"A toast to the great Russian people (To the great Russian people)." 1946 (?). Sketch.
"A toast to the great Russian people." 1947 (?)
"A toast to the great Russian people." 1947 National Art Museum Ukraine, Kyiv.
"A toast to the great Russian people." 1949 State Museum and Exhibition Center "ROSIZO", Moscow.
To clarify: despite the attention to this event, I did not find data on how and how many times the artist painted a picture, from which photographic portraits. There are four versions of the reproduction on the Internet, and the dates for the same painting will be different. I bring them all. There is a suspicion that No. 2 (where in the center, between Kalinin and Khrushchev, a certain general (?) with “lost” contrast or acquired “blurring” - as you wish) is not the author's version, but an unsuccessful copy made from the album spread. Or this is a photographic fixation of an intermediate version in the process of author's correction.
The canvas was repeatedly corrected by the author - depending on what the time, the party and the government dictated: either ZHUKOV was sent to an honorary exile in the Odessa military district, then other marshals and admirals were lowered in rank, or even shot, like BERIA.
The canvas depicts: STALIN I.V., MOLOTOV V.M., KALININ M.I. (although he was not at this reception), N. S. Khrushchev, A. A. Zhdanov, K. E. Voroshilov, S. M. Budyonny, K. K. Rokossovsky, A. I. Mikoyan, G. M. Malenkov ., Kaganovich L.M.
L.P. BERIA and G.K. ZHUKOV, who were present at the table, are not shown.
On the evening of May 24, 1945 in the St. George's Hall of the Bolshoi Kremlin Palace a reception was held in honor of the commanders of the Red Army. At this reception, Joseph STALIN made his famous toast. In the 15th volume of his works, he is stated with the reference "According to a newspaper report":
Newspaper report and sheet from Stalin's archive with shorthand and his personal corrections.
The corrected text was placed on May 25, 1945 in the central Soviet newspapers, then repeatedly replicated and interpreted by historians. The very same shorthand record remained inaccessible and was declassified only in the late 1990s.
| From the text of the transcript | From a newspaper report |
I, as a representative of our Soviet government, would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because they deserved in this war and earlier deserved the title, if you like, of the leading force of our Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people, not only because they - leading people, but also because it has common sense, general political common sense and patience. Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of desperate situation in 1941-42, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities of Ukraine, Belarus, Moldavia, Leningrad region, Karelian-Finnish Republic, left because there was no other way out. Some other people could say: you have not justified our hopes, we will put in another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us. It could happen, mind you. But the Russian people did not agree to this, the Russian people did not compromise, they showed boundless confidence in our government. I repeat, we made mistakes, for the first two years our army was forced to retreat, it turned out that they did not master the events, did not cope with the situation that had arisen. However, the Russian people believed, endured, waited and hoped that we would nevertheless cope with the events. For this trust in our government, which the Russian people have shown us, we thank him very much! For the health of the Russian people! (Stormy, long unceasing applause) |
Comrades, allow me to raise one more, last toast. I would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people. (Stormy, prolonged applause, shouts of "Hurrah") I drink, first of all, for the health of the Russian people, because it is the most outstanding nation from all the nations that make up the Soviet Union. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they have earned general recognition as the leading force of the Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people, not only because they are the leading people, but also because they have a clear mind, steadfast character and patience. Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of a desperate situation in 1941-1942, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities in Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, the Leningrad Region, the Baltic States, the Karelian-Finnish Republic, left, because there was no other choice. Another people could say to the government: you have not lived up to our expectations, go away, we will install another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us. But the Russian people did not go for it, because they believed in the correctness of the policy of their government and made sacrifices to ensure the defeat of Germany. And this is the trust of the Russian people Soviet government turned out to be the decisive force that ensured historic victory over the enemy of mankind - over fascism. Thanks to him, the Russian people, for this trust! For the health of the Russian people! (Stormy, long unceasing applause) |
Writers and historians interpreted the meaning of the toast to the Russian people in different ways, sometimes from diametrically opposed positions. This is especially characteristic of post-Soviet Russian historiography.
In total, the shorthand recorded 31 toasts (of which 5 belonged to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief), in which 45 people were discussed. For example, MOLOTOV dedicated his first toast to the Red Army, Red Navy, officers, generals, admirals, marshals of the Soviet Union and, above all, I.V. Stalin, who "led and directs" the entire struggle and led "to a great victory, unprecedented in history." Molotov raised his second glass "to the great party of Lenin-Stalin" and to its headquarters - the Central Committee. And he dedicated this toast to Stalin.
STALIN was the first of those present to offer to drink to Vyacheslav Mikhailovich MOLOTOV, the head of foreign policy. At the same time, he clarified: “Good foreign policy sometimes weighs more than two or three armies at the front." Stalin ended his toast with the words: “To our Vyacheslav!” (Molotov turned out to be the only one who was called only by name at the reception.)
The newspaper version differs from the verbatim version, which became available not so long ago. For example, STALIN's fourth toast was: “Down with Hitler's Berlin! Long live Berlin Zhukovsky! The toast caused laughter and applause in the audience. However, in the newspaper report, Stalin's words about "Berlin Zhukovsky" are absent.
Toasts in honor of the famous warriors were interspersed with performances on stage by soloists of the State Academic Bolshoi Theater of the USSR, among whom were I.I. Maslennikova, G.S. ULANOV. The concert program included the best numbers performed by the State Ensemble folk dance under the direction of I.A. MOISEEV and the Red Banner Red Army Song and Dance Ensemble A.V. ALEXANDROV.
