Former Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries (since May 1998), Chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation; was born on October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh Region; Graduated from Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, AON under the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1991, Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, candidate of technical sciences, doctor of political sciences, professor; 1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU; in 1990 he was elected a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council; in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR; 1990-1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the Communists of Russia faction; was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994; was a member of the Committee on International Affairs in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; in May 1994, by Presidential Decree, he was introduced to the Security Council; in October 1996 he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic; from October 1996 he was the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation; in March 1998 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation for the CIS (until the resignation of the entire government); in the fall of 1991, he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Party of Workers (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairs; in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR); June 8, 1995 was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the movement "Consent"; in early April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of more than 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books The State Duma: The Fifth Attempt, We Are Doomed to Consent, A Safe World for Russia, Russia Will Gain Consent; married, has two daughters; likes to read fiction, is fond of agriculture, chess, car business.
Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to B. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He characterizes his views as socialist and social democratic; has a negative attitude towards both the extreme left and the extreme right organizations, believing that it is possible to solve the current problems of Russia only in conditions of civil peace, national accord. Supports "reasonable" government regulation. He considers it necessary to integrate the former Soviet republics on a new federal or confederal basis and sees the initial form of such a state in the CIS. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and the state. In February 1997, he stated that "Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression," while making it clear that he considers the Soviet Union's obligation not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances a mistake. conditions. He expressed the following vision of the Security Council: "The task of the Security Council is to keep in view the entire amount of external and internal threats and challenges to the security of the starna and, in accordance with this, prepare scientifically based recommendations for the top leadership of the Russian Federation, which help in making adequate decisions. This includes development of conceptual problems of national security of the state. To cope with this task, the Security Council must turn into a powerful analytical center with a multi-level system of comprehensive study of the situation in the country and in the world."
Ivan Rybkin is determined to fight against "dominant grayness".
Photo by Alexander Shalgin (NG photo)
Five questions to Ivan Rybkin
I. Why are you against Vladimir Putin?
I am against Vladimir Putin because he is not the master of his word. For four years, he did not fulfill a single promise that he made when he was elected to the post of head of state. Putin is returning the country to the path that has already ruined the USSR and is now ruining Russia.
Where is the quick victory in Chechnya, the promise of which brought Putin to the Kremlin? It does not exist and cannot exist: national problems cannot be solved by force. There are thousands of dead Russians and Chechens, hundreds of thousands of war-torn destinies. The number of victims of the new Chechen war is already greater than in the first adventure of 1994-1996.
Where is the sovereign greatness and national dignity of Russia? Is it really in the cries of the famous Kremlin jesters or in the ravings of militant nationalists? It is exchanged like small coins for Putin's self-affirmation in the so-called club of the powerful. In Central Asia, in the Caucasus, in Transnistria, millions of Russians are left to the mercy of fate. Against the backdrop of loud statements about the inviolability of the borders, Kaliningrad is cut off from the country. The opinion of Russia is of little interest to anyone in the world.
Where is the updated army? Soldiers and officers are in poverty.
Where is freedom and justice, the "dictatorship of the law" that Putin likes to talk about so much? There is none of them. There is, on the one hand, a poor disenfranchised people, on the other hand, fattening officials and divided into favorite and unloved oligarchs. The recently acquired freedom of speech, the freedom to choose power, the freedom of political and economic competition are being destroyed. The authorities defame opponents and expose them as criminals. Blackmail, murder, exile became the main tools in the fight against independent, free people. Last year, Russia became the leader in the world in terms of the number of citizens forced to humiliate themselves and seek political asylum in other countries. There are tens of thousands of them. Puppet television talks about the fight against corruption and crime, but in fact the country is overwhelmed by exactions from officials and terror.
Where is the promised economic prosperity? Why are petrodollars flowing into Russia, while the number of the poor is growing rapidly? Why do people freeze from the cold in winter in the country richest in energy resources? Why is the level of education catastrophically falling in the country? Why are there more and more sick people who have lost their last hope for medical care? Against the backdrop of loud statements about economic growth, Russia continues to rapidly die out. Showcases of Russian capitalism - Moscow and St. Petersburg - are increasingly separated from the life of the rest of Russia.
Where is the revival of Russian statehood? Her heart was pierced by Putin's "vertical of power." The Federation Council, the institution for coordinating the key political and economic interests of the regions of Russia, has been destroyed. The State Duma has ceased to be the spokesman for the will of the peoples. The courts have been turned into an appendage of the executive branch. The independent mass media have been liquidated. The FSB, the prosecutor's office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs are doing arbitrariness.
All these years, the very right to life has been violated. What can we say about other constitutional rights and freedoms? “You can’t live like this,” said one director. I'll add: I don't want to live like that. I do not want the imperious dullness to continue to turn the country, my and your hopes, my and your life into dust.
Rybkin's list: the top ten. Of prospective appointments to key government positions
II. What are the main ideological and political views of Ivan Rybkin?
Faith, education and labor are the foundations of the spiritual revival of the nation and the freedom of the citizens of Russia.
The state is for the individual, not the individual for the state.
Freedom to choose for yourself, not decisions from above.
Freedom of the regions, not the dictatorship of the Center.
Restoration and expansion of Russia's influence in the world for the purpose of economic and political benefits.
III. What obligations does Ivan Rybkin take?
(The provisions of this section, which have an exact chronological reference, are summarized by us in Table 1. - "NG" for clarity.)
All economic reforms will be exclusively of a market nature. Socially oriented projects will have an advantage over others.
