 1815-1831 the Kingdom of Poland was a subsidized region of the Russian Empire.

Nevertheless, the uprising of 1830-1831 breaks out. What's the matter? Or maybe the pans, out of principle, did not want to be under the rule of the Russian tsar: they say, give the Polish king? Alas, the Commonwealth from the end of the 17th century was ruled by the Saxon electors from Dresden, who were also Polish kings.

The real reason is the deprivation of the Polish lords of autocratic, that is, anarchist, freedom. Pan could mint with impunity gold coins with the image of the Polish king, where instead of the signature "God's grace king" flaunted "God's grace fool." Pan could come to the ball to the king in a caftan sewn from sheets of parchment with the text of the sentences of the royal judges, who promised him prison and exile. Pan could attack and rob his neighbor-landowner, but what of a neighbor - he could start his own private war with a neighboring power. Several lords, uniting their private armies, could organize a confederation and declare war on their own king.

Well, there is no need to talk about such trifles as the execution of peasants. A clairvoyant pan could hang his serf, put him on a stake, tear off the skin from a living person. A Jewish shopkeeper or craftsman was not formally a serf of the pan, but hacking him with a saber or drowning him was not only considered not shameful, but, on the contrary, a manifestation of special prowess.

And the cursed Muscovites have deprived the panship of all this. Who are they? Having united with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Poles gained power over Little and White Russia. The Orthodox Russian population lived there, ruled by specific princes - the descendants of Rurik and Gediminas. For half a century, the Poles completely Polonized and Catholicized the local ruling class. And the peasantry fell under the cruel oppression of the landlords - both ethnic Poles and Polonized Russian nobles. His lords not only exploited, but also despised, Orthodoxy was called the "peasant faith." And since the XIV century, rumors have spread in Europe that the Russians are wild tribes of schismatics, who were under the rule of Lithuanian princes and Polish kings.

Even in the 19th century, the famous Polish historian Kazimir Waliszewski, justifying the atrocities of his compatriots in Russia during the Time of Troubles, wrote that the Poles considered themselves conquistadors, bringing the light of the faith of Christ to ignorant Indians, that is, to Orthodox Russian people.

And why did another uprising break out in January 1863? The formal reason was the next recruitment. But the true reasons were very clearly formulated by Privy Councilor V.V. Skripitsyn in a letter to the Minister of War D.A. Milyutin: and now it represents a collective claimant who, like all claimants, will never renounce the right he has lost and will not sincerely submit to any supreme authority that does not proceed from himself.

It is also impossible not to say that the struggle of panism with the Russian Empire was actively supported by the Catholic Church. In Rome, Pope Pius IX knelt for hours with outstretched hands before crowds of believers, offering prayers for "unfortunate Poland." Priests on the ground acted more decisively. So, in February 1863, units of the 7th Infantry Division near the town of Kelets defeated the detachment of Pan Marian Langevich, who had assumed the rank of general. One hundred rebel corpses were found, among them four priests with weapons.

PEASANTRY - AGAINST

The Russian command took into account the lessons of 1830, and all the fortresses and large cities of the Kingdom of Poland during the entire uprising of 1863-1864 remained in the hands of government troops. The organizers of the new performance failed to arrange the Polish St. Bartholomew's Night. Even small groups of Russian soldiers and officials bravely defended themselves. The successes of the rebels were negligible. For example, in the vicinity of the city of Sedlitsa, they managed to burn alive two dozen soldiers who had locked themselves in a wooden house. The uprising turned into a struggle between large and small partisan detachments and regular troops.

Speaking of that uprising, we must not forget that it took place in the midst of the reforms of Alexander II. In 1861, serfdom was abolished in Russia (in Poland, by 1863, it was only beginning to be abolished), judicial, administrative, and other reforms were under way.

Objectively speaking, during the uprising of 1863, it was not pans and priests who acted as revolutionaries, but Alexander II and his dignitaries. So, on March 1, 1863, Alexander II announced a decree to the Senate, which in the provinces of Vilna, Kovno, Grodno, Minsk and in four districts of the province of Vitebsk terminated the obligatory relationship of peasants to landowners and began the immediate redemption of their land with the assistance of the government. Soon this spread to other districts of the Vitebsk province, as well as to the provinces of Mogilev, Kyiv, Volyn and Podolsk. Thus, the tsar sharply accelerated the course of reforms in the provinces covered by the uprising. The vast majority of Polish peasants remained aloof from the uprising, and many helped the Russian troops.

In addition, the rebels confiscated horses, carts, clothes and food from the Polish population against the "receipt". Money was acquired by collecting taxes two years in advance, extortion from wealthy individuals, robbery and other similar methods. First, the rebels collected 400 thousand zlotys (1 zloty = 15 kopecks), then, in June 1863, three million rubles were stolen from the main cash desk of the Kingdom in Warsaw and about a million more in other places.

The rebels had to fight not only with the tsarist troops, but also with their own peasants. Here, for example, on April 13, 1863, a transport with weapons was sent from Dinaburg to Disna. The carts were accompanied by a convoy of eight soldiers. Polish landowners gathered servants (over a hundred people) and took possession of transport. Local peasants, having learned about this, attacked the landowners' estates and brought the pans to the authorities. Among the rebels were even two counts - Alexander Mol and Lev Plater (they were hanged on May 27, 1863 in the Dinaburg fortress).

In the region of Vladimir-Volynsky, over one and a half thousand peasants with scythes and horns joined the Russian troops, who were cleaning up the area from the rebels.

The Russian command not only did not force the peasants to beat the lords, but, on the contrary, shortened them in every possible way. Adjutant General I.I. Annenkov frightenedly reported to the Minister of War: “Unfortunately, the hatred of the people for the Poles sometimes exceeds the limit, and with the legends about the Haidamaks, about bloody struggles with the Poles, rooted in the masses, it drags them to self-will, violence and disobedience. There have already been examples of this, reaching the point of cruelty and atrocity.

WEST DID NOT HELP

On June 30, 1863, at the height of the uprising, the British newspaper Morning Standard blabbed: "The Polish rebellion would have ended by itself if its leaders had not counted on the military intervention of the Western powers." Well, the gentlemen in the confrontations with Russia each time were sure: "foreign countries will help us." They hoped first for King Charles XII, then for Louis XV and Louis XVI, then for Emperor Napoleon I and Napoleon III.

In the end, our generals and admirals were tired of the financial and military support of the West to the Polish rebels, as well as the arrogant diplomatic demarches of London and Paris. And while Chancellor Gorchakov answered them with compliant notes, on September 24, 1863, the squadron of Admiral S.S. Lesovsky anchored in the New York port. And three days later, the squadron of Admiral A.A. Popov arrived in San Francisco. In the Mediterranean, the frigate Oleg and the corvette Sokol entered British communications. And even earlier, the Orenburg governor, General of Artillery A.P. Bezak, began to form an expeditionary corps for movement to Afghanistan and India. This action was kept secret, but somehow there was a leak of information to the British press.

Panic began on the Western stock exchanges. Shipping companies have sharply raised the cost of freight, insurance companies have begun to change the rules of insurance. Then the public of England and France stopped calling for an attack on Russia. The violent gentlemen also calmed down. For as much as 50 years.

Polish uprising of 1830-1831. Part I

The uprising of 1830, the November uprising, the Russian-Polish war of 1830-1831 (Polish Powstanie listopadowe) - "national liberation" (the term of Polish and Soviet historiography) or "anti-Russian uprising" (the term of Russian pre-revolutionary historiography) against the power of the Russian Empire on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, Lithuania, partly Belarus and Right-Bank Ukraine - that is, all the lands formerly part of the Commonwealth. It happened simultaneously with the so-called "cholera riots" in central Russia.

It began on November 29, 1830 and continued until October 21, 1831. It was carried out under the slogan of restoring the “historical Commonwealth” within the borders of 1772, that is, not just the secession of territories with a predominantly Polish population, but the complete secession of all territories inhabited by Belarusians and Ukrainians, as well as Lithuanians.

Poland under the rule of the Russian Empire

After the Napoleonic Wars, by decision of the Congress of Vienna, the Kingdom of Poland was created (incorrectly translated into Russian as "Kingdom of Poland" - a term that became widespread after the suppression of the uprising. (Polish: Królestwo Polskie) - a state that was in a personal union with Russia.