The White Georgievsky Hall is one of the order halls, where the idea of remembering many generations of people who served Russia and distinguished themselves in battles for it is embodied. This is the most grandiose building of the Grand Kremlin Palace, built in 1838-1849. It is 60 meters long, 19 meters wide and 17 meters high. The hall got its name from the Order of St. George (established in 1769). In the design of the hall, the symbols of this order are used. So, 18 twisted zinc columns are crowned with allegorical statues of Victory. In the niches and on the slopes of the pillars there are marble plaques with the names of 546 victorious Russian regiments and the names of the Cavaliers of St. George.
In Imperial Russia, the Georgievsky Hall was the main ceremonial room of the Kremlin. This tradition was revived in the second half of the 1930s: here the leaders of the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government received representatives military elite- participants in the May Day parades on Red Square (later - and parades on November 7), graduates of the military academies of the Red Army. The "culprits" of the celebration were often pilots, industry leaders, scientists, literature and art ... The number of guests at these grandiose feasts ranged from several hundred to one and a half to two thousand people.
For many, it will be a great discovery that these words about the false theory of Marxism, about the personal freedom of citizens, about the great Russian people, world Zionism and the future of Russia were spoken by Joseph Stalin ...
About how to live:
“It is necessary to achieve such a cultural growth of society that would provide all members of society comprehensive development their physical and mental abilities, so that the members of society have the opportunity to receive an education sufficient to become active agents of social development.
So that they have the opportunity to freely choose a profession, and not be chained for life, due to the existing division of labor in any profession.
What is required for this?
It would be wrong to think that it is possible to achieve such a serious cultural growth of the members of society without serious changes in current situation labor.
To do this, first of all, it is necessary to reduce the working day by at least to 6 and then to 5 o'clock. This is to ensure that members of the society have enough free time to receive a comprehensive education.
For this it is necessary, further, to radically improve living conditions and raise the real wages workers and employees at least twice, if not more, both through a direct increase in money wages, and, especially, through a further systematic reduction in the prices of consumer goods.
Source: I.V. Stalin" Economic problems socialism in the USSR. (Remarks on economic issues related to the November discussion of 1951) Gospolitizdat 1952
Also in this political testament a different understanding of socialism was expressed and guiding instructions were given to the Soviet economics abandon the conceptual terminological apparatus Marxism in political economy, first of all:
On the false theory of Marxism:
“Moreover, I think that it is necessary to discard some other concepts, taken from Marx's Capital, which are artificially glued to our socialist relations. I mean, among other things, such concepts as “necessary” and “surplus” labour, “necessary” and “surplus” product, “necessary” and “surplus” time.
I think that our economists must put an end to this discrepancy between the old concepts and the new state of affairs in our socialist country, replacing the old concepts with new ones corresponding to the new situation.
We could tolerate this discrepancy until a certain time, but now the time has come when we must finally eliminate this discrepancy”
On the future of Russia:
“Many deeds of our party and people will be perverted and spat on, primarily abroad, and in our country too. Zionism, striving for world domination, will cruelly take revenge on us for our successes and achievements.
He still views Russia as a barbarian country, as a raw material appendage. And my name will also be slandered, slandered. Many evil deeds will be attributed to me.
World Zionism will strive with all its might to destroy our Union so that Russia can never rise again. The strength of the USSR is in the friendship of peoples. The edge of the struggle will be directed primarily at breaking this friendship, at tearing the border regions away from Russia. Here, we must admit, we have not done everything yet. There is still a lot of work to be done here.
Nationalism will raise its head with particular force. It will crush internationalism and patriotism for a while, only for a while. There will be national groups within nations and conflicts. Many pygmy leaders will appear, traitors within their nations.
In general, in the future development will go more difficult and even frenzied paths, the turns will be extremely steep. The point is that the East will be especially agitated. There will be sharp contradictions with the West.
And yet, no matter how events unfold, time will pass and the eyes of new generations will be turned to the deeds and victories of our socialist Fatherland. Year after year new generations will come. They will once again raise the banner of their fathers and grandfathers and give us their due in full. They will build their future on our past.
All this will fall on the shoulders of the Russian people. For the Russian people great people. The Russian people are a kind people. The Russian people have a clear mind. It is as if he was born to help other nations. The Russian people have great courage, especially in hard times, in dangerous times. He is proactive.
He has a strong character. They are dreamy people. He has a purpose. That is why it is harder for him than for other nations. You can rely on him in any trouble. The Russian people are invincible, inexhaustible.”
Conversation with A.M. Kollontai, November 1939
Source: Extracts from the diaries of A.M. Kollontai, stored in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, were produced by the historian M.I. We crush. (c. 611)
On the state monopoly on the production of vodka:
“Did we do the right thing by handing over the production of vodka to the hands of the state? I think that's right. If vodka were transferred to private hands, then this would lead to:
firstly, to the strengthening of private capital,
secondly, the government would lose the ability to properly regulate the production and consumption of vodka, and,
thirdly, it would make it difficult for itself to abolish the production and consumption of vodka in the future.
Now our policy is to gradually curtail the production of vodka. I think that in the future we will be able to completely abolish the vodka monopoly, reduce the production of alcohol to the minimum necessary for technical purposes, and then completely eliminate the sale of vodka.”
Source: Stalin I.V. Works. - T. 10. Gospolitizdat, 1949, pp. 206-238. Notes 58-60: Ibid. Page 386
About freedom:
“It is difficult for me to imagine what kind of “personal freedom” an unemployed person who goes hungry and does not find a use for his labor can have.
Real freedom exists only where exploitation has been abolished, where there is no oppression of some people by others, where there is no unemployment and begging, where a person does not tremble because tomorrow he may lose his job, home, bread. Only in such a society is real, and not paper, personal and any other freedom possible.