Russia's foreign policy will be based on two main principles: Russia's interests are higher than the interests of any other country; control without capture instead of capture without control. The main foreign policy task is to restore and expand influence throughout the post-Soviet space. Russia will become a home for the inhabitants of the entire former Soviet Union.
IV. How will Ivan Rybkin be able to fulfill his obligations?
"Cadres decide everything!" Therefore, this question can be answered only by presenting to the voters the leaders of the main power institutions and state monopolies, whom President Ivan Rybkin will recommend and support.
(The list of candidates for the most important government posts is presented by us in Table 2. - "NG".)
V. Guarantees of fulfillment of obligations by Ivan Rybkin
Only the restoration of the operation of the Constitution of the Russian Federation can serve as guarantees for the fulfillment of the obligations of the President of the Russian Federation.
Therefore, only the will of the peoples of Russia to strict observance of the Constitution of the Russian Federation by the president can be the guarantor of the fulfillment of the president's obligations.
What and when does Ivan Rybkin undertake to do if he is elected president of Russia |
||
| Timing | Problems | Content of commitments |
| 14.09.2004 | War in Chechnya | The civil war in Russia will be ended. Chechnya will remain part of the Russian Federation within the framework of a single economic and defense space. Over the next 4 years, all victims of hostilities will receive compensation |
| 2004 – 2008 | Health and Education | During 2004-2008 the state treasury will provide full funding for a decent (not lower than Soviet) level of medical care and the opportunity for every citizen of Russia to receive secondary and higher education |
| 01.01.2005 | Amnesty for capital | A complete amnesty will be completed for the initially accumulated capital - from small businesses to the largest national corporations. Thus, a line will be drawn under the revolutionary stage of Russia's development. All illegally expropriated during 2000-2004. the property will be returned to the previous owners |
| 01.09.2004 | Media freedom | The work of media independent from the state will be restored |
| 01.09.2004 | Council of the Federation | The Federation Council of the Russian Federation will be restored in its previous configuration (89 heads of subjects and 89 heads of legislative assemblies) in full compliance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation |
| 01.09.2004 | Administrative-territorial division | Unconstitutional federal districts will be abolished |
| 01.09.2004 | Status of heads of subjects of the Federation | The unconstitutional norm allowing the president to remove the popularly elected heads of the constituent entities of the Federation will be canceled |
| 01.09.2004 | Civilian control over law enforcement agencies | Civilian control will be established over all the security forces of the Russian Federation, and above all over the FSB, the structures of the Prosecutor General's Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs |
table 2
Candidates for the most important government posts who will be recommended and supported by President Ivan Rybkin: |
|
| Prime Minister | E.E. Rossel |
| First Deputy Prime Minister | IN AND. Ishaev |
| Head of the presidential administration | A.M. Tuleev |
| Chairman of the State Duma | Yu.M. Luzhkov |
| Chairman of the Federation Council | M.Sh. Shaimiev |
| Secretary of the Security Council | G.A. Zyuganov |
| Commissioner for Human Rights | S.A. Kovalev |
| Minister of Defense | B.V. Gromov |
| Minister of Internal Affairs | S.K. Shoigu |
| Director of the FSB | S.V. Stepashin |
| Foreign Secretary | G.A. Yavlinsky |
| Attorney General | N.V. Fedorov |
| Minister of Finance | A.N. Illarionov |
| Chairman of the Central Bank | V.V. Gerashchenko |
| Minister of Justice | S.A. Pashin |
| Minister for Civil Defense, Emergencies and Disaster Management | G.N. Troshev |
| Minister of education | Yu.A. Ryzhov |
| Minister of Health | L.M. Roshal |
| Minister of Energy | M.B. Khodorkovsky |
| Minister of Labor and Social Development | K.A. Titov |
| Minister for Nationalities | R.S. Aushev |
| Minister of Economic Development and Trade | E.G. Yasin |
| Minister for Press, Broadcasting and Mass Media | I.E. Malashenko |
| Minister of Agriculture | A.N. Tkachev |
| Minister of Industry, Science and Technology | K.A. Bendukidze |
| Minister of Culture | O.P. Tabakov |
| Minister for Communications and Informatization | V.P. Yevtushenkov |
| Minister of Transport | S.O. Franc |
| Chairman of the Board of "Gazprom" | V.S. Chernomyrdin |
| Chairman of the Board of RAO UES | A.G. Khloponin |
| Chairman of the Board of RAO "Russian Railways" | A.S. Voloshin |
| Chairman of the Accounts Chamber | S.Yu. Glaziev |
(b. 10/20/1946)
The failed rival of V.V. Putin at the presidential
elections on March 14, 2004
Born in the village of Semigorovka, Voronezh Region. Education
received at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute (1968), in graduate school
this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU (1991) and in
Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences, Doctor
political sciences, professor. In 1968–1969 senior engineer in one of
state farms of the Volgograd region. In 1969–1970 served in the Soviet army.
Until 1987 at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute: assistant,
Senior Lecturer, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Mechanization and Automation
Animal Husbandry, Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Mechanics, since 1983
secretary of the party committee of the institute. In 1987–1991 first secretary of the Soviet
district committee of Volgograd, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU. WITH
June 1991 Head of the Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR for Liaison with the Soviets
people's deputies. In 1991–1993 people's deputy, member of the Supreme
Council of the Russian Federation, Chairman of the Communists of Russia faction. From October 1991 to
June 1993 one of the seven co-chairs of the Socialist Party
workers. Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on unconstitutionality
presidential decrees B. N. Yeltsin about the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992
sent a letter to B. N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until a decision
Constitutional Court. In February 1993, at the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
was elected to the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, at the first plenum - deputy chairman
CEC. After that, he left the Socialist Party of Workers (he was restored to
June 1994). Since the autumn of 1993, a member of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR),
expelled from it in 1995. After the events of October 1993, Deputy
Head of the Main Department of Water Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture
economy of the Russian Federation. Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation
(1993–1995) and second (1995–1999) convocations. Elected to the State Duma of the first convocation
on the APR list, to the State Duma of the second convocation on the list of the "Ivan Rybkin Bloc".
Chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation from 01/15/1994 to
December 1995 Nominated for this position by the APR faction. As a result
In April 1994, he left the Communist Party. Then he was elected chairman
Association "Regions of Russia". In July 1995, on behalf of B. N. Yeltsin
created and headed a center-left pre-election bloc (“Ivan Bloc
Rybkin). In the elections to the State Duma, the bloc received only 1.1%
State Duma of the second convocation was an independent deputy and a member of the Committee on
international affairs. He ran for the post of chairman of the State Duma, but
was not elected. In April 1996 he founded and registered the Socialist
party of Russia. A week before the second round of voting in the presidential election
B. N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed
Political Advisory Council headed by IP Rybkin. From October
1996 Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In 1997 he was a personal
representative of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen
Republic of A. A. Maskhadov. was heavily influenced B. A.
Berezovsky, who, having citizenship of Russia and Israel, became deputy
I.P. Rybkin and used it as a convenient tool for his political
manipulations. From March 1, 1998, he was deputy chairman for several days
Governments of the Russian Federation in the government V. S. Chernomyrdin(until the resignation of all
composition of the cabinet). Nominated at the insistence of B. A. Berezovsky. Curated questions
CIS and relations with the Chechen Republic. From 05/14/1998 to 2000
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.
Demonstrated the highest devotion to Boris N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting
conclusions of the Constitutional Court, was the first to say that B. N. Yeltsin could
run for president for a third term. In early 1999, he announced it
"a symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus" and proposed to elect
Union of Russia and Belarus. In 2000, with the advent of V.V. Putin to the post
President of the Russian Federation, the Political Advisory Council under the President was abolished
RF, headed by I.P. Rybkin. In April 2002 he was called to
General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation for a conversation about his activities as Secretary
Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in circumstances related to
preparation and signing of a peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in
a letter to President V.V. Putin, where he spoke out against the “perversion of the role of Alexander
Swan in achieving peace" in Chechnya and "hanging the label on Boris Berezovsky
"an accomplice of terrorists"", and also offered to start peace negotiations with "legally
President-elect of the Chechen Republic Aslan Maskhadov. He describes his views as
socialist and social-democratic. 04/14/2003 Second
the congress of the Socialist Unity Party of Russia unanimously deprived I. P. Rybkin
membership in it for "defamatory ties with Boris Berezovsky." 07/07/2003
members of the Liberal Russia party from among the supporters of B. A. Berezovsky
delegated to IP Rybkin the powers of the party leader. For several years I visited
leadership of five parties (Communist Party of the RSFSR, the Socialist Party of Workers,
Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APR, Socialist Party of Russia). There was a time when he was
leadership of three political structures at the same time, which had different
political goals and those who were not part of the coalition. At the end of December 2003
nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives of 60 regions for the post
"Putin has no right to power in Russia", where he argued that "the actions
President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as
state crimes”, accused the authorities of “actual destruction
Constitution”, unleashing a war in Chechnya and attempts by the authorities to “intimidate us all”.
He called V.V. Putin "the largest oligarch in Russia", as well as the names of people
who, in his opinion, are "responsible for Putin's business." February 5, 2004 after
21.30 disappeared. On February 8, 2004, his wife Albina Nikolaevna filed
"Arbat" statement on the search for the missing candidate for the President of the Russian Federation. On the same day
The Moscow police department launched a search case on this fact. 02/10/2004 was found in
Kyiv. I called my campaign manager K. Yu. Ponomareva and said that he had “pleasantly spent four days in Kyiv” and did not understand the reason
raised around his person hype. “I did not disappear anywhere, I bought a newspaper and was
amazed". On the same day he arrived in Moscow. The next day I went to London. gave
confusing explanations of what happened. February 19, 2004 The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation banned
him to participate in free television debates through a teleconference (I.P. Rybkin
remained in London), believing that this would “create unequal conditions for other
candidates." 03/05/2004, having returned after a three-week absence from
London, withdrew his candidature from registration for the post of candidate in
RF Presidents. He declared that he "no longer intends to participate in a farce and run as
hare in front of the presidential locomotive. Traveled to London in January 2006
(b. 1946) - Russian statesman and public figure. Since 1979 - in teaching and administrative work at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute, since 1987 - in party work in the bodies of the CPSU, in 1991 - head. Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU of the RSFSR. In 1990 he was elected a people's deputy of Russia, one of And co-chair. parliamentary faction "Communists of Russia". In 1991 - 1992 was in opposition to the government of B. N. Yeltsin - E. T. Gaidar. In 1992-1993 He was a member of the opposition parliamentary bloc "Russian Unity". In February 1993, at the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he was elected to the CEC; in April 1994 he left the party. During the Political (constitutional) crisis of 1993, he was in the White House, urging supporters of the Supreme Council to refrain from distributing weapons and to find a compromise with the President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin. In December 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the electoral association of the Agrarian Party; from January 1994 to December 1995 - before. State Duma of the Russian Federation. In the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation (December 1995), the "Ivan Rybkin Bloc" failed to overcome the 5% barrier, but I. P. Rybkin himself was elected in a single-mandate constituency. In the 1996 presidential election, he supported the candidacy of Boris N. Yeltsin. In 1996-1998 - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In April 1996, he founded the Socialist United Party of Russia, however, in connection with the statement about the need to start negotiations with A. Maskhadov, he was removed from his post as chairman. party (June 29, 2002). Since 1998 - Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS member states
Great Definition
Incomplete definition ↓
Rybkin, Ivan Petrovich
Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of Russia in the CIS countries since May 1998, Chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation; was born on October 20, 1946 in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh Region; Graduated from Volgograd Agricultural Institute in 1968, AON under the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1991, Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation in 1993, candidate of technical sciences, doctor of political sciences, professor; 1987-1991 - first secretary of the district committee, then second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU; in 1990 he was elected a deputy of the Volgograd Regional Council; in 1991 - head of the department for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR; 1990-1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, chairman of the Communists of Russia faction; was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations; Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation since January 1994; was a member of the Committee on International Affairs in the State Duma of the second convocation, was vice-president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; in May 1994, by Presidential Decree, he was introduced to the Security Council; in October 1996 he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic; from October 1996 he was the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation; in March 1998 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation for the CIS (until the resignation of the entire government); in the fall of 1991, he became one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Party of Workers (SPT) and was elected one of its 7 co-chairs; in 1994 he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR); June 8, 1995 was elected chairman of the Association "Regions of Russia"; created the movement "Consent"; in early April 1996, he founded and registered the Socialist Party of Russia (SPR), was elected its chairman; published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects); author of more than 300 publications and books on politics and economics; author of the books The State Duma: The Fifth Attempt, We Are Doomed to Consent, A Safe World for Russia, Russia Will Gain Consent; married, has two daughters; likes to read fiction, is fond of agriculture, chess, car business.