Congress of Vienna 1815

The state was a constitutional monarchy, ruled by a two-year Sejm and a king, who was represented by a governor in Warsaw. The Kingdom had its own army, staffed mainly from "legionnaires" - veterans of the Polish legions who fought during the Napoleonic wars against Russia, Austria and Prussia. The post of viceroy was taken by Kosciuszko's colleague, divisional general of the French imperial army, Zayonchek, at the same time, the brother of the Russian emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, became the commander-in-chief of the Polish army, after the death of Zayonchek (1826) he also became the governor.

Konstantin Pavlovich Romanov

Alexander I, who was very sympathetic to the Polish national movement, gave Poland a liberal constitution, but on the other hand, he himself began to violate it when the Poles, exercising their rights, began to resist his measures. Thus, the second Sejm in 1820 rejected a bill that abolished jury trials (introduced in Poland by Napoleon); to which Alexander declared that he, as the author of the constitution, had the right to be its sole interpreter.

Alexander I

In 1819, preliminary censorship was introduced, which until now Poland did not know. The convocation of the Third Diet was delayed for a long time: elected in 1822, it was convened only at the beginning of 1825. After the Kalisz Voivodeship elected the oppositionist Vincent Nemoevsky, the elections there were cashed and new ones were appointed; when Kalish again elected Nemoevsky, he was deprived of the right to elect at all, and Nemoevsky, who had come to take his seat in the Sejm, was arrested at the Warsaw outpost. The royal decree abolished the publicity of the meetings of the Seimas (except for the first). In such a situation, the third diet unquestioningly adopted all the laws submitted to it by the emperor. The subsequent appointment of the Russian governor, Konstantin Pavlovich, alarmed the Poles, who feared a tightening of the regime.

On the other hand, violations of the constitution were not the only and not even the main reason for the dissatisfaction of the Poles, especially since the Poles in other areas of the former Commonwealth, that is, Lithuania and Russia (the so-called "eight voivodeships"), did not have any constitutional rights and guarantees ( while retaining full land and economic supremacy). Violations of the constitution were superimposed on patriotic feelings that protested against foreign power over Poland and looked forward to the revival of an independent Polish state; in addition, the so-called "Congress Poland", the brainchild of Alexander I at the Congress of Vienna, the former "Duchy of Warsaw", created by Napoleon, occupied only a small part of the historical lands of the Commonwealth, which are ethnic Poland. The Poles (plus the "Litvins": the Polish gentry of Western Russia, that is, Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania), for their part, continued to perceive their homeland within the borders of 1772 (before the partitions) and dreamed in reality of driving the Russians out, hoping for help from Europe.

patriotic movement

In 1819, Major Valerian Lukasinsky, Prince Yablonovsky, Colonels Krzhizhanovsky and Prondzinsky founded the National Masonic Society, whose members were about 200 people, mostly officers; after the prohibition of Masonic lodges in 1820, it was transformed into a deeply conspiratorial Patriotic Society. At the same time, secret societies also existed outside congressional Poland: patriots, friends, promenists (in Vilna), Templars (in Volhynia), and others. The movement among officers had especially wide support. The Catholic clergy also contributed to the movement; only the peasantry remained aloof from him. The movement was heterogeneous in its social goals and was divided into hostile parties: aristocratic (headed by Prince Czartoryski) and democratic, headed by Professor Lelewel, the leader and idol of university youth;

Adam Adamovich Czartoryski Joachim Lelewel

its military wing was subsequently headed by Lieutenant of the Guards Grenadiers Vysotsky, an instructor at the School of Corpsmen (military school), who created a conspiratorial military organization already within the national movement itself. However, they were separated only by plans for the future structure of Poland, but not about the uprising and not about its borders. Twice (during the Kyiv contracts) representatives of the Patriotic Society tried to enter into relations with the Decembrists, but the negotiations did not lead to anything. When the Decembrists' conspiracy was discovered and some Poles connected with them, the case of the latter was transferred to the Administrative Council (government), which, after two months of deliberations, decided to release the accused. The hopes of the Poles revived a lot after Russia declared war on Turkey (1828). Plans for a performance were discussed, in view of the fact that the main forces of Russia were involved in the Balkans; the objection was that such an action might hinder the liberation of Greece. Vysotsky, who just then created his own society, entered into relations with members of other parties and set the end of March 1829 as the date for the uprising, when, according to rumors, the coronation of Emperor Nicholas I with the crown of Poland was to take place. It was decided to kill Nikolai, and Vysotsky volunteered to personally carry out the action.

The coronation, however, took place safely (in May 1829); the plan was not carried out.

Preparation of the uprising

The July Revolution of 1830 in France brought the Polish nationalists into extreme excitement. On August 12, a meeting was held at which the question of immediate action was discussed; however, it was decided to postpone the speech, since it was necessary to win over one of the high-ranking military men. In the end, the conspirators managed to win over the generals Khlopitsky, Stanislav Potocki, Krukovetsky and Schembek to their side.

Josef Grzegorz Chłopicki Jan Stefan Krukowiecki

Stanislav Iosifovich Pototsky

The movement embraced almost all army officers, the gentry, women, craft workshops, and students. Vysotsky's plan was adopted, according to which the signal for the uprising was to be the assassination of Konstantin Pavlovich and the capture of the barracks of Russian troops. The performance was scheduled for October 26th.

In the first days of October, proclamations were posted in the streets; an announcement appeared that the Belvedere Palace in Warsaw (the seat of Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, the former governor of Poland) was rented from the new year.

Belvedere Palace

But the Grand Duke was warned of the danger by his Polish wife (Princess Lovich) and did not leave the Belvedere.

The last straw for the Poles was Nicholas's manifesto on the Belgian revolution, after which the Poles saw that their army was destined to be the vanguard in the campaign against the rebellious Belgians. The uprising was finally scheduled for 29 November. The conspirators had 10,000 soldiers against about 7,000 Russians, of whom, however, many were natives of the former Polish regions.

"November Night"

With the onset of the evening of November 29, armed students gathered in the Lazenkovsky forest, and regiments were armed in the barracks. At 6 pm, Pyotr Vysotsky entered the barracks of the cadets and said: “Brothers, the hour of freedom has struck!”, He was answered with shouts: “Long live Poland!”. Vysotsky, at the head of 150 cadets, attacked the barracks of the guards lancers, while 14 conspirators moved to the Belvedere. However, at the moment when they broke into the palace, Chief of Police Lyubovitsky raised the alarm and Konstantin Pavlovich managed to escape in one dressing gown and hide. However, this failure did not influence the further course of events, since Constantine, instead of organizing an energetic rebuff to the rebels with the help of available forces, showed complete passivity.

Vysotsky's attack on the uhlan barracks also failed, but soon 2,000 students and a crowd of workers came to his aid. The rebels killed six Polish generals who remained loyal to the tsar (including Minister of War Gauka). The arsenal was taken. The Russian regiments were surrounded in their barracks and, without receiving orders from anywhere, were demoralized. Most of the Polish regiments hesitated, held back by their commanders (the commander of the Guards Horse Rangers, Zhymirsky, even managed to force his regiment to fight against the rebels in the Krakow suburb, and then with the regiment joined Konstantin, who left Warsaw at night). Konstantin summoned the Russian regiments to him, and by 2 o'clock in the morning Warsaw was cleared of Russian troops. After that, the uprising at once swept all of Poland.

Konstantin, explaining his passivity, said: “I don’t want to participate in this Polish fight,” meaning that what is happening is a conflict exclusively between the Poles and their king Nicholas. Subsequently, during the war, he even defiantly showed pro-Polish sympathies. Representatives of the Polish government (Administrative Council) began negotiations with him, as a result of which Konstantin undertook to release the Polish troops who were with him, not to call on the troops of the Lithuanian Corps (Russian troops of Lithuania and Russia subordinate to him) and leave for the Vistula. The Poles, for their part, promised not to disturb him and supply him with supplies. Konstantin not only went beyond the Vistula, but completely left the Kingdom of Poland - the fortresses of Modlin and Zamostye were surrendered to the Poles, and the entire territory of the Kingdom of Poland was liberated from Russian rule.

Government organization. Deposition of Nicholas I

Nicholas I informs the guards about the uprising in Poland

The next day after the start of the uprising, on November 30, the Administrative Council met, which was at a loss: in its appeal, it defined the coup as an event "as unfortunate as it was unexpected", and tried to pretend that it was governing on behalf of Nicholas. “Nicholas, the King of Poland, is waging war with Nicholas, the Emperor of All Russia,” the Minister of Finance Lyubetsky described the situation in this way.

Nicholas I

On the same day, the Patriot Club was formed, demanding a purge of the council. As a result, a number of ministers were expelled and replaced by new ones: Vladislav Ostrovsky, General K. Malakhovskiy and Professor Lelevel. General Khlopitsky was appointed commander in chief.