Conversation with the chairman of the American newspaper association "Scripps-Howard Newspapers" Roy Howard. March 1, 1936
Source: Stalin I.V. Works. - T. 14. Publishing house "Writer", 1997. S. 103–112.
“Under capitalism, there are no and cannot be real “freedoms” for the exploited, if only because the premises, printing houses, paper warehouses, etc., necessary for the use of “freedoms”, are the privilege of the exploiters.
Under capitalism, there is not and cannot be a real participation of the exploited masses in the government of the country, if only because under the most democratic conditions under capitalism, governments are not set up by the people, but by the Rothschilds and Stinneses, Rockefellers and Morgans.
Democracy under capitalism is a capitalist democracy, a democracy of an exploiting minority, based on restricting the rights of the exploited majority and directed against this majority.
Source: "On the Foundations of Leninism" Vol.6, p. 115
On nationalism in general and Ukrainian nationalism in particular:
“No, we are doing the right thing by punishing nationalists of all stripes and colors so severely. They are the best helpers our enemies and the worst enemies of our own peoples.
After all cherished dream nationalists - to split the Soviet Union into separate "national" states, and then it will become an easy prey for enemies. The peoples inhabiting the Soviet Union, for the most part, will be physically exterminated, while the rest will turn into dumb and pitiful slaves of the conquerors.
Not by chance despicable traitors Ukrainian people- leaders Ukrainian nationalists, all these millers, konovaltsy, bandera - have already received a task from German intelligence incite hatred for Russians among Ukrainians, who are also Russians, and seek the separation of Ukraine from the Soviet Union.
The same old song of ancient times from the period of the Roman Empire: divide and conquer.
The British were especially successful in inciting national hatred and inciting some peoples against others.
Through such tactics, bribing pathetic and corrupt leaders different peoples, capitalist island England - the first factory in the world, negligibly small in size
- managed to capture huge territories, to enslave and rob many peoples of the world, to create a “Great” british empire, in which, as the British boastfully declare, the Sun never sets.
With us, this number, while we are alive, will not work. So it is in vain that the Hitlerite fools call the Soviet Union a “house of cards”, which supposedly will fall apart at the first serious test, count on the fragility of friendship between the peoples inhabiting our country today, hope to quarrel them with each other.
In the event of a German attack on the Soviet Union, people different nationalities, who inhabit our country, will defend it, not sparing their lives, as their dearly beloved Motherland.
However, the nationalists should not be underestimated. If they are allowed to act with impunity, they will bring a lot of trouble. That's why they need to be kept iron bridle not to let them undermine the unity of the Soviet Union.”
Source: complete collection essays. V. 15, “Conversation with A. S. Yakovlev on March 26, 1941”, p. 17.
About abstract art:
“Today, under the guise of innovation in the art of music, the formalist trend is trying to break into Soviet music, and in artistic creativity- abstract painting.
Sometimes you can hear the question: “Do such great people as the Bolshevik-Leninists need to deal with trifles - spend time criticizing abstract painting and formalist music. Let the psychiatrists do it.”
In such questions, there is a lack of understanding of the role in ideological sabotage against our country and especially the youth that these phenomena play. After all, with their help, they are trying to oppose the principles of socialist realism in literature and art. It is impossible to do this openly, so they act undercover.
In the so-called abstract paintings, there are no real images of people whom one would like to imitate in the struggle for the happiness of the people, in the struggle for communism, along the path of which one would like to follow. This image has been replaced with an abstract mystic that obscures class struggle socialism versus capitalism.
How many people came during the war to be inspired by the exploits to the monument to Minin and Pozharsky on Red Square! And what can inspire a pile of rusty iron, given out by “innovators” from sculpture as a work of art? What can inspire abstract paintings of artists?
This is the reason why modern American financial tycoons, propagandizing modernism, pay fabulous fees for such “works”, which the great masters of realistic art never dreamed of”
Source: Complete Works, Volume 16.
About literature and art in modern society:
“Foreign agents have been tasked with promoting pessimism, every kind of decadence and moral decay in works of literature and art.
One zealous US senator said: "If we could show our horror films in Bolshevik Russia, we would certainly disrupt their communist construction." No wonder Leo Tolstoy said that literature and art are the most powerful forms of suggestion.
We need to seriously think about who and what inspires us today with the help of literature and art, to put an end to ideological sabotage in this area, until the end it is time, in my opinion, to understand and assimilate that culture, being an important integral part dominant ideology in society, always class.
And it is used to protect the interests of the ruling class, in our country to protect the interests of the working people - the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
There is no art for the sake of art, there is not and cannot be any "free", independent of society, as if standing above this society of artists, writers, poets, playwrights, directors, journalists. They just don't need anyone. Yes, such people do not exist, cannot exist.
Speech at a meeting with the creative intelligentsia, 1946
As you know, on May 24 Stalin raised a toast to the Great Russian people in commemoration of the victory over the plague of the West - fascism. It is less known that he addressed the theme of the greatness of the Russian people before. At least since 1917.
What I found in the collection of Stalin's works (not all volumes are available, unfortunately turned out to be) and in other sources.
May 24, 1945 at a solemn reception in the Kremlin on the occasion of the Great Victory. Stalin made the famous toast "For the health of the Russian people!":
“Comrades, allow me to raise one more, last toast.
I, as a representative of our Soviet government, would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people.
I drink, first of all, to the health of the Russian people, because they are the most outstanding nation of all the nations that make up the Soviet Union.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they deserved and previously deserved the title, if you like, of the leading force of our Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people not only because they are the leading people, but also because they have common sense, general political common sense and patience.
Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of a desperate situation in 1941-42, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities in Ukraine, Belarus, Moldavia, the Leningrad Region, the Karelian-Finnish Republic, left because there was no another exit. Some other people could say: you have not justified our hopes, we will put in another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us. It could happen, mind you.