Signed an appeal to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia of August 23 and 25, 1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to B. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He characterizes his views as socialist and social democratic; has a negative attitude towards both the extreme left and the extreme right organizations, believing that it is possible to solve the current problems of Russia only in conditions of civil peace, national accord. Supports "reasonable" government regulation. He considers it necessary to integrate the former Soviet republics on a new federal or confederal basis and sees the initial form of such a state in the CIS. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and the state. In February 1997, he stated that "Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression," while making it clear that he considers the Soviet Union's obligation not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances a mistake. He expressed the following vision of the Security Council: "The task of the Security Council is to keep in view the entire amount of external and internal threats and challenges to the security of the country and, in accordance with this, prepare scientifically based recommendations for the top leadership of the Russian Federation that help in making adequate decisions. This includes the development of conceptual problems of national security of the state. To cope with this task, the Security Council must turn into a powerful analytical center with a multi-level system of comprehensive study of the situation in the country and in the world."
Great Definition
Incomplete definition ↓
06/20/1946). Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for CIS Affairs in the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin from 03/01/1998 to 03/23/1998; plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin in the CIS member states in the rank of Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in May - August 1998; Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation from 10/21/1996 to 03/01/1998 Born in the village of Semigorka, Voronezh Region, into a peasant family. Having switched to the position of the Democrats, in 1996 he recalled that both of his grandfathers "in the rebel army of General Antonov defended the Don from the Red Commissars." The press caustically commented that when he joined the CPSU, he obviously did not spread about the struggle of his ancestors against the Bolsheviks. My father worked on a collective farm as an accountant, then as a chief accountant. Educated at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute with a degree in mechanical engineering (with honors, 1968), in the postgraduate course of this institute (1974), at the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU (1991), at the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (1993). Candidate of Technical Sciences (dissertation on the mechanization of livestock farms, 1974), Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor. I walked five kilometers to school. He began his career on the collective farm “Zavety Ilyich” in the NovoAnnensky district of the Volgograd region. In 1968-1969 worked as a senior engineer in one of the state farms of the Volgograd region. In 1969-1970. served in the Soviet Army. In 1974-1987. worked at the Volgograd Agricultural Institute as an assistant, senior lecturer, associate professor, head of the department of mechanization and automation of animal husbandry, deputy dean of the mechanical faculty, since 1983 secretary of the party committee. Published in magazines and various university collections, has over 70 publications on the reliability of agricultural machines (technical and economic aspects). Since 1987, the first secretary of the Soviet district committee of the CPSU of Volgograd, since March 1990, the second secretary of the Volgograd regional committee of the CPSU. Since June 1991, head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR for relations with the Soviets of People's Deputies. He began his career in Moscow as an orthodox communist. In 1990 he was elected a people's deputy of the RSFSR. He worked on a permanent basis in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on the work of the Soviets of People's Deputies and the development of self-government. In 1990, he became one of the founders and co-chairman of the Communists of Russia faction. He voted for the exclusion from the Constitution of the USSR of the 6th article on the leading role of the CPSU. In 1990, he spoke out against the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, believing that this would lead to a weakening of ties between the communist parties. Nevertheless, he was elected to the constituent congress from the Volgograd region and voted against the election of I. K. Polozkov as the first secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After an unsuccessful speech by the State Committee for the State of Emergency in August 1991, he suggested that B.N. Yeltsin hold a congress of the CPSU, at which party members could self-determine. B. N. Yeltsin suggested discussing this issue with G. E. Burbulis, but the latter did not consider it expedient to hold such a congress. IP Rybkin, among other people's deputies of the RSFSR, signed appeals to the Constitutional Court on the unconstitutionality of the decrees of the President of Russia dated 08.23 and 25.08.1991 on the dissolution of the CPSU. In September 1992, he sent a letter to B. N. Yeltsin with a request to suspend their action until the decision of the Constitutional Court. He was one of the initiators of the creation of the Socialist Party of Workers, from October 1991 to June 1993 he was one of its seven co-chairs. At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (December 1992), he was elected to the Supreme Council by rotation. After the decision of the Constitutional Court, which opened the way for the restoration of the Communist Party, IP Rybkin, together with other members of the faction, participated in the preparation of the restoration congress of the party. On December 3, 1992, together with V. A. Kuptsov, G. A. Zyuganov and others, he signed the appeal of the initiative committee to convene the Congress of Communists of the Russian Federation. The authors of the appeal called on the Communists to unite organizationally and recreate the Communist Party of Russia as a "political spokesman for the working people." On February 14, 1993, at the II Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (restoration and unification), he was elected one of the six vice-chairmen of the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. The program statement and charter adopted by the congress stated that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation would be a party in opposition to the existing regime, using parliamentary forms of struggle for reforms, but in the interests of the working people, for the country's return to the socialist path of development. After that, he left the Socialist Party of Workers. He was deputy chairman of the CEC of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation until his withdrawal from the Communist Party in April 1994. During the confrontation between the president and parliament in late September - early October 1993, he was in the House of Soviets. He was on the side of A. V. Rutskoy and R. I. Khasbulatov, but insisted on a peaceful solution to the issue, supporting the “zero option” of V. D. Zorkin. "zero option". He voted in the besieged Supreme Soviet for the removal of B. N. Yeltsin from the post of President of the Russian Federation. After the execution of the Parliament, Deputy Head of the Main Directorate of Water Resources of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Russian Federation. Then he joined the Agrarian Party of Russia. On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia. From 15.01.1994 Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Gained 223 votes with the required 223 votes. His main rival, B.P. Vlasov, received 33 votes. He was one of the first to advocate a political amnesty for the participants in the events of September-October 1993. From May 1994 he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In June 1994, he was reinstated in the Socialist Party of Workers. In 1995, he was expelled from the Agrarian Party of Russia. According to the former Deputy Chairman of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation, Yu. Yu. these are going to be transferred abroad. We make a direct order to the Minister of Finance Livshits: to collect them back to the budget within a day. By law, he is required to either comply or appeal in court. Silence. The money is leaving. The executive director who transferred the money is immediately shot on the Rublevsky highway. That's all, ends in the water ... ”(Moskovsky Komsomolets. 2001. No. 66. P. 2). During an official visit to the United States as Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, publications appeared in the Russian press about the scandal associated with the acquisition by I.P. Rybkin in the United States of furniture for his personal dacha, which he carried across the ocean in a government aircraft from the Rossiya squadron. From 06/08/1995 - Chairman of the association "Regions of Russia". In July 1995, he founded the pre-election Bloc of Center-Left Orientation (Ivan Rybkin Bloc), which was defeated in the elections to the State Duma, and thus failed the plan developed by the Kremlin political technologists. He entered at number 1 in the electoral list of this bloc, but in the elections he did not overcome the five percent threshold. According to a number of analysts, for a long time, if not forever, he crossed out his own leadership ambitions. In September 1995, at the congress of the Agrarian Party of Russia, he was removed from the leadership of the party. Passed to the State Duma of the second convocation in a single-mandate constituency in the Voronezh region. Since December 1995, he has been a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation. He was an independent deputy, a member of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs. He ran for the post of Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the second convocation, but was not elected. Created the "Consent" movement. In June 1996, he became chairman of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the Russian Federation. In the same year he founded the Socialist Party of Russia and was invited to the 20th Congress of the Socialist International in New York. He was Vice President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Before the presidential elections in the summer of 1996, he published in Izvestia a loyal article “Why I will vote for Boris Yeltsin,” in which he renounced his former communist convictions. The article was seen in the Kremlin. Since October 21, 1996, Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. He replaced A. I. Lebed, who was dismissed, in this position. At the same time, he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. He promised to continue AI Lebed's course towards a peaceful settlement in Chechnya. He reorganized the apparatus and working bodies, as a result, the number of his deputies reached six people, and the number of chiefs in the apparatus increased several times. Signed a decree on the publication of the fundamental work “Security of Russia. Legal, socio-economic and scientific and technical aspects” in 15 volumes (plus 17 books of appendices) with a total value of over two million dollars. Not a single volume came out, the money allocated for them disappeared. In the throes of creativity, only a thin “Dictionary of Terms and Definitions” relating to the national security of Russia, and a “Collection of Legal Acts on Security Issues”, published in one copy, were born. On January 17, 1997, he was invited to the Gorki-9 residence near Moscow, where B. N. Yeltsin instructed him to be his personal representative at the inauguration of the President of the Chechen Republic A. A. Maskhadov. On January 27, 1997, he became a member of the Foreign Policy Council under the President of the Russian Federation. On February 14, 1997, he was appointed chairman of the commission for the development of a draft agreement on the delimitation of jurisdiction and powers between the state authorities of the Russian Federation and Chechnya. He spent several hours in the waiting room of the President of the Chechen Republic, A. A. Maskhadov, before he got to see him. He was under the strong influence of B. A. Berezovsky, who, having citizenship of Russia and Israel, became the deputy of I. P. Rybkin and gained access to confidential documents that the Security Council was working on. A week before the second round of voting, B. N. Yeltsin abolished the Public Chamber under the President of the Russian Federation and formed a Political Advisory Council headed by I. P. Rybkin. In February 1998, I.P. Rybkin presented to the press the Russian edition of the book "The Future of European Social Democracy", where he was one of the co-authors, including 32 well-known European politicians, including the Prime Ministers of France and Great Britain, the Secretary General of NATO and others. In the structure of the Security Council, he created a department for interaction with the Security Councils of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. As a result, a number of regions adopted their own laws on security that contradicted the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and the tasks of local Security Councils included such matters as “identifying internal and external threats” (Tomsk, Mordovia), “considering defense issues” (Tomsk, Tyva, Ingushetia ), “on the introduction and lifting of a state of emergency” (Mordovia, Kabardino-Balkaria). The press was ironic: it would be interesting to see how at the meetings of the Tomsk Security Council they develop a plan of defense against neighbors - the Novosibirsk and Kemerovo regions, or how they are going to defend themselves from the Buryat invasion in Tyva. At the beginning of November 1996, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, E. M. Primakov, harshly commented on I. P. Rybkin’s amateurish statement on the