Sharp disagreements immediately emerged between the right and left wing of the movement. The left tended to view the Polish movement as part of a pan-European liberation movement and were associated with the democratic circles in France that brought about the July Revolution; they dreamed of a nationwide uprising and war against all three monarchies that had divided Poland, in alliance with revolutionary France. The right tended to seek a compromise with Nicholas on the basis of the 1815 constitution. At the same time, however, they also did not doubt the need to return the "eight provinces" (Lithuania and Russia). The coup was organized by the left, but as the elite joined it, influence passed to the side of the right. General Khlopitsky, who was appointed commander-in-chief of the army, was also on the right. However, he also enjoyed influence among the left, as an ally of Kosciuszko and Dombrowski.

On December 4, a Provisional Government of 7 members was formed, including Lelevel and Yulian Nemtsevich. The council was headed by Prince Adam Czartoryski - thus, power passed to the right. The most active left-wing leaders, Zalivsky and Vysotsky, Khlopitsky removed from Warsaw, the first - to organize an uprising in Lithuania, the second - as a captain in the army. He even tried to prosecute the coroners. On December 5, Khlopitsky accused the government of empty rhetoric and condoning club violence, and proclaimed himself a dictator. At the same time, he expressed his intention to “govern in the name of the constitutional king,” who just then (December 17) issued a manifesto to the Poles, branding the rebels and their “vile betrayal,” and announced the mobilization of the army. The Sejm, which consisted mostly of leftists, took away the dictatorship from Khlopytsky, but then, under the pressure of public opinion (Khlopytsky was extremely popular, and they saw him as the savior of Poland), he returned it, after which Khlopytsky achieved the suspension of the sessions of the Seym.

session of the Seimas

Delegates (Lyubitsky and Yezersky) were sent to Petersburg to negotiate with the Russian government. Polish conditions boiled down to the following: the return of "eight provinces"; observance of the constitution; voting of taxes by chambers; observance of guarantees of freedom and publicity; publicity of Seimas sittings; protection of the kingdom exclusively by its own troops. With the exception of the first, these requirements were within the framework of the Vienna Convention of 1815, which guaranteed the constitutional rights of Poland. Nicholas, however, promised nothing more than an amnesty. When on January 25, 1831, the returned Yezersky informed the Sejm about this, the latter immediately adopted an act deposing Nicholas and banning representatives of the Romanov dynasty from occupying the Polish throne. Even earlier, under the impression of the first news of Russia's military preparations, the Sejm again took the dictatorship from Khlopitsky (who, knowing full well that Europe would not support Poland and the uprising was doomed, categorically insisted on a compromise with Nicholas). The Sejm was ready to leave him command, but Khlopitsky refused him, saying that he intended to serve only as a simple soldier. On January 20, the command was entrusted to Prince Radziwill, who was completely devoid of military experience.

Mikhail Gedeon Radziwill

From that moment on, the outcome of the Polish uprising was to be decided by the single combat of Russian and Polish weapons.

Start of hostilities. Grokhov

By November 1830, the Polish army consisted of 23,800 infantry, 6,800 cavalry, with 108 guns. As a result of active government measures (recruitment, enrollment of volunteers, creation of detachments of cosigners armed with scythes erected on a pole) in March 1831, the army had 57,924 infantry, 18,272 cavalry and 3,000 volunteers - a total of 79,000 people with 158 guns. In September, by the end of the uprising, the army numbered 80,821 people.

guard Jan Zygmund Skrzynecki

This was almost equal to the Russian army put up against Poland. Nevertheless, the quality of the composition of the army was much inferior to the Russian one: they were mostly newly drafted and inexperienced soldiers, in the mass of which veterans were dissolved. The Polish army was especially inferior to the Russian in cavalry and artillery.

Emilia Plater (commander of the cosigner detachment)

For the Russian government, the Polish uprising was a surprise: the Russian army was located partly in the western, partly in the interior provinces and had a peaceful organization. The number of all troops that were supposed to be used against the Poles reached 183 thousand (not counting 13 Cossack regiments), but it took 3-4 months to concentrate them. Count Dibich-Zabalkansky was appointed commander-in-chief, and Count Tol was appointed head of the field headquarters.

Ivan Ivanovich Dibich-Zabalkansky

By the beginning of 1831, the Poles had about 55,000 completely ready; on the Russian side, only Baron Rosen, commander of the 6th (Lithuanian) Corps, could concentrate about 45 thousand in Brest-Litovsk and Bialystok. For political reasons, Khlopitsky did not take advantage of the favorable moment for offensive actions, but deployed his main forces of troops in echelons along the roads from Kovna and Brest-Litovsk to Warsaw. Separate detachments of Seravsky and Dvernitsky stood between the rivers Vistula and Pilica; Kozakovsky's detachment observed the Upper Vistula; Dzekonsky formed new regiments in Radom; in Warsaw itself, up to 4,000 national guards were under arms. Khlopitsky's place at the head of the army was taken by Prince Radziwill.

By February 1831, the strength of the Russian army had grown to 125,500. Hoping to end the war immediately, inflicting a decisive blow on the enemy, Dibich did not pay due attention to providing the troops with food, especially to the reliable arrangement of the transportation unit, and this soon resulted in major difficulties for the Russians.

On February 5-6 (January 24-25, old style), the main forces of the Russian army (I, VI infantry and III reserve cavalry corps) entered the Kingdom of Poland in several columns, heading for the space between the Bug and Narew. The 5th reserve cavalry corps of Kreutz was supposed to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship, cross the Vistula, stop the weapons that had begun there and divert the attention of the enemy. The movement of some Russian columns to Augustow and Lomzha forced the Poles to push two divisions to Pultusk and Serock, which was in full accordance with Dibich's plans - to cut the enemy army and break it in parts. The sudden onslaught of mud changed the situation. The movement of the Russian army (which reached the Chizhev-Zambrov-Lomzha line on February 8) in the accepted direction was recognized as impossible, since it would have to be drawn into the wooded and swampy strip between the Bug and the Narew. As a result, Dibich crossed the Bug at Nur (February 11) and moved to the Brest highway, against the right wing of the Poles. Since, with this change, the extreme right column, Prince Shakhovsky, moving towards Lomzha from Avgustov, was too distant from the main forces, she was given complete freedom of action. On February 14, the Battle of Stochek took place, where General Geismar with a brigade of horsemen was defeated by a detachment of Dvernitsky.

Józef Dvernicki

battle of Stochek

This first battle of the war, which turned out to be successful for the Poles, greatly lifted their spirits. The Polish army took up a position at Grochow, covering the approaches to Warsaw. On February 19, the first battle began - the battle of Grochow.

Battle of Grochow 13 February. Grochow's position was on a vast low-lying plain intersected by swamps and drainage ditches. From M. Grokhov past Kavenchin and Zombka to Byalolenka stretches a swampy strip 1-2 versts wide.
To the south of B. Grokhov, the division of Shembek was located, notches were arranged in the grove. Zhimirsky's division occupied Alder Grove, north of M. Grokhov (about 1 verst along the front and 3/4 verst in depth, cut through by a sazhen ditch). The swampy ground froze and allowed movement. Roland's brigade scattered a dense line of skirmishers along the edge of the forest with strong reserves behind. The main mass of the brigade stood behind the ditch in an expanded formation with intervals between units so that the overturned front troops could go back and settle under the cover of battle fire and the bayonets of the deployed units. Chizhevsky's other brigade stood behind, in reserve. Nearby behind the grove, epolements for batteries were dug up, penetrating the entire grove. 2 batteries fired at the territory to the left from the grove to Kavenchin. Behind the Zhymirsky division was Skrzynetsky, who was also intended to defend the grove.
Lubensky's cavalry stood between the highway and the village of Targuvek. Cavalry Corps Uminsky (2 divisions with 2 horse batteries) - at the count. Elsner. Krukovetsky acted against Shakhovsky at Brudno; near Prague - militias with braids (cosigners) and parks. There was no general reserve, because cosigners cannot be considered for it.
Advantages of the position: the Russian troops did not have enough space for deployment and had to perform it when leaving the forest under artillery and even rifle fire. Disadvantages: the left flank hung in the air, which gave Dibich the basis for his bypass of this flank by Shakhovsky's corps, but failed - in the rear there is a large river with one bridge, so the retreat is dangerous.
The forces of the Poles - 56 thousand; of them 12 thousand cavalrymen; without Krukovetsky - 44 thousand; Russians - 73 thousand, of which 17 thousand cavalrymen; without Shakhovsky - 60 thousand.