But the Russian people did not agree to this, the Russian people did not compromise, they showed boundless confidence in our government. I repeat, we made mistakes, for the first two years our army was forced to retreat, it turned out that we did not master the events, did not cope with the situation that had arisen. However, the Russian people believed, endured, waited and hoped that we would still cope with the events.
For this trust in our government, which the Russian people have shown us, we thank him very much!
For the health of the Russian people!”
In order to smash the old regime, a temporary alliance of the insurgent workers and soldiers was enough. For it goes without saying that the strength of the Russian revolution lies in the alliance of workers and peasants dressed in soldier's greatcoats.<…>
For it is clear to all that the pledge final victory Russian revolution - in strengthening the alliance of the revolutionary worker with the revolutionary soldier.<…>
Soldiers! Organize in your unions and gather around the Russian people, the only true ally of the Russian revolutionary army! <…>
Back in March 1917, a few months before October revolution, Stalin in one of his articles wrote that the great Russian people are the most faithful and best ally of the progressive revolutionary forces, and only the Russian people can finally solve the question of Marxism. About the victory of Marxism.
In 1933 at a meeting with the participants of the May Day military parade, he said:
“Russians are the main nationality of the world, they were the first to raise the flag of the Soviets ... The Russian nation is the most talented nation in the world. Everyone used to beat the Russians - the Turks and even the Tatars, who attacked for 200 years, and they did not manage to take possession of the Russians, although they were poorly armed. If the Russians are armed with tanks, aircraft, navy“They are invincible.”
Basically, the conversation was about the situation with Finland. Stalin advised to intensify the work of the Soviet embassy in studying the situation in Scandinavian countries in connection with the penetration of Germany into these countries in order to attract the governments of Norway and Sweden and to influence Finland in order to prevent conflict. And, as if concluding, he said that“if it is not possible to prevent it, then it will be short-lived and cost little blood. The time for "persuasions" and "negotiations" is over. We must practically prepare for a rebuff, for a war with Hitler.
<…>
“All this will fall on the shoulders of the Russian people. For the Russian people are a great people. The Russian people are a kind people. The Russian people have a clear mind. It is as if he was born to help other nations. The Russian people have great courage, especially in difficult times, in dangerous times. He is proactive. He has a strong character. They are dreamy people. He has a purpose. That is why it is harder for him than for other nations. You can rely on him in any trouble. The Russian people are invincible, inexhaustible.
Doctor of Historical Sciences V. NEVEZHIN.
On May 8, 1945, an act was signed in the Berlin suburb of Karlshorst. unconditional surrender Germany. 9th May Supreme Commander I. V. Stalin addressed the Soviet people, in which he stated that a historic day had come great victory. A few days later, he ordered the General Staff of the Red Army to think over and propose considerations for a parade of winners on Red Square with the participation of representatives of all fronts and all branches of the military. A desire was also expressed to celebrate the victory, according to Russian custom, with a feast - to arrange a solemn dinner in the Kremlin in honor of the commanders of the fronts and other military men. The famous Victory Parade, which took place on June 24, 1945, is well known from numerous publications and newsreels. Less is known about the gala dinner (reception), arranged exactly one month before. It makes sense to recall him, especially since it was at the Kremlin reception on May 24, 1945 that Stalin delivered his famous toast: "For the Russian people!"
Science and life // Illustrations
June 24, 1945. Victory parade. line by line soviet soldiers they throw downed enemy banners to the foot of the Mausoleum.
So they celebrated the Victory and met the winners in all the cities of our country.
In the picture thin. M. I. Khmelko - a solemn reception in honor of representatives of the command of the Red Army and Navy who participated in the Great Patriotic War. The reception took place on May 24, 1945 in the St. George Hall of the Grand Kremlin Palace.
A reception in honor of the commanders of the Red Army took place in the Georgievsky Hall of the Grand Kremlin Palace. The choice of venue for the celebration is not accidental. The White Georgievsky Hall is one of the order halls, where the idea of remembering many generations of people who served Russia and distinguished themselves in battles for it is embodied. This is the most grandiose building of the Grand Kremlin Palace, built in 1838-1849. It is 60 meters long, 19 meters wide and 17 meters high. The hall got its name from the Order of St. George (established in 1769). In the design of the hall, the symbols of this order are used. So, 18 twisted zinc columns are crowned with allegorical statues of Victory. In the niches and on the slopes of the pillars there are marble plaques with the names of 546 victorious Russian regiments and with the names of the Cavaliers of St. George.
In Imperial Russia, the Georgievsky Hall was the main ceremonial room of the Kremlin. This tradition was revived in the second half of the 1930s: here the leaders of the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government received representatives of the military elite - participants in the May Day parades on Red Square (later on November 7 parades), graduates of the military academies of the Red Army. The "culprits" of the celebration were often pilots - heroes of ultra-long flights, industry leaders, scientists, literature and art ... The number of guests at such grandiose feasts ranged from several hundred to one and a half to two thousand people.
After the victory, at the end of May, this tradition was renewed. The preparations for the ceremonial reception were General base and Main political administration. Lists of persons invited to a grand feast in the Kremlin were prepared in advance.
For a long time, the main sources of information about the Kremlin reception were the official report published in the central Soviet newspapers and the memoirs of eyewitnesses of the events, mainly prominent commanders and military leaders. Now, the shorthand record made at the reception and preserved in the archive has become available to researchers. It reflects in more detail than in the newspapers what happened in the Grand Kremlin Palace in the late evening of May 24, 1945.
