Which Russian party was the successor of populism. Populist movement in Russia in the 19th century

whose ideologist was

Lavrov Petr Lavrovich(1823-1900)

Major works: "Historical Letters", "Essays on Practical Philosophy".

On formation philosophical views P. Lavrov was influenced by the ideas of O. Comte, G. Spencer, K. Marx.

Main idea. chief driving factor development of civilization, Lavrov considered the power scientific knowledge, and the carriers of this knowledge, in his opinion, were "critically thinking individuals" (intelligentsia) - the main transforming force in society. He argued that since the "civilized Russian minority" (intelligentsia) was indebted to the people for its "liberation from physical labor” in the name of mental improvement, then it must pay its debt to the people - enlightening and educating them, propagating the ideas of social equality and preparing the people for revolution.

conspiratorial direction revolutionary populism - an extremely radical trend, the ideologist of which was P. N. Tkachev

Tkachev Petr Nikitich(1844-1885).

Main works: « Open letter Mr. Friedrich Engels" and a number of articles in the journal "Nabat".

Main idea. P. Tkachev believed that with the “wild ignorance” and “servile conservative instincts” of the people, neither propaganda nor agitation would cause peasant uprising. The people can only be used as a destructive force in the hands of a "revolutionary minority" (a highly conspiratorial organization of revolutionaries) who must seize power, create a "revolutionary state" and start a "new rational order".

54. The rebellious trend of revolutionary populism, whose ideologist was M. A. Bakunin - one of the prominent theorists of anarchism

Bakunin Mikhail Alexandrovich(1814-1876). Born into a noble family, he was brought up in a spirit of devotion to the king and religion. He studied at the Mikhailovsky Artillery School in St. Petersburg (1828-1834). He served in artillery units in the Minsk and Grodno provinces. Retired in 1836, he settled in Moscow. In 1840 he went to Germany, listened to lectures in Berlin University. From 1843 - in Switzerland, then in Paris (where he met P. Proudhon), established contacts with Polish emigrants, with the help of whom he hoped to arrange revolutionary speeches in Russia. In 1847 on demand Russian government expelled from France. In 1848 - one of the leaders of the Prague uprising and the Dresden uprising of 1849. Arrested, was in the prisons of Saxony, Austria, was sentenced to death everywhere, pardoned and finally, in 1851, transferred Russian authorities. Contained in Petropavlovsk, Shlisselburg fortress. In 1857 he was exiled to Siberia. In 1861 he fled through Japan and America to London. He collaborated in the Kolokol newspaper, supported the Polish uprising of 1863-1864, joined the 1st International, from where he was expelled in 1872 as the founder of the anarchist organization Alliance and for personal misconduct (did not translate K. Marx’s Capital, spent the received advance for it). Lived in Italy, then in Switzerland. Died in Bern.

Main works:"Statehood and Anarchy", "Knuto-German Empire", "Federalism, Socialism and Antitheologism".

Main idea. M. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant is a rebel and a born socialist, and therefore one should not teach him rebellion, you just need to call for rebellion. The revolutionary must play the role of a spark that unites scattered uprisings (rebellions) "into a general revolt", with the aim of eliminating the existing state and preventing the creation of a new one. Of course, the task of such a rebellion is a social revolution and the destruction of the state, the main goal of the revolution is the destruction of inequality between people. As a result social revolution created new system- "a free federation of workers' associations - agricultural and factory-handicraft", the prototype of which was the peasant community. Bakunin formulated the principles of a stateless (anarchist) society: anarchist federalism, the court is carried out popular assembly, customary law operates, there is no army (it is replaced by the militia - the armed people) and officials, and there are also collective property, compulsory labor, freedom of thought, speech, conscience, assembly.

The ideology of the populists, which appeared in the Russian Empire in the 1860s-1910s, advocated the transition of society to "just" socialism straight from feudalism, skipping over capitalism. The idea was proposed by Herzen and developed by Bakunin, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky. Marxists opposed. They argued that the system nascent in Russia could only be capitalist.

In fact, the activities of the populists are a kind of bridge in the revolutionary movement: from the noble (or Decembrist) stage to the Marxist (that is, the proletarian). However, the masses turned out to be immune to the propaganda of the revolution. Yes, and government repression suppressed this initiative. Nevertheless, it left a bright mark that the history of Russia remembers. Who are the Populists and why are they famous? We will talk about this in detail in the article.

In search of the people's truth

Who are populists in the 19th century? These are intellectuals, raznochintsy who were looking for their place in society. They were tormented by the thought that they had long since cut themselves off from the people, their wisdom and truth. The peasants were said to be morally superior to themselves. Only they are illiterate, live in poverty, suffer from injustice. And we need to get close to them, open their eyes and guide them on the right path. This is the duty of the intelligentsia to the people. It is necessary to equalize all social strata and take the best from each.

Also, the worldview of the newly-minted defenders of working people was based on the opinion that Russia is an original country. The peculiarity of its economy is people's production. Therefore, it has a unique, different from other states, path of development. The populists sought to develop their own, which would be suitable for both industrialists and ordinary peasants. Herzen, for example, wrote about purely "Russian socialism." This was the signal for action.

Origins of the doctrine

Today, scientists emphasize how multifaceted the history of Russia was. And among many other political currents, of particular interest is the question of who the Narodniks are and what is the soil that gave rise to this phenomenon. Why did seemingly sound undertakings run into a wall of misunderstanding?

Russia of those years - agrarian, backward. Capitalism is underdeveloped. The life of the peasants was controlled by the land community. The workers included in it owned a common plot of land. Society guaranteed them normal work and family life, provided equal rights for everyone, protected the villagers from the harassment of large landowners, officials.

Later, when social stratification began in the village, the community became a brake on the development of peasant farms. In the meantime, she was a model device Russian society and occupied a special place in people. This was seized upon by those who propagated the populist movement.

Herzen - the forerunner of populism - observed how sadly the revolutions of 1848-1849 ended in Europe. He lost faith in European socialism. Comparing his own country with those of the West, he came to the conclusion that socialism in Russia must first be established. And it's not that difficult. After all, the community in the countryside is a ready-made cell of socialist society. Here main point answers to the question: who are the populists?