At 9 1/2 hours, the Russians began a cannonade, and then their right flank began to move to the right to attack the Alder Grove. The attacks were carried out incorrectly: the troops were brought into battle in parts, there was no artillery preparation and by means of encirclement. First, 5 battalions broke into the forest, but ran into reserves behind the ditch and were driven out of the grove by Roland's battalions. Reinforced with 6 battalions. Again the Russians broke in, but Chizhevsky, together with Roland (12 battalions), again forced them to retreat. The Russians bring in 7 more battalions. A long line (18 battalions) of Russians swiftly rushes at the Poles and knocks out the entire division from the grove at about 11 o'clock in the morning. Zhimirsky himself was mortally wounded. But, not supported by sufficient artillery, the Russians suffered greatly from the Polish buckshot. Khlopitsky introduces Skrizhenetsky's division into action. 23 Polish battalions take possession of the grove.
At 12 o'clock in the afternoon, Dibich strengthens the attack with another 10 battalions, begins to surround the grove on the right and left, where new batteries are put up on the flanks. Having successfully forced out from the edge, the Russians on the right could only reach a large ditch; but on the left, the fresh regiments of the 3rd division circled the grove and went far ahead, but came under the closest fire from the batteries.

Khlopitsky, wanting to take advantage of this moment, introduces both divisions (Zhymirsky and Skrzhinetsky) and 4 fresh battalions of guards grenadiers, whom he personally leads into the attack. Seeing in their midst their beloved leader, calm, with a pipe in his teeth, the Poles, singing "Polish has not yet perished," with irresistible force, attack the Russian tired, upset regiments. The latter are starting to retreat. The Poles gradually capture the entire grove, their columns approach the very edge of the forest, the skirmishers run forward.
Prondzinsky, pointing to the Russian battery, shouts: "Children, another 100 steps - and these guns are yours." Two of them were taken and directed to the height where Dibich stood.
This was the last desperate effort of the Poles. The field marshal directs everything possible from the infantry (2nd Grenadier Division) to the grove; reinforces artillery: more than 90 guns acted on the sides of the grove and, moving forward from the right side (from the north), heavily hit the Polish batteries behind the grove; to bypass the grove on the right, the 3rd cuirassier division was moved with the Life Guards Lancers of His Highness and 32 guns to help seize the groves, and at the same time break the front of the retreating Poles and try to push back to the swamps near the Brest highway at least their right flank. Even to the right, the Lithuanian Grenadier Brigade of Muravyov with the Lancers division occupied the colonies of Metsenas and Elsner, advancing forward, contacting the cuirassiers on the left flank.
Excited, Dibich gave the spurs to his horse and, jumping up to the retreating troops, shouted loudly: “Where are you guys, because the enemy is there! Forward! Forward!" - and, standing in front of the regiments of the 3rd division, he led them to the attack. A huge avalanche hit the grove from all sides. The grenadiers, not responding to the fire of the Poles and bowing their bayonets, burst into the grove; they were followed by the 3rd division, then the 6th corps of Rosen. In vain Khlopitsky, already wounded in the leg, personally bypasses the front line and tries to inspire the Poles. On piles of bodies, the Russians cross the ditch and finally take possession of the grove.

Khlopitsky orders Krukovetsky to go to the grove, and Lubensky with the cavalry to support the upcoming attack. Lubensky replied that the terrain was inconvenient for cavalry operations, that Khlopitsky was an infantry general and did not understand cavalry business, and that he would execute the order only after receiving it from the official commander-in-chief Radziwill. It was at this critical moment that Khlopitsky's position was incorrect. He went to Radziwill. On the way, the grenade hit Khlopitsky's horse, exploded inside and injured his legs. His activity has ceased. The whole cause of the Poles fell into disarray, the general administration disappeared. Radziwill was completely at a loss, whispered prayers and answered questions with texts from the Holy Scriptures. Cowardly Shembek wept. Uminsky quarreled with Krukovetsky. Only Skrzynetsky kept his presence of mind and showed diligence.

Dibich entrusted the leadership of the actions of the cavalry mass to Tolya, who became carried away by particulars and scattered his cavalry across the field, only one cuirassier regiment of Prince Albert, led by a division of Lieutenant Colonel von Zon, rushed to pursue the randomly retreating Poles. The regiment went through the entire battle formation of the enemy, and only at Prague itself did 5 Polish lancer squadrons take the Zone on the flank. But he deftly led his cuirassiers onto the highway and escaped from infantry and missile battery fire. The attack lasted 20 minutes over 2 1/2 versts. Although the losses of the cuirassiers reached half of the composition (Zon was mortally wounded and captured), however, the moral effect of the attack is enormous. Radzwill with his retinue rode off to Warsaw.

The Olviopol hussars famously attacked Shembek, pinned two regiments to the Vistula and scattered them. The Poles were pushed back everywhere. Skrzyniecki gathered and arranged the remnants behind in position on the sandy hills.
At about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Shakhovsky finally appeared, who showed complete inactivity that day. The delighted Dibich made no reproach, only announced that the honor of completing the victory belonged to them, and he himself became the head of the grenadiers. But when they approached the enemy position, it was 5 o'clock, the day was drawing to a close. The field marshal thought about it and after some hesitation ordered to stop the battle.
The loss of the Poles - 12 thousand, Russian 9400 people.
Meanwhile, a terrible disorder prevailed among the Poles. Troops and convoys crowded near the bridge, only by midnight did the crossing end, under the cover of Skrzynetsky
Under such conditions, it would not be difficult for the Russians to cope with Skrzynetsky, and then storm the Prague tete-de-pon. It is completely incomprehensible why Dibich did not do this. His plan was to put an end to the uprising with one blow and, moreover, as soon as possible. The opportunity just presented itself, and the field marshal did not take advantage of it. The dark question of causes is still not clarified by history

The first Russian attacks were repulsed by the Poles, but on February 25, the Poles, who had lost their commander by that time (Khlopitsky was wounded), left their position and retreated to Warsaw. The Poles suffered serious losses, but they themselves inflicted those on the Russians (they lost 10,000 people against 8,000 Russians, according to other sources, 12,000 against 9,400).

Polish territories, after becoming part of the Russian Empire, became a constant source of instability for the Russian authorities. Emperor Alexander, having given significant autonomy to the Kingdom of Poland after the Congress of Vienna in 1815, made a big mistake. The Kingdom of Poland received a constitution earlier than Russia. A special Polish army and the Sejm were established. In Poland, higher and secondary education was widely developed, replenishing the ranks of the enemies of the Russian Empire with representatives of the Polish intelligentsia. The liberal attitude towards the Poles allowed the emergence and strengthening of both legal and secret opposition, which dreamed not only of broad autonomy and independence, but also of the restoration of the Polish state within its former boundaries, from sea to sea, with the inclusion of Lithuanian, Belarusian, Little Russian and Great Russian lands. During the years of being in the Russian Empire, the Kingdom of Poland prospered, the population grew, culture and economy developed rapidly. The Polish population lived in more free conditions than the population of other imperial territories.

The result was the Polish uprising of 1830-1831. Nicholas I did not stand on ceremony with the Poles and "tightened the screws". The harsh regime of the governor, Prince Paskevich, did not allow serious complications in the Kingdom of Poland. Aspirations for independence were inflated from abroad, where the main figures of the uprising left: Prince Adam Czartoryski, Lelewel and others. The situation became more complicated during the Crimean War, when the Western powers became more interested in the Polish separatists. However, during the war itself, it was not possible to provoke an uprising.

Emperor Alexander II softened the regime, which caused unfounded hopes among the Poles. The youth was inspired by the unification of Italy and the liberal reforms in Austria. Many, having read Herzen and Bakunin, believed that the Russian Empire was on the eve of a revolution, the impetus for which could be a Polish uprising. In addition, the Polish separatists hoped for the support of the then "world community". In particular, great hopes were pinned on Napoleon III, who announced that he wanted to see the idea of ​​nationality as the guiding international principle. In addition, the control on the part of the imperial governors weakened, after Paskevich, weak managers were appointed to Poland - Prince Gorchakov, Sukhozanet, Count Lambert.