Suffice it to say that the stenographic record recorded 31 toasts (of which five belonged to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief), in which 45 people were discussed. From the newspaper report, however, only 28 toasts follow (of which only two are Stalinist) with the mention of 31 people, since the transcript on which the official newspaper report was based was previously edited - mainly by Molotov and partly by Stalin. Comparing now both sources, it is possible to find out exactly what revision was made, which paragraphs and individual words corrected, and what turned out to be withdrawn altogether.
The reception in honor of the commanders of the Red Army began at eight o'clock in the evening. The leaders of the party and the Soviet government met with applause from the guests appeared in the hall: I. V. Stalin, V. M. Molotov, K. E. Voroshilov, A. A. Zhdanov, N. S. Khrushchev, L. M. Kaganovich, A. A. Andreev, A. I. Mikoyan, N. M. Shvernik, L. P. Beria, G. M. Malenkov, N. A. Bulganin, N. A. Voznesensky. They took places of honor in the presidium.
Following this, V. M. Molotov proposed to prominent Soviet military leaders Great Patriotic War go to the presidium: Marshals of the Soviet Union G. K. Zhukov, I. S. Konev, S. M. Budyonny, S. K. Timoshenko, K. K. Rokossovsky, R. Ya. Malinovsky, F. I. Tolbukhin, L A. Govorov, Admiral of the Fleet N. G. Kuznetsov, Chief Marshal of Artillery N. N. Voronov, Chief Marshal of Aviation A. A. Novikov.
Addressing the guests with a welcoming speech, V. M. Molotov (and he acted as a toastmaster, that is, the manager of the feast) noted that the Soviet government arranged this big reception in honor of the commanders of the Red Army "with the participation eminent figures socialist construction, science and art".
Molotov dedicated the first toast to the Red Army, Red Navy, officers, generals, admirals, marshals of the Soviet Union and, above all, to I. V. Stalin, who, as recorded in the transcript of the reception, "led and leads" the entire struggle and led "to a great victory, unprecedented in history". Molotov raised his second glass "to the great party of Lenin-Stalin" and to its headquarters - the Central Committee. And he dedicated this toast to Stalin.
Then the toastmaster turned his attention to the guests from Poland, which had just gained independence, who were present in the St. George's Hall. Four days before, on May 20, a trainload of coal arrived in Moscow - a gift from Polish miners. It was delivered by a delegation of 20 people, headed by the chairman of the trade union of Polish miners I. Schesniak. And Molotov offered to drink "for a democratic, friendly to the Soviet Union Poland", expressing the wish that Soviet-Polish friendship become an example for others Slavic peoples. In response, the members of the Polish delegation approached the presidium table and sang a Polish congratulatory song in unison. (From the transcript of the reception it is not clear what kind of song was performed; this is probably why the newspaper report says: "The Polish delegation performs in their native language a folk song in honor of Comrade Stalin.")
The Soviet leader apparently liked the greeting of the Polish miners. The transcript records Stalin's first toast at the reception (there is no toast in the newspaper report): "For real, working friendship, which is stronger than any other friendship! For our miners and yours!"
Further, Molotov, as follows from the transcript, noted that today among the participants in the celebration there is no M.I. Kalinin, "who must now take special care of his health." The 69-year-old "all-Union headman" was seriously ill, and at the end of April the Politburo granted him leave for treatment. Therefore, it was quite logical that the proposal to drink to the health of Kalinin, "one of the glorious representatives of the Russian people," the oldest member of the Central Committee Bolshevik Party, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Here Stalin allowed himself to intervene and proclaimed his own toast: "To our President, to Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin!" (Stalin's toast at the reception is not included in the official newspaper report.)
Seizing the initiative, Stalin was the first to offer to drink to Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov, the head of foreign policy. At the same time, he specified: "A good foreign policy sometimes weighs more than two or three armies at the front." Stalin ended his toast with the words: "To our Vyacheslav!" (Molotov was the only one at the reception on May 24 who was called only by name.)
Then, in a whole series of toasts, the toastmaster offered to raise glasses for the merits of the commanders of the Red Army during the Great Patriotic War. He was the first to give the name of the commander of the 1st Belorussian front G.K. Zhukov, recalling the merits of the commander in the defense of Moscow, during the defense of Leningrad, called him "the liberator of Warsaw." The transcript of the reception further quotes Molotov's words: "Everyone remembers that under the leadership of Marshal Zhukov, our troops entered Berlin victoriously. To the health of Marshal Zhukov!" From it it follows that the guests responded to the toast with a warm ovation.
Further, the transcript reproduces Stalin's fourth toast: "Down with Hitler's Berlin! Long live Zhukovsky's Berlin!", which caused laughter and applause in the hall. However, Stalin's words about "Berlin Zhukovsky" are absent in the newspaper report. In general, the whole scene with a toast in honor of Marshal G.K. Zhukov looks different in it than in the transcript. The report says that the heroic defense of Moscow, the defense of Leningrad and the "liberation of the friendly capital" are associated with the name of Zhukov (italics mine. - V.N.) Poland - Warsaw. "Further in the newspaper publication it was emphasized: under the command of Marshal Zhukov Soviet troops"They broke into the fascist lair - Berlin and hoisted the banner of victory over it." From the official report it followed that after Molotov's toast in honor of Zhukov there was an "explosion of applause", but not related to famous military leader, but "in honor of the valiant Red Army and its commanders."
Now Molotov raises a glass for each of them personally: for marshals Konev, Rokossovsky, Govorov, Malinovsky, Tolbukhin, Vasilevsky (judging by the transcript, Vasilevsky was not at the reception), Meretskov; for army generals Baghramyan and Eremenko.