Equality or justice?

Those who came out to defend the rights of the disadvantaged claimed justice as the basis of the society of the future. And this is also understandable. Traditionally, the entire Russian culture is based on it. “I do not demand equality, but justice!” - exclaimed in Dostoevsky's novel. This theme is constantly heard in one form or another in the literature and press of the period 1860-1910. And here is a clear vision of who the populists are in history, how they differ from other revolutionary-minded groups. Thus, the Marxists emphasized the equality of people. And this did not meet the aspirations of the Russian people. After all, the Marxists were far from the realities of Russia, culture. Didn't feel it deeply.

Peasant Orientation

To better understand who the Narodniks are, one must remember Herzen with his "Russian socialism." He turned his attention to the peasants. After all, this is a vast social base! Therefore, the goal is to eliminate the landownership of the landowners, to free the villagers with their allotments (without redemption), to introduce self-government.

Chernyshevsky thought that the community would first fulfill the role of a special form of production, in parallel with the capitalist one, and then slowly oust it.

From revolutionaries to anarchists

You also need to know the types of this movement in order to clearly understand who the populists are. There were three main currents: revolutionary or radical, liberal or propaganda, and anarchist.

The liberals, under the leadership of their ideologist P. Lavrov, had an idea about some special, but by no means a capitalist trajectory of Russia's development. Yes, they also called for a better life ordinary people. But in what way? Reformist. Their demands are to destroy the remnants feudal system, liquidate the landownership of large landowners and do everything so that the "ulcers of capitalism" do not penetrate into Russia. They knew the theory of Marxism well. All three volumes of Capital were read and even translated into Russian. But for themselves they considered it unacceptable.

Any terror, violence they rejected. The leading force in history is the intelligentsia. After all, she knows how to think critically. And the peasants are not at all ready for the revolution. This means that propagandists should first be trained - from the intelligentsia. And let them go to the people, tell. But not in order to gather the masses for an immediate revolt. It is necessary to lead the villagers to the beginning of the revolution by a long explanatory work.

What did they do in practice? They had a "theory of small things". In general, the methods of populists are a cultural enlightenment among the population.

There were magazines in circulation, all kinds of public unions and organizations, assemblies, and that is, elected bodies of local self-government.

Especially (already in the 1880s and 1890s) the populists liked the theory of so-called small deeds. The newspaper "Nedelya" convinced readers that it was a matter of honor for intellectuals to help the villagers. They themselves will not overcome the difficulties that have arisen from the elements of a market economy. You can help the peasants by participating in the activities of the zemstvos.

The press appealed to teachers, agronomists, physicians: "Move to the countryside and improve the life of the peasants by personal work." Magazine " Russian wealth He vigorously discussed the problems of the village. The publicist A. Engelhardt, the writer L. Tolstoy and other prominent contemporaries called for "settle on the ground". They talked about the moral superiority of the people over educated people.

We'll go the other way

The radicals, or revolutionary populists, united in an underground organization. They called themselves adherents of Chernyshevsky. Their criterion was the same - a quick and ruthless overthrow of the tsar and an immediate transition to socialism.

A prominent figure among them is Lenin's brother. He was one of the organizers and leaders of the terrorist faction "Narodnaya Volya". It was Ulyanov Sr. who drew up a program for their struggle against tsarism.

In just a year, these revolutionary Narodniks created their secret network. And this is 80 groups. Approximately five thousand activists - in the center and in the field. In general, a detachment of several thousand like-minded people gathered. The Narodnaya Volya committed five attempts on the life of Alexander II, who went down in history as a "liberator" and " great reformer". After all, it was he who abolished serfdom, carried out financial and other reforms. However, the terrorists stubbornly hunted him. During the last assassination attempt on March 1, 1881, the emperor was mortally wounded.

Interesting fact: Alexander Ulyanov sold his gold medal, which he received for his studies, and bought explosives for a bomb with this money.

The 21-year-old terrorist was captured in preparation and executed. After such a tragic denouement, young Lenin said: “No, we will go the other way!”

Then mass arrests of "troublemakers", high-profile show trials, and executions followed in the country. In just three years (from 1881 to 1884), ten thousand people were repressed. So it ceased to exist People's Will».

Rebels by blood

Anarchists are the third branch of populism. Not only did they not think of patching holes in any state, but they did not recognize any of them. P. Kropotkin and M. Bakunin - the ideologists of Russian anarchism - convinced that any power suppresses, enslaves the individual. And Russians are rebels by vocation, by blood. The peasants are ready for revolution. Therefore, the matter is small - to organize a nationwide revolt. And he will sweep away this state and will not allow the creation of a new one. Any state apparatus, by definition, is already evil.

Kropotkin spoke of the leading role of the masses. They can reformat the country. One has only to create autonomies, communes and federations.

Can't endure anymore

What other methods were used by the populists? A mass of illegal and semi-legal circles sprang up all over the country. Only some were just propagandists, others were conspirators.

Student circles flooded Kharkov, Moscow and other cities. For the most part, young people preferred the overthrow of the monarchy through revolution. The new device is a union of regions. Of course, federal, which is controlled by an elected assembly.

Land and Freedom enjoyed great influence in the capital - secret society. Also in St. Petersburg and Moscow, the group "People's Reprisal" worked. Its members were preparing nothing less than a "peasant revolution".

Penitent nobles

There were even such circles as "Penitent nobles". They devoted their whole lives to making amends to the peasants for centuries of guilt for themselves and their ancestors.

In a word, one way or another, but everyone wanted to awaken their "socialist instincts" in the people. All this was very popular, new, great. Prose writers and journalists diligently wrote on these topics. Artists created pictures. So, Ilya Repin's painting "The Arrest of a Propaganda" was received with a bang.

But gradually populism began to lose its popularity and influence in society. Especially since the working class was already raising its head.

It was a utopia

Pyotr Struve, an economist and politician, convincingly explained who the Narodniks were. This is an idealization of and and primitive equality. Just offered obsolete economic order, which was built into a whole socio-political system. In essence, this is the ideology of the intelligentsia, not the people.