issue of Russia’s participation in NATO: “The secretaries of the Security Council have some kind of hobby to speak on Russia’s relations with NATO. Formulates the foreign policy of the Foreign Ministry, and he holds a negative attitude towards NATO expansion. In February 1997, he stated that "Russia must be ready to use nuclear weapons in the event of direct aggression," which he considers the USSR's obligation not to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances to be a mistake. On October 8, 1997, he was relieved of his duties as the representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Chechen Republic. In this post, he was replaced by V. S. Vlasov. He retained the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Since March 1, 1998, Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation for the CIS and the Chechen Republic in the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin. Nominated at the insistence of B. A. Berezovsky, since this position made it possible to regulate huge cash flows. The total debt of the CIS countries to Russia amounted to about 6 billion dollars, and working with these debts provided a fertile field for financial and economic activity. He replaced the dismissed V. M. Serov. He stayed in this position for 22 days, until the resignation of the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin. From 05/14/1998 to 2000, he was the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the CIS countries in the rank of vice-premier. The position was decorative, introduced especially for him. I was weary of it, since all the work on the CIS was carried out in the Foreign Ministry and in the office of the CIS Executive Secretary. Demonstrated the highest devotion to Boris N. Yeltsin. In 1998, without waiting for the decision of the Constitutional Court, he was the first to say that Boris Yeltsin could run for president for a third term. In early 1999, he called him "a symbol of the unification of Russia and Belarus" and proposed to elect him as president of the Union of the Russian Federation and Belarus. 06/05/1998 participated in the baptism of the six-month-old son of B. A. Berezovsky Gleb in the Orthodox Church of Dmitry Solunsky as a godfather. In 2000, with the advent of V.V. Putin, the political advisory council under the President of the Russian Federation, headed by I.P. Rybkin, was also abolished. Not a natural leader. According to the former speaker of the upper house of the Russian Parliament, V. F. Shumeiko, “when Yeltsin beckoned, exactly in a week he turned from a convinced communist into his ardent supporter” (Shevchenko D. Kremlevskie nravy. M., 1999. P. 212). V. F. Shumeiko gives the following comparison: “The other day I was leafing through the Niva magazine of the beginning of the century, I accidentally stumbled upon an advertisement for a weight loss product: a fat lady, and a slender girl next to her after the procedures. And the signature: "In three days she became a coquette." Directly about my friend Vanya! He does not have the courage to spit on all this, to part with the Kremlin "without sadness." But I understand: it’s hard right away from a first-class carriage - into a reserved seat smelling of a latrine ... ”(Ibid.) In April 2002, he was summoned to the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Russian Federation to talk about his activities as Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. The investigation was interested in the circumstances related to the preparation and signing of a peace treaty between Russia and Chechnya in 1997. On June 27, 2002, he published an open letter to President V.V. "in Chechnya and" labeling Boris Berezovsky as "an accomplice of terrorists," he also offered to start peace negotiations with "the legally elected president of the Chechen Republic, Aslan Maskhadov." On June 29, 2002, the plenum of the federal board of the Socialist United Party of Russia (“Spiritual Heritage”) condemned the chairman of the party, IP Rybkin, for this letter. In response, he resigned as head of the party and left the plenum. He characterizes his views as socialist and social democratic. Gives priority to human rights over the rights of the nation and the state. On April 12, 2003, the second congress of the Socialist United Party of Russia unanimously deprived I.P. Rybkin of membership in it for "defamatory ties with Boris Berezovsky." 07/07/2003 members of the party "Liberal Russia" from among the supporters of B. A. Berezovsky delegated to IP Rybkin the powers of the party leader. He heads the "Consent" fund, located in a luxurious mansion of the 19th century, owned by the merchant Stakhaev, since 1921 it has been the Central House of Children of Railway Workers. According to press reports, on the eve of the 1996 presidential election, the fund received half a million dollars. He pays scholarships to excellent students in ten universities, donated computer classes to a number of schools. According to IP Rybkin, he has no accounts or securities in foreign banks. He privatized a service apartment in Protochny Lane with a living area of 176 square meters. According to press reports, it is related to a five-room apartment on Zvenigorodskaya Street with an area of 220 square meters, bought for 800 thousand dollars from the family of the aircraft designer Ilyushin allegedly by a certain Mr. Yaroslavsky, who was not seen there, but often met the personal "SAAB" of I.P. official "Mercedes" (Komsomolskaya Pravda. 05.02.1999). In 1999, his dacha in the village of Starovo, Yaroslavl Region, was robbed. He owns dachas No. 47 and 47a on the rights of private ownership in the elite dacha village Zhukovka-3 near Moscow, which is not subject to privatization. For several years he was in the leadership of five parties (CPSU, Socialist Party of Workers, Communist Party of the Russian Federation, APRF, Socialist Party of Russia). There was a moment when he was in the leadership of three political structures at the same time, which had different political goals and were not part of the coalition. Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (1997). He signed the books State Duma: The Fifth Attempt, We Are Doomed to Consent, A Safe World for Russia, and Russia Will Gain Consent. At the end of December 2003, he was nominated by an initiative group of 700 representatives from 60 regions of Russia for the post of President of the Russian Federation. On February 2, 2004, he published a statement in the Kommersant newspaper “Putin has no right to power in Russia”, where he argued that “the actions of President Putin and his inner circle should be regarded by society as state crimes”, accused the authorities of “actual destruction of the Constitution ", unleashing a war in Chechnya and the authorities' attempts to "intimidate all of us." He called V.V. Putin "the largest oligarch in Russia", as well as the names of people who, in his opinion, are "responsible for Putin's business." He likes to read fiction, is fond of agriculture, chess, car business. Plays the guitar, sings romances and Cossack songs. Married. There are two daughters. The eldest, Larisa, studied at one of the American universities.