Paying tribute to the representatives of that galaxy Soviet generals, which advanced mainly on the battlefields of the Great Patriotic War, the toastmaster did not disregard the older military leaders of the Red Army, who showed themselves even in the Civil War - Voroshilov, Budyonny and Timoshenko (they advanced largely due to the fact that they were Stalin's associates with times of the First Cavalry Army).
As follows from the shorthand, Molotov asked those present to "pour their glasses fuller," since he intended to honor the sailors. He offered toasts for People's Commissar of the Navy N. G. Kuznetsov, Admiral of the Fleet I. S. Isakov and for the commanders of the fleets: Baltic - Admiral V. F. Tributs, Black Sea - Admiral F. S. Oktyabrsky, Northern - Admiral A. G. Golovko, Pacific - Admiral I. S. Yumashev. Stalin added to this toast by wishing Admiral Yumashev "success in a possible war!" And this remark was not included in the official newspaper report. The reason could be as follows. According to a preliminary agreement with the Western allies (USA and Great Britain), the USSR was then preparing for military operations against Japan, in which Active participation should have taken Pacific Fleet. In such a situation, the publication of Stalin's toast wishing Admiral Yumashev "success in a possible war" was most likely inappropriate.
Molotov completed a series of toasts in honor of the commanders of the Red Army and the Navy, successively raising a glass to the marshals of the special branches of the armed forces. The official newspaper report mentions the names of only three of the ten military leaders for whom the toast sounded: Chief Marshal of Artillery N. N. Voronov, Chief Marshals of Aviation A. A. Novikov and A. E. Golovanov. (The names of the other seven military leaders are in the transcript: air marshals F. Ya. Falaleev, G. A. Vorozheykin, F. A. Astakhov, S. F. Zhavoronkov, S. A. Khudyakov; marshals armored forces Ya. N. Fedorenko and P. A. Rotmistrov; Marshal of Artillery N. D. Yakovlev; marshal engineering troops M. P. Vorobyov; Marshal of the Signal Corps I. T. Peresypkin.)
As follows from the transcript, V. M. Molotov singled out the General Staff of the Red Army, raising a glass to its chief, General of the Army A. I. Antonov, and to the chief operational management S. M. Shtemenko. However, in the newspaper report, this toast of Molotov is placed at the very end and without mentioning Shtemenko.
According to the tradition established back in the 30s, the reception was accompanied by a large holiday concert, which was attended by the best musicians, performers, theater and film actors. Toasts in honor of the famous warriors were interspersed with performances on the stage of the St. George Hall of the soloists of the State Academic Bolshoi Theater of the USSR: I. I. Maslennikova, A. P. Ivanov, M. O. Reizen, V. V. Barsova, N. D. Shpiller, V. A. Davydova, O. V. Lepeshinskaya, G. S. Ulanova. The concert program also included the best numbers performed by the State Folk Dance Ensemble under the direction of I. A. Moiseev and the Red Banner Red Army Song and Dance Ensemble of A. V. Aleksandrov.
The final series of toasts was dedicated to the members State Committee defense (GKO) and military councils of fronts and armies. Judging by the transcript of the reception, this series began with a toast in honor of the State Defense Committee and "the leaders of the supply of the Red Army during the Great Patriotic War" with those military weapons that defeated the enemy and his allies on the battlefields. Further, V. M. Molotov began to consistently name the members of the State Defense Committee, dwelling in detail on the characteristics of the industry for which he was specifically responsible. In conclusion, he proclaimed a toast to the health of all and, above all, to the health of I. V. Stalin.
The official report does not contain Molotov's last toast in honor of Stalin, and the toastmaster's toasts to the members of the State Defense Committee are more concise than in the transcript, their merits are named in the most general form.
The newspaper publication omitted Molotov's concluding toast, which, judging by the transcript, was dedicated to the members of the military councils of the fronts and armies, both present and absent. Of those present, the names of two people were named, in addition to members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - Colonel General A. A. Zhdanov (he was a member of the military council Leningrad front) and Colonel General N. S. Khrushchev (a member of the military councils of a number of fronts).
It is difficult to explain why Zhdanov and Khrushchev were not mentioned in the newspaper report, as well as the names of the twelve military leaders for whom toasts were proclaimed. Perhaps Zhdanov was remembered " nervous breakdown", which happened to him at the beginning of the war. The whole burden of leading the defense of Leningrad blocked by the Germans actually fell then on his closest assistant, A. A. Kuznetsov. Or perhaps the silence of the newspaper report on Zhdanov lay in reaction to a toast in his honor. According to one of versions (not confirmed, however, by a shorthand record), Stalin personally proclaimed a toast to the health of Zhdanov, as “the organizer of the defense of Leningrad.” Zhdanov, instead of objecting and saying that Stalin was the real organizer, went up to the Supreme Commander, clinked glasses with and thanked him.
As for Khrushchev, most likely, Stalin (who generally sympathized with Khrushchev) could not forgive him for his involvement in the severe defeat of the Red Army near Kharkov in 1942.
It is difficult to explain the inattention to the member of the Politburo and the State Defense Committee A. A. Andreev and to N. M. Shvernik, who was a member of the Orgburo of the Central Committee: neither the transcript nor the newspaper report on the gala dinner on May 24, 1945 marked toasts in their honor. Molotov never once mentioned army and navy political workers, although political propaganda work at the front and in the rear always occupied an important place.
No toast was offered to those commanders and naval commanders who perished and died of wounds in 1941-1945. Obviously, this was intended, and only those who went through the entire war and survived were honored at the gala dinner.