In addition, similar proposals arise in countries with agrarian economies. And it was during their transition to industrialization. Admirers of these ideas intend to develop some model of non-capitalist development and gradually adapt the population to the rules of a modernized economy. But it doesn't work because it's unrealistic.

positive footprint

The merit of the Narodniks is that their doctrine and activities helped in many ways to consolidate the nation - through the elimination of class differences. The prerequisites were formed to create a legal space - a single one for all strata of society without exception.

It also clearly proved the fallacy of intentions to conserve small-scale peasant farming for centuries. Terror tactics also did not bring results.

A new generation was growing up, ready for self-sacrifice in the fight against the outdated regime.

Populists

The arrest of the propagandist. Painting by artist I.E. Repin, 1880- 1882

Populists- these are representatives of the radical intelligentsia and raznochintsy in the second half of the 19th century.

Narodnik ideas:

    Speech against serfdom

    The overthrow of the autocracy

    Denial of the capitalist path of development of Russia

    Holding peasant revolution

    Transition to the socialist path of development

Founders of Populism:

    A.I. Herzen- created a theory "peasant socialism". He did not reject the idea of ​​a peasant revolution, but preferred reforms carried out by the authorities under the pressure of progressive public opinion.

    N.G. Chernyshevsky, he believed that the only way to move to socialism could only be a revolution, he argued. That for its implementation it is necessary that certain political and social conditions develop.

Interesting fact. In 1861, a proclamation was circulated

“Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers”, in which it was explained to the people in an accessible form that peasant reform has a predatory character, it was made sure that the people would not believe the king, they were preparing for an organized performance. Suspicion of writing the proclamation fell on N.G. Chernyshevsky, he was arrested.

From the history

    1861-1864 - organization activities "Land and freedom» (N.N. Obruchev, A.A. Sleptsov, N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solov'evichi and others)

    Activity populist circles:

    "People's massacre" (1869-1871), S.G. Nechaev

    "Tchaikovsky" In Petersburg, N.V. Tchaikovsky, N.V. Natanson. In 1871 they united with the circle of S.L. Perovskaya. initiators of "going to the people". In 1874, many were convicted "Process of the 193s".

    terrorist group "Hell". N.A. Ishutin, I.A. Khudyakov.1863-1866. In 1866 they organized an assassination attempt on Alexander 2 ( D. Karakozov)

    1873-1875 - "Going to the people".

"Land and freedom" 1861-1864

Three directions:

    Rebellious. M.A. Bakunin: the revolution does not need to be prepared, the rebellious instinct is inherent in the people. The youth must go to the people in order to call on the people to the revolution, "to call for the axe."

Ideas: denial of the state as a form of suppression of man, the need for self-government of the people (workers' associations, groups, communities, regions)

    propaganda. P.L. Lavrov: the intelligentsia must go to the people, enlighten them, prepare them for the revolution.

Ideas: building a just socialist society based on peasant community, the original development of Russia, the "unrequited debt" of the nobility to the people.

    Conspiratorial. P.N.Tkachev: one should not wait until the people are ready for revolution, the monarchy does not have strong roots, it is necessary to prepare the organization for the seizure of power, and before that - arrange terror against top officials.

Ideas: establishment of universal equality. Replacing old state institutions with new ones as a result of the revolution, maintaining a strong centralized state after the revolution.

similarity three directions in populism:

    The people, the peasantry - the main driving force in the revolution

    The basis of the state under socialism is the peasant community

    Building a socialist society - a society of universal equality

    Organizing force revolution - revolutionary the consignment

"Land and freedom" 1876-1879

Program:

    Establishment of a democratic republic

    Creation of Parliament

    Wide application of self-management

    Equality of women

    Transfer of land to peasants

Representatives:

    G.V. Plekhanov

    A.D.Mikhailov

    V.N. Figner

    S.L. Perovskaya

    N.A.Morozov

    S.M. Kravchinsky

Two directions:

    Propaganda. "Black redistribution" G.V. Plekhanov and others (1879-1881), an opponent of terror tactics, advocated propaganda among the workers, for demands for civil and political freedoms, and improved working conditions. Since 1880, the leaders in exile. In 1883, the Emancipation of Labor group was created.

    "People's Will". Terrorist. A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya and others. Supporters of not only active propaganda, but also terror: the organization of riots and uprisings, the penetration of workers and soldiers into the environment, the preparation of a political coup and the seizure of power, the implementation socialist revolution. Carried out 8 attempts. Among them: 1878 - V. Zasulich's attempt on General F.F. Trepov, 1879 - attempt on Alexander 2 A. Solovyov, 1779 - gendarme chief N.V. Mezentsev was killed, 1881 - Alexander 2's assassination. The defeat of the organization, the execution of its leaders .

Similarities between "Land and Freedom" of the 1860s and 1870s:

    Program match. Transfer of land to peasants

    Community organization society

    civil liberties

difference "Lands and freedoms" of the 1860s and 1870s:

    The first organization planned the preparation of the peasant revolution

    The second - planned more long-term propaganda work

1980-90s. Populism lost its revolutionary character, passed to liberal positions ("theory of small deeds", "quiet cultural Work" ). The form of overcoming the ideas of populism became Marxism with his idea proletarian revolution. The organization started "Emancipation of Labor" in 1883. ,supervisor - G.V. Plekhanov.

The meaning of populism:

    The populist movement awakened the advanced forces of Russia to fight against the autocracy

    By their willingness to give their lives for the people, the populists became an example for many subsequent generations of fighters for justice.

    Dealt a significant blow to tsarism

Reasons for the collapse of populism:

    The desire to carry out a socialist peasant revolution, which was utopian, since the peasantry had something to lose.

    Wrong tactics of terror

    The lack of a unified leadership and methods of struggle, the disunity of circles and their small number

Material prepared: Melnikova Vera Alexandrovna

Populism - the ideology and movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. She opposed serfdom and the capitalist development of Russia, for the overthrow of the autocracy through a peasant revolution.

Ancestors - A.I. Herzen, N.G. Chernyshevsky. Ideologists - M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev.

The main populist organizations of the 1860s and 1880s were “Ishutins”, “Chaikovtsy” (organizers of “going to the people”), “Muscovites”, “Land and Freedom”, “Black Redistribution”, “Narodnaya Volya”.