In the Kingdom of Poland, manifestations and various kinds of actions began on every important Polish occasion. Thus, a significant demonstration took place on November 29, 1860, on the anniversary of the Rebellion of 1830. Polish students and the urban poor committed acts of vandalism in Orthodox cemeteries. Russian signs were torn down from shops, written and verbal threats rained down on Russian residents. It got to the point that in the fall, the Russian sovereign himself was insulted. In the theater, the velvet was damaged in the imperial box, and a smelly liquid was spilled during the solemn performance. The unrest continued even after the departure of the emperor. Alexander II demanded tougher measures and the introduction of martial law, but Gorchakov persuaded him not to do this, thinking to appease the Poles with concessions. On the anniversary of the death of Tadeusz Kosciuszko in 1861, the churches were filled with worshipers who sang patriotic hymns. This caused a clash with the troops. The first victims appeared.

The Russian government only aggravated the situation by deciding to meet the Polish demands. On March 26, 1861, a decree was issued on the restoration of the State Council, provincial, district and city councils were established, it was decided to open higher educational institutions and reform secondary schools. The result of the reform was the granting of full autonomy to the Kingdom of Poland. The sovereign appointed his liberal-minded brother, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, as viceroy, Velepolsky became his assistant in civil affairs, and Baron Ramsay became commander of the troops. However, even these significant concessions did not appease the appetite of the opposition. The "Whites" - a moderate opposition, demanded that all the lands of the Commonwealth be united into one whole with a constitutional structure. The "Reds" - radical democrats - went further and demanded complete independence, turning to acts of terror. During the revolutionary terror, up to 5 thousand political assassinations were carried out, many people were injured. In June 1862, an attempt was made on the life of the viceroy Leaders. During a walk in the park, an unknown person shot him from behind with a pistol. The bullet pierced the general's neck, jaw and cheek, but Leaders survived. They also attempted on Konstantin Nikolaevich, he was slightly injured. Twice they tried to kill the main reformer Velopolsky.

Preparations for the uprising proceeded very vigorously, aided by the unreasonable actions of the government of Alexander II. The central authorities did literally everything to "help" the Polish separatists. So, on the occasion of the coronation, exiled Poles were returned to the Kingdom of Poland from Siberia, including participants in the uprising of 1830-1831. Naturally, most of these persons replenished and strengthened the ranks of the conspirators. At the same time, the government replaced firm managers in Warsaw, Kyiv and Vilna with weak and unsuccessful ones.

By the end of 1862, the secret organization that was preparing the uprising already had about 20-25 thousand active members. An armed uprising was planned for the spring of 1863. Since the summer of 1862, the preparations for the uprising were led by the Central National Committee, which was created in October 1861 under the leadership of Yaroslav Dombrovsky. The preparation of the uprising in the Belarusian and Lithuanian territories was led by the Lithuanian Provincial Committee, under the command of Konstantin Kalinovsky. Revolutionary underground groups were created according to the system of triplets. Each ordinary conspirator knew only the members of his troika and the foreman, which ruled out the possibility of defeating the entire organization.

The situation reached such a point that Serakovsky, who completed the course of the Academy of the General Staff in 1859, together with his university friend Ohryzko, a former high-ranking official of the Ministry of Finance in the Russian capital, began to organize Polish circles and recruited not only Poles, but even and Russians. It should be noted that in the Academy of the General Staff among the administration and professors, the Polish element had a fairly strong position. For example, Spasovich was a teacher of jurisprudence and taught right from the chair that the huge state body of the Russian Empire could no longer exist in its entirety, but should be divided into its “natural” constituent parts, which would create a union of independent states. Among the students of the Academy of the General Staff there were a significant number of Poles, who, after completing the course, formed a personnel base for the commanders of the insurgent bands.

The beginning of the uprising

The reason for the uprising was the recruitment, announced at the beginning of 1863. It was initiated by the head of the administration in the Kingdom of Poland Alexander Velopolsky, who thus wanted to isolate dangerous elements and deprive the insurgent organization of its main personnel. In total, about 12 thousand people were added to the recruiting lists, who were suspected of belonging to revolutionary organizations.

In December 1862, "White" and "Red" Polish revolutionaries came to Warsaw for a congress. At this meeting, the leaders of the uprising were appointed: on the left bank of the Vistula - Langevich, on the right - Levandovsky and Czapsky, in Lithuania - Serakovsky, who came from France, where he was sent to the account of the military department for scientific purposes; in the southwestern region - Ruzhitsky (headquarters officer of the Russian army). In early January 1863, the central committee was transformed into a provisional people's government - people's rzhond (from Polish rząd - government). Its first composition included Bobrovsky (chairman) and Aveide, Maykovsky, Mikoshevsky and Yanovsky. A delegation was sent to Paris to Ludwik Mieroslavsky, who presented him with the title of dictator. Meroslavsky was the son of the colonel of the Polish legions of Emperor Napoleon and the adjutant of General Davout, having absorbed enmity towards the Russians from childhood. He participated in the uprising of 1830 and after its defeat he hid in Austrian Galicia, then left for France. In 1845-1846 he tried to organize a Polish uprising in Prussia, but was arrested and sentenced to death. He was saved by the 1848 uprising in Berlin. He continued the fight in Prussia and was defeated. He was pardoned thanks to the intervention of French diplomats. Then he fought again against the Prussians, but was defeated and left for France. Meroslavsky took an active part in Italian affairs, commanding an international legion in the army of Garibaldi, led the Polish-Italian military school in Genoa. With the beginning of the uprising, Mieroslavsky arrived in the Kingdom of Poland.

The revolutionary government divided the Kingdom of Poland according to the old division into 8 provinces, which were divided into counties, districts, hundreds and dozens. A commission was set up in the French capital to recruit officers and purchase weapons, the delivery of which was expected by the end of January.

On January 10 (22), the provisional people's government issued an appeal in which it called on the Poles to raise. The uprising began with an attack by individual detachments on the Russian garrisons in Plock, Kielce, Lukovo, Kurovo, Lomazy and Rossosh and others. The attacks were poorly prepared, the Polish detachments were poorly armed, acted separately, so the result of their actions was insignificant. However, the rebels, and behind them the foreign press, announced a great victory in the fight against the "Russian occupiers." On the other hand, these attacks became a bucket of cold water for the Russian authorities and led to the understanding that concessions only aggravate the situation. Tough measures were needed to appease the Kingdom of Poland.

Side forces

Russian troops. First measures. There were about 90 thousand people in the Warsaw military district, and about 3 thousand more in the border guards. Infantry regiments consisted of 3 battalions, 4 companies each. The cavalry divisions consisted of 2 dragoon, 2 lancers and 2 hussar regiments, 4 squadrons each. The troops were located based on the convenience of the military, and not on possible hostilities.

Martial law was immediately restored. The Kingdom of Poland was divided into military departments: Warsaw (adjutant general Korf), Plotsky (lieutenant general Semek), Lublin (lieutenant general Khrushchov), Radomsky (lieutenant general Ushakov), Kalishsky (lieutenant general Brunner). Especially for the protection of communication lines, special departments were established: the Warsaw-Vienna railway, the Warsaw-Bromberg and Warsaw-Petersburg. The heads of the military departments received the extraordinary right to judge the insurgents taken with weapons in the hands of a court-martial, to approve and carry out death sentences. Military court commissions were established, military commanders were appointed.

The units received an order to create autonomous detachments from all branches of the armed forces and gather in the most important settlements, occupy communication routes, and send mobile columns to destroy bandit formations. This order was carried out by January 20, but it soon became clear that it had negative aspects. Many county towns and industrial centers were left without the protection of Russian troops. As a result, strong anti-Russian propaganda began in them, bandit formations began to be created, normal work was stopped at enterprises, and some began to produce weapons for the rebels. Polish gangs got the opportunity to improve their organization, weapons, enjoying freedom in those places left by the Russian troops. The Russian border guard, not reinforced by army units, in a number of places could not hold back the onslaught of the enemy. Polish detachments were able to clear the southern, and somewhat later, part of the western border of Russia from the border guards. Thus, a free route was opened from Austrian Galicia, partly also from Poznań. The rebels got the opportunity to receive fresh reinforcements, various contraband, and evade persecution in Galicia.

Rebels. About 25 thousand participants in the conspiracy and several thousand students and urban lower classes took part in the uprising. The Catholic clergy actively supported the rebels, promoting the ideas of liberation and even participating in fights. However, they made up an insignificant percentage of the population of the Kingdom, millions of peasants preferred to stay on the sidelines, suspicious of the "initiative" of the nobility and intelligentsia. They tried to attract the peasants by promising a free allotment of land, and forcing them to join gangs. But in general, the majority of the population remained neutral, the interests of the gentry and the Polish intelligentsia were far from the interests of the people, who preferred to live in peace, constantly increasing their well-being.