Ivan Rybkin is a well-known domestic political and statesman, has a doctorate in political sciences. From 1994 to 1996, he served as chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation, and later for several years he was secretary of the Security Council.
Biography of a politician
Ivan Rybkin was born in 1946. Grew up in a peasant family. He was born in the village of Semigorka in the Higher Education received at the Agricultural Institute in Volgograd. He graduated in 1968 with honors, becoming the owner of the specialty "mechanical engineer". In 1974 he completed his postgraduate studies at the same university. He received a PhD in Engineering.
In the future, Ivan Rybkin continued to improve his education. To do this, he entered a university organized by the CPSU. He received a diploma from the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU. Two years later he graduated from the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Labor career
Ivan Petrovich Rybkin began working in 1968 on the Zavety Ilyich collective farm as a senior engineer. It was located in the Novoanninsky district of the Volgograd region. After he served in the army.
In 1987, he received the post of First Secretary of the Soviet District Committee in Volgograd. In 1991, when cardinal transformations began in the country, Ivan Rybkin was the head of the department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
Political activity
When the August putsch failed, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was dissolved. After that, Rybkin took part in the creation of the Agrarian Party of Russia. It was originally a left-wing political movement until 2009 when its registration was temporarily suspended. Now the organization declares itself as a center party.
Its first founding congress was held in February. People's Deputy Mikhail Lapshin was elected Chairman. In December of the same year, she took part in the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation. The Agrarian Party of Russia received almost 8% of the votes. It was her best result ever. In total, she had 37 mandates in the federal parliament - 21 on party lists and 16 more in single-mandate districts.
Ivan Rybkin himself, despite his involvement in the "agrarians", was among the initiators of the restoration congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, even entered the presidium.
Participation in the Communist Party
In February 1993, the hero of our article is already participating in the extraordinary congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, which, as a result, it was decided to transform into the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. He is elected a member of the Central Executive Committee. As a result, Ivan Rybkin becomes deputy chairman of the CEC, remaining in this position until April 1994. During the same period, he was a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
Becomes a Member of Parliament. He is nominated for the post of chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation by the "agrarians" faction. As their leader Mikhail Lapshin later recalled, the party had the opportunity to nominate its candidate for speaker, he personally recommended Rybkin then.
The hero of our article himself likes to tell that when he received a certificate of the chairman of the State Duma in the president's office, he told Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin that he would never again allow a repetition of the White House.
Further activities
After the second convocation, Ivan Petrovich Rybkin was replaced as speaker by Gennady Seleznev, who represented the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The hero of our article himself became an ordinary single-member, his center-left bloc did not make it through the party lists.
He went to the vote as the first number in the Ivan Rybkin block. With him in the federal part of the list were also the former head of the presidential administration of Russia, Yuri Petrov, and the researcher of the Arctic and Antarctic. During the election race, Blok stated that they supported the existing government in the person of President Boris Yeltsin, while adhering to left-of-centre views. The block was created during the conference of the Association "Regions of Russia".
Initially, it included significant political forces, but over time, the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, the industrial party, the My Fatherland movement, led by Boris Gryzlov, separated.
However, Rybkin was not left out of work. In the same year he was appointed Secretary of the Security Council. He remained in this position until the spring of 1998. Then, for several weeks, he was Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation in the office of Viktor Stepanovich Chernomyrdin. Rybkin oversaw the issues of the Commission on Affairs of the Union of Independent States and the Chechen Republic. He was appointed on March 1, but on the 23rd of the same month the entire government was dismissed.
After that, in the status of president, he headed the public fund for the promotion of the development of the Russian language.
Presidential elections
2004 was one of the brightest and most memorable in the biography of Ivan Rybkin. He decides to run for the presidency of the Russian Federation. By this time, the first term of Vladimir Putin, who plans to be re-elected, is over. Rybkin expects to become his direct competitor.
It is known that during the election campaign the hero of our article enjoyed the support of Boris Berezovsky, an influential oligarch who by that time had left the country for fear of criminal prosecution.
Rybkin announced his plans to run among 11 other candidates. However, his plans were destined to be disrupted due to a mysterious scandal that dealt a significant blow to his reputation.
Rybkin himself later admitted that he was persuaded for a long time to take part in the presidential elections, including personally Boris Berezovsky. As a result, he decided to take part in the vote to declare that the disappearance of competition in the economy will soon lead to an absence and political competition in the country, which will negatively affect the still fairly young democracy in Russia. Rybkin claims that he was originally going to declare his position, and then withdraw his candidacy, allegedly he did not plan to go to the end from the very beginning.
disappearance
The media learned that on the evening of February 5, 2004, a potential candidate for the presidency of Russia disappeared. Three days later, as required by law, his wife Albina Rybkina appeared at the Arbat police station, where she wrote an official statement about her husband's disappearance. On the same day, a search was launched into his disappearance.