Therefore, the populists needed an ideology that could inspire them to work in spite of unfavorable conditions.

Another idea put forward by populist thinkers was a specific understanding of progress. They denied progress in the then generally accepted sense - as "the natural course of things", as a result of which there is an accumulation of knowledge, a division of labor, and an increase in production.

In general, the ideology of populism is based on the conclusions that

Russia has a special path of historical development;

Capitalism is an alien phenomenon for Russia;

Autocracy has no social support;

The future of Russia is socialism, to which the country will come, bypassing capitalism;

The cell of socialism is the peasant community;

The leading force of the peasantry is the party of professional revolutionaries.

1. Rebellious (anarchist) direction - Mikhail Bakunin; 2. Propaganda (liberal-revolutionary) direction - Pyotr Lavrov; 3. Conspiratorial (social-revolutionary) direction - Pyotr Tkachev.

Since the late 1860s, several dozen populist circles have been active in large Russian cities. In the spring and summer of 1874, the Chaikovites, followed by members of other circles, set out to conduct propaganda in the villages of Moscow, Tver, Kursk and Voronezh provinces. This movement was called a "flying action", and later - "first going to the people." By the end of 1875, more than 900 members of the movement (out of 1,000 activists), as well as about 8,000 sympathizers and followers, were arrested and convicted. "Land and Freedom" organized the first demonstration in the history of Russia - December 6, 1876 at the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. A banner with the slogan "Land and Freedom" was unfurled on it, and G.V. Plekhanov delivered a speech. On January 24, 1878, V. I. Zasulich made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F. F. Trepov, who ordered the flogging of the political prisoner-student A. S. Bogolyubov. In the same month, the circle of V. A. Osinsky - D. A. Lizogub, operating in Kyiv and Odessa, organized the murders of police agent A. G. Nikonov, Kyiv gendarmerie captain G. E. Geiking (the initiator of the expulsion of revolutionary-minded students) and Kharkov Governor-General D.N. Kropotkin. On August 4, 1878, S. M. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky killed the St. Petersburg chief of gendarmes N. V. Mezentsov with a dagger in response to his signing the verdict on the execution of the revolutionary I. M. Kovalsky. On March 13, 1879, an attempt was made on the life of Mezentsov's successor, General A. R. Drenteln. The leaflet of "Land and Freedom" (chief editor - N. A. Morozov) finally turned into an organ of terrorists. Those who considered it necessary to abandon the methods of terror (Plekhanov, L. G. Deich, P. B. Axelrod, Zasulich, and others) united in a new political formation, calling it the "Black Repartition" (meaning the redistribution of land on the basis of the peasant customary law, "in black"). Supporters of terror created the organization "Narodnaya Volya". In a short period of time, within a year, the people created a branched organization headed by the Executive Committee. Narodnaya Volya members made 5 attempts on Alexander II (the first - on November 18, 1879). On March 1, 1881, the emperor was killed by them. 25. "Counter-reforms" of the 80s of the 19th century. Alexander 3.

Alexander III Peacemaker (1881 - 1894).

On April 29, 1881, the emperor signed (published on April 30, 1881) a document drawn up by Pobedonostsev, known in historiography as the Manifesto on the inviolability of autocracy, which announced a departure from the previous liberal course.

Alexander III replaced liberal figures in the government with hardliners. The concept of counter-reforms was developed by its main ideologist KN Pobedonostsev. He argued that the liberal reforms of the 60s led to upheavals in society, and the people, left without guardianship, became lazy and wild; called for a return to the traditional foundations of national life.

1881 - the abolition of the temporarily liable state of the peasants (they set a specific deadline and decided that by January 1883 all temporarily liable peasants should be transferred for redemption; the sovereign and the government were forced to accept this situation due to peasant unrest and riots that took place everywhere, in all provinces) .

The beginning of the 1880s was marked by a number of important positive measures designed to eliminate the shortcomings of the previous reign and alleviate the plight of the masses. The reduction of redemption payments, the legalization of the obligation to buy out peasant plots, the establishment of a peasant land bank for issuing loans to peasants for the purchase of land (1881-1884) were aimed at smoothing out the unfavorable aspects of the 1861 reform for the peasants.

Strengthening military power. During the reign, 114 new warships were launched, including 17 battleships and 10 armored cruisers; the Russian fleet took 3rd place in the world after England and France in a number of world fleets.

Great strides have been made in the development of industry. Thus, a real technical revolution began in metallurgy. The output of pig iron, steel, oil, and coal in the period from the mid-1880s to the end of the 1890s increased at a record pace in the entire history of pre-revolutionary industry. According to historians and contemporaries, this was the result of the government's protectionist policy, which began shortly after the beginning of the reign of Alexander III. Alexander III took a number of measures to eradicate the corruption and abuse that had intensified in the previous reign. The reign of Emperor Alexander III foreign policy was marked by an unprecedented period of peace.

The main directions of the foreign policy of Alexander III were as follows:

strengthening influence in the Balkans; search for reliable allies; maintaining peaceful relations with all countries; establishment of borders in the south of Central Asia; consolidation of Russia in the new territories of the Far East. 1891-1894 - the conclusion of the Russian-French alliance.

During the reign of Alexander III, there was a sharp decrease in the protest actions characteristic of the second half of the reign of Alexander II.

In appearance, character, habits and the very mindset, Alexander III did not resemble

on his father. The emperor was distinguished by high (193 cm) growth. In his youth, he had exceptional strength. According to the historian P. A. Zaionchkovsky, “Alexander III was quite modest in his personal life. He did not like lies, he was a good family man, he was hardworking, ”working on state affairs, often until 1-2 in the morning; at the same time, he was limited and "was only able to think in a straight line." As S. Yu. Witte wrote, “Emperor Alexander III had an absolutely outstanding nobility and purity of heart, purity of morals and thoughts.” On October 20, 1894, Alexander III died of jade.

“… slaves today are rebels tomorrow; the merciless knives of rebellion are forged from the chains of slavery” (K.S. Aksakov).