The weapons of the rebels were weak. Pistols, revolvers, rifles were among the nobles, representatives of the wealthy segments of the population. The bulk were armed with hunting rifles, converted scythes, long knives that were made at local enterprises. In Liege, 76,000 guns were ordered, but during delivery, almost half were intercepted by Russian and Austrian authorities. And from the rest, many guns were captured by Russian troops. The rebels had several guns of very poor quality, which deteriorated after a few shots. There was little cavalry, it was poorly armed, it was mainly used for reconnaissance and surprise attacks. They tried to compensate for the weakness of weapons with partisan tactics, unexpected attacks in order to start a battle at close range.

The rebels took food, clothes, horses, carts and other necessary property from the population, which also did not add to their popularity. True, people were given receipts, but it was obvious that people parted with property forever. Another step that "pleased" the local population was the collection of taxes for two years in favor of the "people's government". Also, the rebels were engaged in extortion from wealthy individuals, robbery of cash desks and post offices. In June 1863, with the help of officials supporting the rebels, 3 million rubles were stolen in Warsaw from the main cash desk of the Kingdom of Poland. In other areas, they stole another 1 million rubles.

The rebels did not have a common army. Separate bandit formations gathered in various localities, where there were the most favorable conditions for their activities. The organization of each gang depended on the knowledge and experience of its commander. But usually the “field brigade” consisted of three parts: shooters, cosiners - infantrymen armed with converted scythes and cavalry. The convoy was used not only for transporting property, but often for transporting infantry, especially during the retreat.

The attitude of the Western powers

The European powers reacted to the Polish uprising in different ways. Already on January 27 (February 8), 1863, an agreement was concluded between Prussia and the Russian Empire - the Anvelsleben Convention. The treaty allowed Russian troops to pursue Polish insurgents in Prussian territory, and Prussian units in Russian territory. The convention was signed in St. Petersburg by the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince A. M. Gorchakov, and the Adjutant General of the Prussian King, Gustav von Alvensleben. The Prussians meticulously guarded their border so that the uprising would not spread to the Polish regions within Prussia.

The Austrian government was hostile to the Russians and was not averse to using this uprising to their advantage. The Vienna court at the beginning of the uprising clearly did not interfere with the Poles in Galicia, which became the base of the rebels, and for a long time fed it. The Austrian government even entertained the idea of ​​establishing a Polish state with one of the Habsburgs on the throne. England and France naturally took a hostile stance towards Russia. They supported the rebels with false promises, giving them the hope of foreign intervention in the conflict, following the example of the Crimean campaign. In reality, London and Paris at that time did not want to fight with Russia, they simply used the Poles for their own purposes, undermining the power of the Russian Empire with their hands.

To be continued…

In 1830 - 1831. the west of the Russian Empire was shaken by an uprising in Poland. The national liberation war began against the backdrop of ever-increasing infringement of the rights of its inhabitants, as well as revolutions in other countries of the Old World. The uprising was suppressed, but its echoes lingered throughout Europe for many years and had the most far-reaching consequences for Russia's reputation in the international arena.

background

Most of Poland was annexed to Russia in 1815 by decision of the Congress of Vienna after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. For the purity of the legal procedure, a new state was created. The newly founded Kingdom of Poland entered into a personal union with Russia. According to the then ruling Emperor Alexander I, this decision was a reasonable compromise. The country retained its constitution, army and diet, which was not the case in other areas of the empire. Now the Russian monarch also bore the title of the Polish king. In Warsaw, he was represented by a special governor.

The Polish uprising was only a matter of time given the policy that was being pursued in St. Petersburg. Alexander I was known for his liberalism, despite the fact that he could not decide on cardinal reforms in Russia, where the positions of the conservative nobility were strong. Therefore, the monarch implemented his bold projects on the national borders of the empire - in Poland and Finland. However, even with the most benevolent intentions, Alexander I behaved extremely inconsistently. In 1815, he granted a liberal constitution to the Kingdom of Poland, but a few years later he began to oppress the rights of its inhabitants, when they, with the help of their autonomy, began to put spokes into the wheels of the policy of Russian governors. So in 1820 the Sejm did not abolish what Alexander wanted.

Shortly before that, preliminary censorship was introduced in the kingdom. All this only brought the uprising in Poland closer. The years of the Polish uprising fell on a period of conservatism in the policy of the empire. Reaction reigned throughout the state. When the struggle for independence flared up in Poland, cholera riots were in full swing in the central provinces of Russia, caused by an epidemic and quarantine.

Storm coming

The coming to power of Nicholas I did not promise the Poles any indulgences. The reign of the new emperor began indicatively with the arrest and execution of the Decembrists. In Poland, meanwhile, the patriotic and anti-Russian movement became more active. In 1830, the overthrow of Charles X took place in France, which further agitated the supporters of cardinal changes.

Gradually, the nationalists enlisted the support of many famous tsarist officers (among them was General Joseph Khlopitsky). Revolutionary sentiment also spread to workers and students. For many dissatisfied, the right-bank Ukraine remained a stumbling block. Some Poles believed that these lands belonged to them by right, since they were part of the Commonwealth, divided between Russia, Austria and Prussia at the end of the 18th century.

The viceroy in the kingdom then was Konstantin Pavlovich - the elder brother of Nicholas I, who renounced the throne after the death of Alexander I. The conspirators were going to kill him and thus give a signal to the country about the beginning of the rebellion. However, the uprising in Poland was repeatedly postponed. Konstantin Pavlovich knew about the danger and did not leave his residence in Warsaw.

Meanwhile, another revolution broke out in Europe - this time Belgian. The French-speaking Catholic part of the population of the Netherlands came out for independence. Nicholas I, who was called the "gendarme of Europe", in his manifesto announced his rejection of the Belgian events. Rumors spread throughout Poland that the tsar would send her army to suppress the uprising in Western Europe. For the doubtful organizers of the armed uprising in Warsaw, this news was the last straw. The uprising was scheduled for November 29, 1830.

The beginning of the riot

At 6 pm on the agreed day, an armed detachment attacked the Warsaw barracks, where the guards lancers were quartered. The massacre of officers who remained loyal to the tsarist government began. Among those killed was Minister of War Maurycy Gauke. Konstantin Pavlovich considered this Pole his right hand. The governor himself managed to be saved. Warned by the guards, he fled from his palace shortly before the Polish detachment appeared there, demanding his head. Leaving Warsaw, Konstantin gathered Russian regiments outside the city. So Warsaw was completely in the hands of the rebels.

The next day, reshuffles began in the Polish government - the Administrative Council. All pro-Russian officials left it. Gradually, a circle of military leaders of the uprising also took shape. One of the main characters was Lieutenant General Iosif Khlopitsky, who was briefly elected dictator. Throughout the confrontation, he tried as best he could to negotiate with Russia by diplomatic methods, since he understood that the Poles could not cope with the entire imperial army if they were sent to suppress the rebellion. Khlopitsky represented the right wing of the rebels. Their demands boiled down to a compromise with Nicholas I, based on the constitution of 1815.

Mikhail Radziwill was another leader. His position remained exactly the opposite. More radical rebels (including him) planned to retake Poland, divided between Austria, Russia and Prussia. In addition, they considered their own revolution as part of a pan-European uprising (their main reference point was the July Revolution). That is why the Poles had many connections with the French.

Negotiation

The first priority for Warsaw was the question of a new executive power. On December 4, the uprising in Poland left behind an important milestone - a Provisional Government was created, consisting of seven people. Adam Czartoryski became its head. He was a good friend of Alexander I, was a member of his secret committee, and also served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1804-1806.

Despite this, the very next day Khlopitsky declared himself a dictator. The Sejm opposed him, but the figure of the new leader was extremely popular among the people, so the parliament had to retreat. Khlopitsky did not stand on ceremony with opponents. He concentrated all power in his hands. After the events of November 29, negotiators were sent to St. Petersburg. The Polish side demanded compliance with its constitution, as well as an increase in the form of eight provinces in Belarus and Ukraine. Nicholas did not agree to these conditions, promising only an amnesty. This response led to an even greater escalation of the conflict.