The last toast, or rather, a small dinner speech, was delivered long after midnight by the Chairman of the Council people's commissars Supreme Commander I. V. Stalin. When Stalin got up from the presidium table and asked to speak, those present gave him a standing ovation. The toast dedicated to the Russian people was repeatedly interrupted by long-lasting applause. This table speech took almost half an hour. Various authors, primarily historians who wrote about Stalin's toast "For the Russian people!", took the official report as a basis, but interpreted the content of the toast in different ways. Some perceived Stalin the winner's toast as a programmatic one, aimed at changing landmarks in the ethno-political sphere in the post-war era. The leader opposed the Russians to other peoples of the country in order, relying on the authority of the Russian people, speaking on their behalf, to make them a kind of mediator in relations with other nationalities.
Others thought that by noting the decisive role of the Russians in achieving victory, Stalin showed distrust of other peoples who participated in the war. It turned out that it was the Russian people that acted as the decisive force, while the "other" peoples of the Soviet Union were capable of condemning the Soviet government in a difficult hour.
According to others, in Stalin's toast one could see the desire to see the Russian people submissive, loyal and devoted to him personally. At the same time, in Stalin's toast dated May 24, 1945, some saw starting point to deploy after the war new political repression. Demonstrating a desire to revive the "Russian idea", the leader gave a powerful impetus to the political and propaganda struggle against "groveling" before the West and "cosmopolitanism".
Finally, the fourth paid attention to the style, to the verbal and symbolic content of Stalin's toast "For the Russian people." The leader extolled the epic qualities of Russians, such as "clear mind, steadfast character and patience." His speech did not so much acquire the necessary and appropriate political tone in such cases, as it was spoken out "in the human dimension." Since the speech was nonetheless a form of "toast to health," this made it particularly credible.
It should be emphasized that the authors discussing this topic took as a basis official text Stalin's drinking speech, previously edited by himself. The currently available shorthand record makes it possible to re-analyze its content and find out what kind of semantic correction was made to it by Stalin's hand before the publication of the newspaper report on the gala dinner in the Kremlin on May 24, 1945.
One way or another, Stalin, speaking to the commanders of the Red Army, literally two weeks after the victorious end for the USSR bloody war against Nazi Germany and its allies in Europe, no doubt felt triumphant. And if the well-known saying "the winners are not judged" is not in doubt, then it is all the more true that the winners do not judge themselves. It was clear to Stalin, as the winner, that he should not, in his finest hour blame the Russian people.
And yet, after reading the shorthand record, one can agree with the opinion that has been established in the research literature that Stalin actually admitted the guilt of the Soviet government (and his own, but only orally) for the mistakes and "moments of a desperate situation" that developed in 1941- 1942.
Two options for recording Stalin's toast "For the Russian people": according to the transcript and according to the newspaper report.
Transcript
I, as a representative of our Soviet government, would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people. (Stormy, prolonged applause, shouts of "Hurrah").
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they deserved and previously deserved the title, if you like, of the leading force of our Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people not only because they are the leading people, but also because they have common sense, general political common sense and patience.
Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of desperate situation in 1941-42, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities of Ukraine, Belarus, Moldavia, the Leningrad region, the Karelian-Finnish Republic, left because it did not there was another way out. Some other people could say: you have not justified our hopes, we will put in another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us. It could happen, mind you.
But the Russian people did not agree to this, the Russian people did not compromise, they showed boundless confidence in our government. I repeat, we made mistakes, for the first two years our army was forced to retreat, it turned out that they did not master the events, did not cope with the situation that had arisen. However, the Russian people believed, endured, waited and hoped that we would nevertheless cope with the events.
For this trust in our government, which the Russian people have shown us, we thank him very much!
For the health of the Russian people! (Stormy, long unceasing applause.)
newspaper report
Comrades, allow me to raise one more, last toast.
I would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people. (Stormy, prolonged applause, shouts of "hurrah".)
I drink, first of all, to the health of the Russian people, because they are the most outstanding nation of all the nations that make up the Soviet Union.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they have earned general recognition as the leading force of the Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country.
I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people, not only because they are the leading people, but also because they have a clear mind, steadfast character and patience.
Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of a desperate situation in 1941-1942, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities in Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, the Leningrad Region, the Baltic States, the Karelian-Finnish Republic, left, because there was no other choice. Another people could say to the government: you have not lived up to our expectations, go away, we will install another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us.
But the Russian people did not agree to this, because they believed in the correctness of the policy of their government and made sacrifices in order to ensure the defeat of Germany. And this confidence of the Russian people in the Soviet government turned out to be the decisive force that ensured the historic victory over the enemy of mankind - over fascism.
Thanks to him, the Russian people, for this trust!
For the health of the Russian people! (Stormy, long unceasing applause.)
Booker Igor 05/24/2013 at 10:30
On May 24, 1945, at a reception in the Kremlin in honor of the commanders of the Red Army, Stalin delivered a speech. This speech is as enduring as Churchill's Fulton speech or Kennedy's speech in Berlin. It may seem strange, but certain circles fiercely hate Stalin for this speech even more than for his bloody crimes.
They don't give a damn about the blood of the Russian people shed by the tyrant, but the public tribute to the Russian people infuriates them.
The toast raised by Stalin to the Russian people is short. Here is its full text:
"Comrades, allow me to raise one more, last toast. I would like to raise a toast to the health of our Soviet people and, above all, the Russian people. I drink, first of all, to the health of the Russian people, because they are the most prominent of the nations that make up the Soviet Union. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people because in this war they have earned general recognition as the leading force of the Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country. I raise a toast to the health of the Russian people, not only because they are the leading people, but also because they have a clear mind, steadfast character and patience.