It would seem that these words should belong to a true revolutionary. However, the author of this statement is the head of the Russian Slavophiles and the ideologist of Slavophilism, Konstantin Sergeevich Aksakov, a Russian publicist, poet, literary critic, historian and linguist, who absolutely did not share the views of the revolutionaries and did not participate in their movement, for some time he was a member of Stankevich's circle. Slavophilism-literary and religious-philosophical current of Russian public thought- focused on identifying the identity of Russia, its differences from the West. They substantiated the thesis of a special, different from the Western European Russian path, developing along which Russia can take place as a state and convey the Orthodox truth to those who have fallen into heresy and atheism. European nations. The Slavophiles claimed that Russia had special type culture that arose on the spiritual soil of Orthodoxy. They also rejected the opinion of Westerners that Peter the Great returned Russia to the bosom of European countries, and it must now repeat this path in political, economic and cultural development.

K.S. Aksakov "On the internal state of Russia"

K.S. Aksakov

In 1855, he wrote a note to Alexander II “On internal state Russia”, in which he claims that Russians are a “non-state people”, i.e. not seeking participation in management, and therefore alien to the revolutionary and constitutional principles. Even before the adoption of Christianity, communities formed the basis of the life of the Russian people. State element appeared later as a result of alien influence. Aksakov contrasts the state ( sovereign) public ( zemstvo), by the latter understanding spiritual and moral activity, while the state is “primarily a military matter”, the meaning of which is “protection and preservation of the life of the people”. Russian state basically a monarchy, for the strictest discipline and unity of command in military affairs are balanced by independence of conscience and thought in public affairs. However, according to K.S. Aksakov, this harmony states and land was violated by Peter I, under which the government separated itself from the people. The state began to interfere in the affairs of the earth, from a servant of the people, it turned into an idol, requiring unquestioning obedience in everything. This is how “internal ulcers” appeared in Russia: a split, serfdom and bribery.

Here is how he writes about it: The Russian people are not a state people, that is, not striving for state power, not desiring political rights for themselves, not even having in itself the germ of the people's lust for power. The very first proof of this is the beginning of our history: the voluntary calling of a foreign government in the person of the Varangians, Rurik and his brothers. Another strong proof of this is Russia in 1612, when there was no tsar ... In 1612, the people called for state power, elected the tsar and entrusted their destiny to him unlimitedly, peacefully laying down their arms and going home ... In Russian history there is not a single uprising against the government in favor of popular political rights. Novgorod itself, once recognizing the power of the Tsar of Moscow over itself, no longer rebelled against him in favor of its former structure. In Russian history, there are uprisings for legitimate power against lawless ...

Isn't it strange after this that the government in Russia is constantly taking some kind of measures against the possibility of a revolution, is afraid of some political uprising which, above all, is contrary to the essence of the Russian people! All such fears, both in the government and in society, come from the fact that they do not know Russia and are less familiar with the history of Western Europe than with Russian; and therefore they see Western ghosts in Russia, which are not and cannot be in it ... "

Populism - the ideology of the intelligentsia

I. Repin "The arrest of the propagandist"

Why, when we started talking about populism, did we devote so much space to the opinion of the Slavophile Aksakov? Not at all by accident. The fact is that when people talk about the populist movement, they first of all remember their most radical direction: revolutionary, terrorist, and their figures and leaders - eager to seize power, merciless and deprived of moral foundations people. But ideologically, populism was heterogeneous. And the fact that this movement arose in the country is not the result of someone's ideological fantasy, but objective reality. Populism- the ideology of the intelligentsia in the Russian Empire in the 1860-1910s, focused on "rapprochement" with the people in search of their roots, their place in the world. The populist movement was connected with the intelligentsia's sense of losing their connection with folk wisdom, folk truth.

It became obvious that the peasant reform of 1861 turned out to be half-hearted, it disappointed not only the peasants, but also everyone who was at least somewhat interested in the social life of the country. Many realized that a more reliable means of achieving the goal was a revolution by the forces of the peasantry, and it was they, the Narodniks, who had to rouse the peasants to the revolution. The cry “to the people!” thrown by Herzen in the autumn of 1861 turned out to be prophetic and became a program for them for decades to come.

N. Ogarev and A. Herzen

In 1861, tuition fees were introduced at universities, many students were forced to leave their studies. A.I. Herzen wrote about this in his newspaper Kolokol: “... where can you go, young men, from whom science was locked up? Tell you where? To the people! To the people! – here is your place, exiles of science…” But when they came to the people, they were shocked by its lack of rights, poverty and darkness. Let's listen further to K.S. Aksakov: “But what does the Russian people want for themselves? What is the basis, purpose, concern of his folk life if there is no political element in it at all, which is so active among other peoples? What did our people want when they voluntarily called on the Varangian princes to "rule and reign over them"? What did he want to keep for himself?

He wanted to keep for himself his non-political, his inner public life, their customs, their way of life - the life of a peaceful spirit.

Even before Christianity, ready to accept it, anticipating its great truths, our people formed within itself the life of a community, sanctified later by the adoption of Christianity. Having separated from themselves the government of the state, the Russian people left themselves a public life and instructed the state to give them (the people) the opportunity to live this public life. Not wanting to rule, our people want to live, of course, not only in the animal sense, but in the human sense. Not looking for political freedom, he is looking for moral freedom, freedom of the spirit, freedom of social, people's life within himself ... " . Thus, both the Slavophiles and the populists, inspired by the ideas of Herzen and Chernyshevsky, understood that “not wanting to rule, our people want to live ... not in the animal sense alone, but in the human sense. Not looking for political freedom, he is looking for moral freedom, freedom of spirit, freedom of social, people's life within himself ... ”This understanding of the state of the people formed the basis of the populist movement. Now one can argue that there were, perhaps, other ways to change the situation in Russia at that time, it was possible not to bring things to bloody terror ... But, as you know, history does not know subjunctive mood. Besides, who can now say what these paths might be? The populists, on the other hand, believed that only the social emancipation of the people could immediately solve all problems. Were they wrong? Probably yes. But for these mistakes they paid with their own lives.