On January 25, 1831, a resolution was adopted to dethrone the Russian monarch. According to this document, the Kingdom of Poland no longer belonged to the titulary of Nicholas. A few days before, Khlopitsky lost power and remained in the army. He understood that Europe would not openly support the Poles, which meant that the defeat of the rebels was inevitable. The Sejm was set up more radically. The Parliament handed over executive power to Prince Mikhail Radziwill. Diplomatic tools were discarded. Now the Polish uprising of 1830-1831. found itself in a situation where the conflict could only be resolved by force of arms.

balance of power

By February 1831, the rebels managed to draft about 50 thousand people into the army. This figure almost corresponded to the number of troops sent to Poland by Russia. However, the quality of volunteer units was noticeably lower. The situation was especially problematic in the artillery and cavalry. Count Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky was sent to suppress the November uprising in St. Petersburg. The events in Warsaw were unexpected for the empire. In order to concentrate all loyal troops in the western provinces, the count needed 2-3 months.

It was precious time that the Poles did not have time to use. Khlopitsky, put at the head of the army, did not begin to attack first, but dispersed his forces along the most important roads in the territories under his control. Meanwhile, Ivan Dibich-Zabalkansky recruited more and more troops. By February, he already had about 125,000 men under arms. However, he also made unforgivable mistakes. In a hurry to strike a decisive blow, the count did not waste time on organizing the delivery of food and ammunition to the army, which over time had a negative impact on its fate.

Grochovskoe battle

The first Russian regiments crossed the Polish border on February 6, 1831. Parts moved in different directions. The cavalry under the command of Cyprian Kreutz went to the Lublin Voivodeship. The Russian command planned to arrange a diversionary maneuver, which was supposed to finally disperse the enemy forces. The national liberation uprising really began to develop according to a plot convenient for the imperial generals. Several Polish divisions headed for Serock and Pultusk, breaking away from the main forces.

However, the weather suddenly intervened in the campaign. A thaw began, which prevented the main Russian army from going along the planned route. Dibich had to make a sharp turn. On February 14, there was a clash between the detachments of Jozef Dvernitsky and General Fyodor Geismar. The Poles won. And although it was not of particular strategic importance, the first success noticeably encouraged the militias. The Polish uprising assumed an indefinite character.

The main army of the rebels stood near the city of Grochow, protecting the approaches to Warsaw. It was here on February 25 that the first general battle took place. The Poles were commanded by Radzwill and Khlopitsky, the Russians were commanded by Dibich-Zabalkansky, who had become a field marshal a year before the start of this campaign. The battle lasted all day and ended only late in the evening. The losses were approximately the same (the Poles had 12 thousand people, the Russians had 9 thousand). The rebels had to retreat to Warsaw. Although the Russian army achieved a tactical victory, its losses exceeded all expectations. In addition, ammunition was wasted, and it was not possible to bring new ones due to bad roads and disruption of communications. In these circumstances, Dibich did not dare to storm Warsaw.

Polish maneuvers

For the next two months, the armies barely moved. On the outskirts of Warsaw, daily skirmishes broke out. In the Russian army, due to poor hygienic conditions, a cholera epidemic broke out. At the same time, guerrilla warfare was going on throughout the country. In the main Polish army, command from Mikhail Radzwill passed to General Jan Skrzynetsky. He decided to attack a detachment under the command of the Emperor's brother Mikhail Pavlovich and General Karl Bistrom, who was in the vicinity of Ostrolenka.

At the same time, an 8,000th regiment was sent towards Dibich. He was supposed to divert the main forces of the Russians. The bold maneuver of the Poles came as a surprise to the enemy. Mikhail Pavlovich and Bistrom retreated with their guards. Dibich did not believe for a long time that the Poles decided to attack, until he finally learned that they had captured Nur.

Battle at Ostrolenka

On May 12, the main Russian army left their apartments to overtake the Poles who had left Warsaw. The pursuit went on for two weeks. Finally, the vanguard overtook the Polish rear. So on the 26th the battle of Ostroleka began, which became the most important episode of the campaign. The Poles were separated by the Narew River. The first detachment on the left bank was attacked by superior Russian forces. The rebels began to hastily retreat. Dibich's forces crossed the Narew in Ostrołęka itself, after finally clearing the city of the rebels. They made several attempts to attack the attackers, but their efforts ended in nothing. The Poles advancing forward were beaten off over and over again by a detachment under the command of General Karl Manderstern.

With the onset of the second half of the day, reinforcements joined the Russians, which finally decided the outcome of the battle. Of the 30,000 Poles, about 9,000 died. Among those killed were Generals Heinrich Kamensky and Ludwik Katsky. The ensuing darkness helped the remnants of the defeated rebels to flee back to the capital.

Fall of Warsaw

On June 25, Count Ivan Paskevich became the new commander-in-chief of the Russian army in Poland. At his disposal were 50 thousand people. In Petersburg, the count was required to complete the defeat of the Poles and recapture Warsaw from them. The rebels had about 40 thousand people left in the capital. The first serious test for Paskevich was the crossing. It was decided to overcome the water line near the border with Prussia. By July 8, the crossing was completed. At the same time, the rebels did not create any obstacles for the advancing Russians, relying on the concentration of their own forces in Warsaw.

In early August, another castling took place in the Polish capital. This time, instead of Skrzynceky, who suffered a defeat near Osterlenka, Henry Dembinsky became the commander-in-chief. However, he also resigned after the news came that the Russian army had already crossed the Vistula. Anarchy and anarchy reigned in Warsaw. Pogroms began, perpetrated by an angry mob demanding the extradition of the military responsible for the fatal defeats.

On August 19, Paskevich approached the city. The next two weeks were spent in preparation for the assault. Separate detachments captured nearby cities in order to finally surround the capital. The assault on Warsaw began on September 6, when Russian infantry attacked a line of fortifications erected in order to delay the attackers. In the ensuing battle, Commander-in-Chief Paskevich was wounded. However, the Russian victory was clear. On the 7th, General Krukovetsky withdrew a 32,000-strong army from the city, with which he fled to the west. September 8 Paskevich entered Warsaw. The capital was captured. The defeat of the remaining scattered detachments of rebels became a matter of time.

Results

The last armed Polish formations fled to Prussia. On October 21, Zamosc surrendered, and the rebels lost their last stronghold. Even before that, a massive and hasty emigration of rebellious officers, soldiers and their families began. Thousands of families settled in France and England. Many, like Jan Skrzyniecki, fled to Austria. In Europe, in Poland, society was met with sympathy and sympathy.

Polish uprising 1830 - 1831 led to it being abolished. The authorities carried out an administrative reform in the Kingdom. Voivodships were replaced by regions. Also in Poland, a system of measures and weights common with the rest of Russia, as well as the same money, appeared. Prior to this, right-bank Ukraine was under the strong cultural and religious influence of its western neighbour. Now in St. Petersburg it has been decided to dissolve the Greek Catholic Church. The “wrong” Ukrainian parishes were either closed or became Orthodox.

For residents of Western states, Nicholas I became even more consistent with the image of a dictator and despot. And although not a single state officially stood up for the rebels, the echoes of the Polish events were heard throughout the Old World for many years. The fugitive emigrants did a lot to ensure that public opinion about Russia allowed European countries to freely start the Crimean War against Nicholas.

February 12th, 2018

The impetus for the next activation of the Polish national movement was the war that began in 1859 between France and Austria. Napoleon III liberated Italy, and the Polish revolutionaries hoped that he would help Catholic Poland regain its independence. The main generator and conductor of nationalist sentiments in the Kingdom of Poland, which was part of the Russian Empire, was the Polish nobility. The gentry were disadvantaged by the lack of privileges and the opportunity to participate in real state administration, they considered the subordination of Russia as a humiliation and dreamed of the revival of the Commonwealth. In 1830-1831. in the Kingdom of Poland, a powerful uprising was already breaking out, suppressed by Russian troops.

Thirty-three years later, the "Reds", as the unequivocal supporters of Poland's independence were called, began to prepare a new performance.

In October 1861, the Central National Committee was founded, which later played the role of the headquarters of the rebels. In addition, there was a Committee of Russian Officers in Poland, founded in 1861 and maintaining close ties with both Polish nationalists and Russian revolutionary democrats. After the arrest of the founder of the circle, Vasily Kaplinsky, who served in the Russian army with the rank of lieutenant, the Committee was headed by another officer - Lieutenant of the Shlisselburg Infantry Regiment Andrey Potebnya. Yaroslav Dombrovsky, who also served in the Russian army as a junior officer and even took part in the Crimean War, was also a member of the Committee.

Yaroslav Dombrovsky

By the end of 1862, the underground groups that were going to take part in the upcoming uprising numbered at least 20 thousand people. The social base of the rebels were petty Polish gentry, junior officers - Poles and Litvins who served in the Russian army, students and pupils of Polish educational institutions, representatives of the raznochintsy intelligentsia. The priests of the Catholic Church played a special role. The Vatican unconditionally supported all plans to start an uprising, counting on the liberation of Catholic Poland from the rule of Orthodox Russia.