Our government made quite a few mistakes, we had moments of desperate situation in 1941–1942, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities in Ukraine, Belarus, Moldavia, the Leningrad Region, the Baltic States, the Karelian-Finnish Republic, left, because that there was no other way. Another people could say to the government: you have not lived up to our expectations, go away, we will install another government that will make peace with Germany and ensure peace for us. But the Russian people did not agree to this, because they believed in the correctness of the policy of their Government and made sacrifices in order to ensure the defeat of Germany. And this confidence of the Russian people in the Soviet government turned out to be the decisive force that ensured the historic victory over the enemy of mankind - over fascism.
Thanks to him, the Russian people, for this trust!
For the health of the Russian people!"
To people who love their Fatherland, such high mark was always pleasant. Even those who remembered history well and knew that Joseph Vissarionovich, although he did not bluff, praising the Great Russians, but also tormented these people more than foreigners. Maybe you should have beaten your own people so that strangers would be afraid? But here we are entering "terra incognita" historical science. Despite the abundance historical material, much remains to be explored.
Modern American professor Robert Tucker, who wrote a biography of Stalin, which has recently been published in Russian translation, notes that serious "researchers have barely begun to analyze the personality of Stalin and those psychological motivations who urged him to achieve unlimited, autocratic power with the help of purges and terror. Not yet explored complex mechanism the interaction of these psychological motivations with political goals and ideas of Stalin.
Nor was due attention given to the problem of the formation of Stalin's political image in his youth, although numerous relevant facts had long been at hand. What made him a Marxist? Why did he leave the seminary at the age of twenty and choose the career of a revolutionary? Why did he become a Bolshevik, a supporter of Lenin, while the majority of Georgian Marxists preferred Menshevism? What were his personal goals in the revolutionary movement? All these questions remain open. But it is important to get an answer to them if we want to better understand the actions of the mature Stalin.
In 1888, young Soso entered a school where teaching was conducted in Georgian, and Russian was studied as a foreign language. A couple of years later, at the height of the policy of Russification of border lands pursued by the tsarist government, mandatory spoken language Russian became in the classes, and Georgian took the place of a foreign one. There are only two lessons per week. Naturally talkative Georgian guys spoke Russian with difficulty and constantly strayed into their own language. native language. Like medieval schoolchildren in Europe, so that they quickly mastered Latin, and did not stray into various barbaric dialects, Georgian boys were punished: they were beaten with a fist or a ruler, put their knees on small stones for one or two hours, or forced to stand in a corner. Or else the offender had to keep on outstretched hand a wooden stick, sometimes until dinner, if it did not go to another who was at fault.
Tucker further writes: “Some of the newly appointed government officials, who looked like the inspector of the Butyrsky school, further heated the situation by openly demonstrating their contempt for the Georgian language and for everything Georgian in general. The crude methods by which the authorities tried to turn Georgian children into Russian boys , only strengthened in them the feeling national pride. While studying the Russian language, many began to hate the Russians themselves. It is surprising that after this, the future Secretary General fell in love with the Russian language and the Great Russians themselves! In any case, the vast majority of his peers turned their backs on Russia for a long time.
That's just, carried away by the ideas of internationalism, Dzhugashvili, showed insight and adequately responded to the challenge of the time. An American historian and part-time psychoanalyst finds the following explanation for such a revolution in youthful souls: "Russia was the first to make a communist revolution and from an actual colony Western Europe became the center of a world movement that gave rise to a kind of "Russian red patriotism" among some Russian communists. They were not only proud of their belonging to the Russian nation, but also looked at themselves primarily as Russians and did not value them so much. Soviet power and Soviet federation, how many were drawn to "one, indivisible" Russia. "Notice that this is written by an author who expertly analyzes Russian history, and does not hysteria, like a huge part of Stalinophobes or Stalin-lovers. Leave emotions for your loved ones - there is nothing to climb into the region with your tastes recent past. Otherwise, scribbles from scientific research turns into a bad sense of journalism, now and then straying to the level of libel.
Unlike Lenin, the leader of the world revolution, deeply respected by Stalin (including Tucker writes about the reverence that Iosif Vissarionovich felt in front of his senior comrade, and only in front of him alone, sweeping aside all his other closest associates), who was alien to "Russian nationalism" , he is "deeply rooted in the character of Stalin." Here is another passage from the work of an American historian: “Stalin became Russified as a young revolutionary, considering the Bolsheviks a “true Russian faction” of the Marxist movement. Ironically, a man who, in Lenin’s opinion, was valuable to the party as a representative of small nations and who for a long time agreed with this definition of his main role in the party, was an emerging Russian nationalist even before they met and many years before the moment when, to his horror, Lenin discovered in him fully formed Russian nationalist views.
Stalin identified himself with Russia, this was his arrogant attitude towards the culture of small peoples, primarily Caucasians, which we discovered in the work "Marxism and national question"- this determined the zeal with which he took the side of Lenin and opposed the "national-cultural autonomy" in the party."
A very remarkable paragraph: “In Stalin’s view, there was no contradiction between the class category “true proletarian” and the national category “real Russian.” On the contrary, these concepts were combined. According to Stalin, Bolshevism, or Leninism, was truly Marxist, class revolutionary movement international character and at the same time thoroughly Russian. In April 1926, in one of the internal party memorandums addressed to Kaganovich and other members of the Bureau of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Stalin defined Leninism as " highest achievement"Russian culture".
Hence it is clear why the liberals of the Gorbachev perestroika model so zealously attacked everything connected with our revolution. They successfully survived more than one European revolution, in particular, the Great French, and after that they did not stop worshiping everything French, but the Muscovites became them across the throat. Along with revolutionary excesses, such "critics" tried to get rid of any manifestation of "Russianness". The Marquis de Custine denounced tsarist Russia, his current heirs continue to do this with today's Russia, in the interim they mocked the power of the Soviets. As a result, some do not like the Russian regime, but Great Russia itself.