Serfdom is the source of revolutionary sentiment

The country was clearly witnessing a crisis of the "tops", i.e. a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, when the “tops” can no longer govern in the old way, can no longer maintain their rule unchanged. Here, by the way, we can recall that back in 1839, the chief of the gendarmes A.Kh. Benckendorff characterized serfdom as a "powder magazine under the state." And 20 years have passed since then. The fortress system slowed down more and more economic development countries. M.P. Pogodin in his "Letters" to the Tsar 1854-1856. spoke about the danger of further preservation of serfdom: “This is where our revolution lies, this is where the dangers threaten us, this is the side from which our wall presents breaches. Stop fussing about the western one, which is almost completely solid, and start repairing the eastern one, which is falling almost without supervision and threatening to fall! Finally, the tsar himself recognizes the need to abolish serfdom. On March 30, 1856, Alexander II addressed the Moscow nobility with a speech in which he said historical words: "It is better to abolish serfdom above, than to wait for the time when it will begin to cancel itself from below ”, although he hesitated for a long time before taking the initiative. revolutionary situation in itself does not always lead to revolution - for this a revolutionary class is needed, which grew in the form of a populist movement.

19th century poster

And finally, in 1861, a peasant reform took place, freeing 23 million peasants. landlord peasants, which formed the market for hired labor. The peasants were deceived and robbed, they left the slavery of the landowners into bondage to the same landowners.

The great chain is broken
Broke and hit
One end on the master,
Others - for a man -

so the poet N.A. wrote about the reform. Nekrasov. The half-hearted nature of the reform consisted in the fact that the economic basis became new, capitalist, and inside it the remnants of the old, feudal-serf system were preserved - primarily landownership and the labor system, i.e. processing of landed estates by peasants for land rent, money loans, etc. This hindered the development of the country, which had already firmly embarked on the path of capitalism. That's why class struggle after 1861, it did not subside, but flared up even more strongly, because. to the old social war(peasants against landlords) a new one (workers against capitalists) was added. “There is no freedom without land,” the peasants believed. But the reformers thought differently. The “minute of disappointment”, which Alexander II foresaw, stretched out for years and resulted in an unprecedented upsurge of the peasant movement.

Ideological currents in populism

As mentioned above, populism was ideologically heterogeneous. Several trends were formed in it, but all of them can be combined into three main ones: propaganda (moderate), which was headed by P.L. Lavrov, rebellious (anarchist), headed by M. Bakunin, and conspiratorial (Blanquist), headed by P.N. Tkachev.

There was also a conservative direction in populism, which was closely associated with the Slavophiles and whose activities were mainly represented by the work of journalists, employees of the Nedelya magazine, and a reformist (liberal or legal) direction, which was headed by N. Mikhailovsky. Let us consider some of the most prominent trends in more detail.

Pyotr Lavrovich Lavrov (1823-1900)

P.L. Lavrov

Russian sociologist, philosopher, publicist and revolutionary. Ideologist of moderate populism. From noble family(his father was a member Patriotic War 1812, retired colonel). He taught mathematics at the Konstantinovsky Military School. Lavrov studied the latest European philosophy, published his poems with A. I. Herzen in the collection "Voices from Russia", participated in the work on " encyclopedic dictionary", published a lot on a wide range questions: philosophy, sociology, history of social thought, problems of public morality, art, literature, public education.

In 1860, his first book, Essays on Practical Philosophy, was published. Lavrov believed that a moral person inevitably comes into conflict with an unjust society. Ideal Society in relation to the individual, there can be a system based on a voluntary union of free and moral people.

P.L. Lavrov was a member of the first "Earth and Freedom". After the assassination attempt by D. Karakozov on Alexander II, he was arrested, found guilty of “spreading harmful ideas”, “sympathy and closeness to people known to the government for their harmful direction”, and in January 1867 sentenced to exile in the Vologda province, where he lived with 1867 to 1870 In exile, Lavrov wrote his most famous work, Historical Letters. The "Historical Letters" contained an appeal to "critically thinking" and "energetically striving for the truth individuals", especially young people, to wake up, understand the tasks of the historical moment, the needs of the people, help them realize their strength and, together with them, begin to create history, to fight against the old world, mired in lies and injustice. "Historical Letters" came out when the revolutionary intelligentsia, especially young people, were looking for new opportunities to apply their efforts to participate in the liberation of the people, so this work by Lavrov became one of the ideological stimuli for practical activities revolutionary intellectuals. And although Lavrov himself shared the belief in the need for a social revolution, he severely criticized revolutionary adventurism and said that history should not be "rushed." Violence in the revolution, he believed, should be kept to a minimum.

I. Repin "Refusal of confession"

In 1870 Lavrov left for Paris, where he joined the First International. In order to organize assistance to the besieged Paris Commune traveled to London, where he met K. Marx and F. Engels. After the assassination of Alexander II, he became close to the People's Will and in 1883-1886. edits, together with L. A. Tikhomirov, the Bulletin of the People's Will.

The last years of his life, Lavrov did not break ties with revolutionary movement, edited "Materials for the history of the Russian social-revolutionary movement", wrote theoretical works on the history human thought"The Tasks of Understanding History" and " Highlights in the history of thought. His legacy includes 825 works, 711 letters; about 60 pseudonyms were revealed, articles in the Russian legal press, political poems, including the well-known " New song", which later received the name "Working Marseillaise" ("Let's renounce the old world").

Lavrov died in Paris; buried in the Montparnasse cemetery.

Mikhail Bakunin and Sergei Nechaev

M.A. Bakunin

You can read more about the life and work of M. Bakunin on our website:. Here we will only add that after the Polish uprising he developed his activities in the international socialist movement. At this time, an anarchist doctrine took shape in him, which had long been nurtured in his mind. He was sure that no reforms would change the inhuman essence modern state. So you should go in a revolutionary way"upwards". The requirements of anarchists (in Bakunin's understanding) should be as follows: the transfer of land to peasants, factories to workers, and he also considered it necessary to abolish the family and marriage, public education of children in the spirit of atheism.

In 1869, an even more radical and immoral personality appeared on his way - Sergey Nechaev. Nechaev at that time was 22 years old, he claimed that he had fled from Peter and Paul Fortress. Only much later Bakunin realized that this man could not be trusted in anything, but at first he himself fell under his influence. Nechaev was convinced that any means, even the lowest ones, are suitable for achieving lofty goals. “It is moral (...) everything that contributes to the triumph of the revolution ... A revolutionary is a doomed person; he has no interests of his own, no deeds, no feelings, no attachments, no property, no name. He abandoned worldly science, leaving it to future generations. He knows ... only the science of destruction, for this he studies ... mechanics, chemistry, perhaps medicine .... He despises public opinion, despises and hates ... current public morality, ”Nechaev believed.