In 1860-1862. the situation became more and more tense. For example, a pogrom was staged at an Orthodox cemetery, the Russian inhabitants of Warsaw began to receive threatening letters, on February 15 (27), 1861, soldiers shot down a demonstration, as a result of which five of its participants died. In turn, Polish radicals have repeatedly made attempts on the lives of Russian governor-generals. Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich did not escape the assassination attempt, escaping with minor injuries. The formal reason for the uprising was the decision of Alexander II to start recruiting in Poland. So the emperor wanted to isolate most of the protest youth.

On the night of January 10-11, 1863, bells began to ring in many cities of Poland. It was a prearranged signal that told the revolutionaries about the beginning of the speech. It was the young people who evaded recruiting into the Russian army that became the backbone of the first insurgent detachments. The radicals formed a "Provisional National Government" (Jond Narodovy), headed by a 22-year-old former philosophy student, Stefan Bobrovsky. On the first day of the uprising, 25 attacks on Russian garrisons took place throughout the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. However, since the rebels were poorly organized and poorly armed, these attacks were repelled by Russian soldiers quite easily.

In early February 1863, 49-year-old Ludwik Mieroslavsky arrived in Poland from France - the godson of Napoleonic General Davout, a participant in the uprising of 1830-1831. and professional Polish revolutionary. He was proclaimed the dictator of the uprising. But Mieroslavsky's "dictatorship" did not last long. On February 7 (19), 1863, at the edge of the Krzhivosondzsky forest, a detachment commanded by the "dictator" himself, entered into battle with a detachment of Colonel Yuri Schilder - Shundler, which included 3.5 companies of the Olonets infantry regiment, 60 Cossacks and 50 border guards. Even such modest forces inflicted a crushing defeat on the rebels, after which on February 9 (21), 1863, Ludwik Mieroslavsky left the leadership of the uprising and fled back to France.

Mieroslawski Ludwik

After the flight of Mieroslavsky, the rebels were led by Colonel Marian Langevich (1827-1887), promoted to general, who had previously commanded the Sandomierz Voivodeship. Like Mieroslavsky, Langiewicz, a former officer in the Prussian army, was a professional Polish revolutionary and lived in France and Italy, where he was engaged in military training for Polish youth. Nevertheless, Meroslavsky was formally considered a dictator for some time, and only on February 26 (March 10) was Langevich proclaimed the new dictator of the uprising. But luck didn't smile on him either. Already on March 19, 1863, being utterly defeated in two battles with Russian troops, Langevich fled to the territory of neighboring Austrian Galicia.

In addition to the centralized forces of the rebels, numerous partisan detachments led by local "field commanders" also operated in Poland. These were the detachments of Leon Frankovsky, Apolinar Kurovsky, Zygmunt Podalevsky, Karol Fruche, Ignatius Mystkovsky and many others. Most of the detachments operated for a month - two, at most three months. Then they suffered crushing defeats from the Russian troops. One of the few exceptions was the detachment of Colonel General Mikhail Heidenreich, who managed to hold out from July to December 1863. This was not surprising, given that Mikhail Jan Heidenreich himself was a career officer in the Russian army in the past and graduated from the Academy of the General Staff.

Marian Langevich

In addition to Poland, the uprising also spread to a number of provinces that were once part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Grodno, Vilna, Vitebsk, Minsk, Mogilev lands - everywhere their rebel formations appeared, created by Polish and Lithuanian gentry. It is worth noting that the uprising was supported from the very beginning by the Polish emigration and revolutionary circles in Europe. Sympathized with the Polish rebels and many Russian revolutionaries. A number of Russian and European radicals went to the Polish lands as volunteers. Several volunteer formations were formed, staffed by French, Italian, Hungarian revolutionaries. For example, a "battalion of zouaves of death" was created, commanded by the Frenchman Francois de Roshenbrune. A distinctive feature of this formation was the "oath of death" - to commit suicide in case of defeat. Such Polish "suicide bombers".

In the European press, the Polish uprising was romanticized, presented exclusively as a national liberation movement of the proud European people against Russian autocracy and national oppression. A similar attitude was inherited from the revolutionary movement of that time by the official Soviet historical science. Meanwhile, the rebels were not "soft and fluffy" romantic idealists who fought solely for freedom. The rebels, among whom the Polish gentry prevailed, defended their class interests, namely, they advocated the return of that form of social and political structure in which the gentry felt most at ease. Religious differences played a role in motivating the rebels. It is known about the reprisals against Orthodox clergy, the desecration of Orthodox churches and cemeteries.

Alexander II in March 1863 adopted a number of radical measures as part of the ongoing agrarian reform. So, in the Vilna, Kovno, Grodno, Minsk, and then Vitebsk, Kyiv, Mogilev, Podolsk and Volyn provinces, the obligations of the peasants towards the landowners were terminated. Since the bulk of the landlords were Polish gentry, such a measure could not please them. But the far-sighted Russian policy deprived the Polish lords of the support of the bulk of the peasantry. The majority of peasants both in the Kingdom of Poland and in the western provinces remained indifferent to the insurgents. There are many cases and actions of peasants against the rebels, who annoyed the rural population with their requisitions, and even outright robberies.

The Polish lords were distinguished by their particular cruelty towards the peasant population, especially towards the Ukrainian and Belarusian peasants who professed Orthodoxy. Therefore, there was nothing surprising in the fact that the peasant population hated their exploiters and, at any opportunity, took any action against them. For example, peasants repeatedly gathered detachments and captured their lords, who sympathized with the rebels, in order to hand them over to the authorities. Moreover, the command of the Russian army even tried to somewhat cool the ardor of the peasantry, which, during the suppression of the uprising, tried to recoup for centuries of atrocities of the gentry. In turn, the rebels launched a real terror against the peaceful peasant population, trying to intimidate the peasants and force them to support the rebels, or at least not to cooperate with the tsarist troops. The lack of support from the peasantry was one of the main reasons for the rapid defeat of the Polish uprising of 1863-1864.

In the period from 1863 to 1865, in the fighting on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland and the western provinces, the Russian army lost 1221 soldiers and officers who died and died from wounds, 2810 died from diseases and domestic injuries, 3416 were wounded, 438 were missing and deserted , another 254 people were captured by the rebels. There were cases when individual soldiers and junior officers went over to the side of the insurgents, and officers of Polish and Lithuanian origin usually went over to the insurgents. In the process of suppressing the uprising, the authorities severely punished the leaders and the most active rebels. On March 22, 1864, Konstantin Kalinovsky was hanged in Vilna. The total number of death sentences carried out during the period 1863-1865 amounted to. about 400. At least 12 thousand people were deported to Siberia and other regions of the Russian Empire. About 7 thousand more participants in the uprising and sympathizers left the Kingdom of Poland and the western provinces and emigrated to the countries of Central and Western Europe. However, the actions of the tsarist government against the rebels can hardly be called excessively harsh. Already on December 31, 1866, Alexander II replaced the indefinite hard labor for the rebels sentenced to it with a ten-year one. In total, only about 15% of the rebels were punished for participating in the uprising, and most of the participants in the hostilities from the side of the rebels remained at large.

After the suppression of the uprising, the tsarist government took care of the prevention of nationalism among the Polish gentry. In 1864, the Latin alphabet was banned, Mikhail Muravyov ordered to stop publishing any books in the Lithuanian language. In 1866, the governor-general of the Vilna province, Konstantin Kaufman, banned the use of the Polish language in public places and in official documents, and also introduced a ban on the use of any Polish national symbols. The positions of the Polish gentry were dealt a serious blow. But as a result of the uprising, the peasantry won. The authorities, seeking to create a counterbalance to the Polish gentry, reduced the amount of redemption payments for peasants by 20% (in Lithuanian and Belarusian lands - by 30%). In addition, a centralized opening of primary schools for the children of Belarusian and Lithuanian peasants began, which had a completely understandable meaning - to educate the younger generations of peasants in loyalty to the Russian authorities, in the Orthodox cultural tradition.

Although European public opinion idealized the insurgents, viewing them solely as idealistic heroes, in reality, no European power seriously helped the Polish uprising. It was the hope for help from France and Great Britain that "warmed the soul" of the Polish gentry, who were counting on the outbreak of war between the Western powers and Russia. Even the British newspapers admitted that if the rebel leaders had not counted on Western military assistance, the uprising would have ended by itself, if not started at all.

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Author: Ilya Polonsky