Two days later, the presidential candidate was discovered in Kyiv, a few hours later he flew to Moscow.
If you believe the first statements made by Rybkin himself after this mysterious disappearance, he decided to take a break from the events that preceded the presidential nomination, for a while to forget about the hype that had risen around him. He turned off his mobile phones so that no one would interfere with his rest. Rybkin said that he has the right to a few days of personal life, stressing that he often travels to Kyiv to walk the streets with friends, and besides, the weather was fine on the weekend.
His supporters commented rather harshly on the disappearance of Ivan Rybkin in February 2004. The head of his campaign headquarters, who was previously the editor-in-chief of the Kommersant newspaper and the general director of the ORT television channel, said that if everything is true, as her boss said, then this means the end of his political career.
Fugitive oligarch Boris Berezovsky, who was the main sponsor of Rybkin's election campaign, said that after such a stunt such a politician no longer exists in Russia.
It is interesting that there were also opposite points of view on this matter. For example, some believed that the whole story with his disappearance was organized just by his supporters. The ex-general prosecutor said that all this was an original PR campaign in which Berezovsky took part. And State Duma deputy Nikolai Kovalev suspected that the disappearance was a PR project for Ksenia Ponomareva, stressing that he recognized her style and approach to work. Kovalev admitted that he was sure that the disappearance would drag on for no more than four days, and the idea itself caused him Homeric laughter.
Conspiracy versions of the disappearance
Until now, there are opinions that Rybkin did not disappear of his own free will, but when he spoke about the desire to relax, he was cunning. The well-known journalist and human rights activist Anna Politkovskaya, in her book, points to the fact that Rybkin disappeared the day after he publicly announced the possible involvement of Russian President Vladimir Putin in a series of apartment bombings in Moscow in 1999. As a result, these terrorist acts became the justification for the entry of federal troops into the territory of the Chechen Republic, as well as the start of the Second Chechen War.
The publicist and public figure Alexander Goldfarb wrote in his book that Rybkin told him in a personal conversation that he had been kidnapped by agents of the Federal Security Service, who drugged him and took him away in an unknown direction.
According to Goldfarb, Rybkin was lured to Ukraine by promising to arrange a meeting with Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov. At that time, he was listed as the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.
In Kyiv, Rybkin was informed that Maskhadov would arrive in two hours, and during this time they offered to have lunch. Allegedly, the presidential candidate ate several sandwiches, and after that he did not remember anything. He was unconscious for four days, and when he woke up on February 10, he was shown a video in which, according to him, he committed "disgusting acts" with "terrible perverts." They began to blackmail Rybkin, forcing him to refuse to participate in the presidential elections, otherwise they threatened to publish the video.
Rybkin himself later emphasized in an interview that he was leaving for Kyiv for a confidential meeting, planning to stay there for no more than two days. He did not see anything surprising in the fact that he did not warn his wife about this, since, according to him, he often did not tell her where he was going.
He then told Goldfarb that he feared for his safety, and therefore expected to continue participating in the presidential race from abroad. But already on March 5, it became known that Rybkin was officially withdrawing his candidacy. In an interview with journalists, he said that he did not want to participate in this "farce".
According to another version of his disappearance, which was voiced in Andrey Kondrashov's documentary Berezovsky, aired on the Russia-1 channel, Rybkin was taken to Ukraine to be killed. This was supposed to help cancel in 2004. The point was that all the already registered candidates did not have the right to be nominated for re-elections. Allegedly, by killing Rybkin, Berezovsky planned to remove Putin from power in order to ensure victory in the presidential race for his candidate. Plans to eliminate Rybkin were thwarted by the Ukrainian special services as a result. The documentary was released on TV screens in 2012.
Then the Dozhd TV channel turned to the very hero of our article in order to once again find out the circumstances of his disappearance. However, Rybkin repeated his version that he left for Kyiv voluntarily in order to meet his acquaintances in confidence.
Election results
As a result, in 2004 Rybkin was recognized as an unregistered candidate. Multimillionaire Anzori Aksentiev-Kikalishvili, pharmaceutical tycoon Vladimir Bryntsalov, ex-head of the Central Bank Viktor Gerashchenko, chairman of the public movement "For Social Justice" Igor Smykov, ex-owner of the Alisa exchange German Sterligov found themselves in the same position. All of them have not been registered for the post of President of the Russian Federation.
Six candidates were allowed to vote. Sergei Mironov, who at that time represented the Russian Party of Life, failed to get even 1% of the vote, Oleg Malyshkin from the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia received 2%, Irina Khakamada, registered as a self-nominated candidate, 3.8%.
The third place was taken by another independent candidate - Sergey Glazyev. 4.1% of voters voted for him. The second was the candidate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Nikolai Kharitonov (13.7%).
Vladimir Putin won a convincing victory in the elections, having received the support of more than 71% of voters who came to the polls. In total, 49.5 million people voted for him.
Further activities of Rybkin
Little is known about Ivan Rybkin's family. He has a wife Albina, while he prefers not to advertise his private life. After the failure in the 2004 presidential election, Rybkin rarely appears in public.
It is known that in 2011 he became one of the applicants for a rally and procession in Moscow on the Day of the Russian flag on August 22.
Now he is 71 years old, the hero of our article himself calls himself a retired politician. He lives permanently in the Moscow region - in the village of Dubki, located not far from Odintsovo. He admits that he has been reading a lot lately, especially addicted to Russian classics (Lermontov, Bunin, Yesenin, Nekrasov), and is working on his own books of memoirs.
Ivan Rybkin is no longer involved in politics, although he closely follows everything that happens in the country.