Sergei Nechaev (1847-1882)

S.G. Nechaev

Sergei Gennadievich Nechaev - Russian nihilist and revolutionary XIX in. Leader of the "People's Reprisal". Convicted for the murder of student Ivanov.

Nechaev spent his childhood in Ivanovo. After moving to Moscow, he was engaged in self-education. Passed the teacher's exam; from the autumn of 1868 he conducted revolutionary propaganda among the students of St. Petersburg University and medical academy; the student uprisings of February 1869 were largely his work. Then he went abroad, entered into a relationship with Bakunin and Ogaryov. Nechaev had a strong character and knew how to subordinate even people much older than himself to his influence. When student Ivan Ivanov discovered disobedience to Nechaev's will, he decided to eliminate him, and on November 21, 1869, Ivanov was killed in the grotto of the Petrovsky Academy near Moscow by Nechaev himself and his associates. Nechaev managed to escape abroad, and the rest were found and put on trial by the St. Petersburg Court of Justice not only for murder, but also for the formation of a revolutionary society. 87 people were involved in the case. Participants in Ivanov's murder sentenced to hard labor different dates, other accused - to more lenient punishments, some are acquitted.

Abroad, Nechaev published the magazine "People's Punishment". Most Russian emigrants left extremely bad memories about him. Even Bakunin writes about him as a dishonest person, capable of spying, opening other people's letters, lying, etc.

In 1872, the Swiss government extradited Nechaev to Russia as a criminal. He declared that he did not recognize this “Shemyakin court”, shouted several times: “Long live Zemsky Sobor' refused to defend. He was sentenced to hard labor in the mines for 20 years. But this obligation was not fulfilled: Nechaev was not sent to the mines, but imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress, where he was treated not as a criminal, but as a political prisoner. He died in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Nechaev served as the prototype of Peter Verkhovensky in Dostoevsky's novel "Demons"; the plot of Shatov's murder is connected with the murder of Ivanov by Nechaev.

Nechaevshchina turned out to be dangerous phenomenon in the revolutionary movement.

P.A. was also an ideologist of anarchism. Kropotkin.

Pyotr Alekseevich Kropotkin (1842-1921)

P.A. Kropotkin

prince Pyotr Alekseevich Kropotkin- Russian revolutionary, theorist of anarchism, geographer, geomorphologist, historian, writer. His family belonged to ancient family princes of Smolensk in the thirtieth generation. He graduated with honors from the Corps of Pages and was promoted to officer. He voluntarily chose military service in Siberia in the Cossack units, which from the point of view of court officials looked unreasonable. In 1862, 19-year-old Peter was appointed to Chita with the rank of Yesaul as an official for special assignments under the governor of the Transbaikal region. He served in the Amur Cossack army for several years. Participated in expeditions in Eastern Siberia, in Manchuria, where he was engaged in geological, orographic, cartographic and paleoglaciological studies. In 1864, under the name of the merchant Pyotr Alekseev, he crossed Manchuria from west to east. Participated in the expedition of G. F. Chernyaev along the river. Sungari on the ship "Ussuri". He collected material on the social structure of the Buryats, Yakuts and Tungus. He met with the Decembrists D.I. Zavalishin and I. I. Gorbachevsky, exiled convict revolutionary M. L. Mikhailov.

He participated in the commissions for the preparation of the draft reform of prisons and exile systems, as well as on the drafting of city government, but soon became disillusioned with the existing administrative apparatus and lost interest in the idea of ​​a reformist transformation.

Monument to P. Kropotkin in Dmitrov, Moscow Region. Sculptor - A. Rukavishnikov

At the age of 24, he entered the mathematical department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the St. Petersburg Imperial University and at the same time civil service to the Statistical Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which was headed by a prominent geographer and traveler P.P. Semyonov (Tyan-Shansky). In 1868 he was elected a member of the Russian geographical society, was awarded a gold medal for a report on the Olekminsk-Vitemsk expedition, etc.

In the spring of 1867, after the uprising of Polish convicts, Peter and his brother Alexander parted ways with military service. Neither one nor the other did not participate in the suppression of the uprising. During his stay abroad in 1872, he met with representatives of Russian and European revolutionary organizations, in the same year he joined the Jura Federation of the First International, whose leader was Mikhail Bakunin, and upon returning to Russia, without leaving the work of secretary of the department physical geography Russian Geographical Society, became a member of the most significant of the early populist organizations - the Great Society of Agitation, known as the Chaikovtsy circle. Together with other members of the circle, he led revolutionary agitation among the workers of St. Petersburg, was one of the initiators of "going to the people." For belonging to a secret revolutionary circle, he was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. But the significance of what he did in science was so great that, by the personal order of Alexander II, he was given a pen, paper and the opportunity to work in prison, where he wrote the work “Studies on ice age”, substantiating the glacial theory - one of the most important in the Earth sciences. Kropotkin predicted the existence and calculated the coordinates of Franz Josef Land, Severnaya Zemlya and the Kropotkin Barrier as a whole, thanks to which the sovereignty of Russia over the lands discovered by him was preserved, despite their first visits by foreign, and not Russian, expeditions.

I. Repin "They didn't wait"

However, the conditions of the prison undermined his health, with signs of scurvy, he was transferred to the prison department of the Nikolaev military hospital, from where he escaped in the summer of 1876 and soon left Russian empire, making his way through Finland, Sweden and Norway, sailed to England. Then he lived in Switzerland, France. In 1882, Kropotkin, along with Lyon anarchists, was arrested by the French police on charges of organizing explosions in Lyon. Thanks to the protests of a number public figures, he was released and settled in England, where he lived until 1917 and after the February Revolution returned to Russia.

To October revolution Kropotkin reacted ambiguously: he welcomed the very fact of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the formal establishment of power in the form of Soviets, but he was justifiably afraid that, with a clear tendency to concentrate new power in the center, the party that possesses this power did not want to share it with anyone, and most importantly - was afraid to give it to the people, while the revolution should become a cause of the whole people. The Bolsheviks offered P. A. Kropotkin an apartment in the Kremlin, a Kremlin ration, but he firmly refused help, he lived in the city of Dmitrov, Moscow Region. Further development situations, the Red Terror and the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party changed his attitude towards the revolution and forced him to be more critical of it.

In early 1921, Kropotkin fell seriously ill with pneumonia. He was offered enhanced nutrition, special rations. But he did not recognize any privileges and refused rations. He died quietly, "modestly", trying not to cause trouble to anyone with this "procedure".

Pyotr Alekseevich Kropotkin died at the age of 78. He was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.

Pyotr Nikitich Tkachev (1844-1885)

P.N. Tkachev

Pyotr Nikitich Tkachev- Russian literary critic and publicist. Ideologist of the Jacobin trend in populism. From a poor landowning family. Entered on Faculty of Law Petersburg University, but was soon involved in one of the political cases. For participation in student riots, he served several months in the Peter and Paul Fortress. When the university was reopened, Tkachev, without entering the number of students, passed the exam for degree (1868).

Early showed himself as a talented publicist. For revolutionary propaganda among students, he was imprisoned and was constantly under police supervision. During student unrest in St. Petersburg in 1868-69. together with S. G. Nechaev led a radical minority. In the spring of 1869 he was arrested again and in July 1871 he was sentenced to 1 year and 4 months in prison. After serving his sentence, Tkachev soon emigrated abroad.

Tkachev outlined his political views in several pamphlets published by him abroad, and in the Nabat magazine, published under his editorship in Geneva in 1875-76. Tkachev sharply diverged from the then dominant currents in emigre literature, the main exponents of which were P. L. Lavrov and M. A. Bakunin. He was a representative of the "Jacobin" tendencies, opposite to both Bakunin's anarchism and the direction of Lavrov's "Forward!". Tkachev believed that the immediate goal was to create a well-disciplined organization that should not waste time on propaganda, but should seize power as soon as possible. This organization then suppresses the reactionary elements, abolishes all institutions and creates new statehood. According to Tkachev, strong centralized state should continue even after the victory of the revolution (this is where he differs from Bakunin).

AT last years Tkachev wrote little of his life. At the end of 1882, he fell seriously ill and spent the rest of his life in psychiatric hospital. He died in 1886 in Paris, aged 41.

"Land and Freedom"

S. Perovskaya and A. Zhelyabov at the trial. pencil sketch

In 1876, a new organization arose, which took the old name "Land and Freedom". It numbered over 150 people. It included the surviving participants in the walk among the people G. Plekhanov, M. Natanson, and later S. Perovskaya joined. the main objective society consisted in explanatory work among the peasantry. Terrorist activity was allowed only in the form of self-defense. Members of the organization carried out propaganda among the peasants, but their attempts to raise the people to revolt turned out to be naive and futile. A crisis was brewing among them, but after the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, in connection with the rise of patriotic sentiments, the liberal movement also revived.

Trial of Vera Zasulich

Vera Zasulich

In March 1878 took place trial over Vera Zasulich, who shot at the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepov, who ordered the flogging of a prisoner who did not take off his cap in front of him. At the time of the assassination attempt, Zasulich was not a member of any revolutionary organization. Unexpectedly for everyone, the jurors found Zasulich innocent, and the court, presided over by A.F. Koni acquitted her. (Later, Vera Zasulich became a principled opponent of the death penalty and political assassinations). Supporters revolutionary terror understood this verdict as public sympathy for such methods of struggle. A whole avalanche of terrorist actions began. But in the village where the populists were working, everything was calm. Just this circumstance led to despair and disappointment of some of them. Alexander Solovyov, a member of Land and Freedom, openly declared his desire to kill the tsar. And although the majority voted against it, on April 2 he tracked down Alexander II on a walk and shot at him. Read more about this on our website:. This was the beginning of the transformation of "Land and Freedom" into a terrorist organization.

"The dictatorship of the heart" M.T. Loris-Melikova

I. Aivazovsky "Portrait of M.T. Loris-Melikov"

Some time after a series of assassination attempts, Alexander II announced the creation of the Supreme Administrative Commission, headed by the Kharkov Governor-General Count M.T. Loris-Melikov. He was a renowned military general. In his governorship, he fought terrorism resolutely. Subsequently, Emperor Alexander II appointed him Minister of the Interior, and in this post he concentrated the fight against terrorism. Moreover, this struggle was decisive and merciless: he immediately ordered the terrorist who shot him to be hanged. But the repressions of Loris-Melikov were directed exclusively at the revolutionaries, and civilians did not experience any harassment from the government. He liquidated the Third Branch of the Imperial Chancellery and created the Police Department in its place. Weakened censorship. At meetings with newspaper editors, he tried to get their opinion on many issues, for which they called the reign of Loris-Melikov "the dictatorship of the heart." However, the revolutionaries were on their guard, they considered the policy of the Minister of the Interior to be the policy of "fluffy fox tail" and "wolf mouth". Loris-Melikov developed a program of reforms, although he was against the parliament in the Western manner.

In the meantime, the police tracked down the members of the "Narodnaya Volya" and arrested Zhelyabov, thus, the leadership of the "Narodnaya Volya" passed to S. Perovskaya. Read more about how events developed further and about the assassination attempt on Alexander II on our website:,,,.

End of the People's Will

Assassination of Alexander II. Unknown artist

After the death of Alexander II, his successor Alexander III no longer returned to the Loris-Melikov project. The executive committee of Narodnaya Volya was arrested almost completely. On April 3, 1881, five Narodnaya Volya members were publicly hanged: A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. Perovskaya, N.I. Rysakov, T.M. Mikhailov and N.I. Kibalchich. The organization "Narodnaya Volya" broke up into small groups and circles.

What lessons can be learned from their activities?

K.P. Pobedonostsev believed that only the "pure" autocracy that had developed under Peter I and Nicholas I could stop the revolution. And in this he was right. Under Alexander II, the autocracy embarked on the path of constitutional reforms, which were carried out not entirely decisively and consistently, which led to a well-known result.

However, despite this, in people's memory Alexander II forever remained the tsar-liberator.