Speech at the Red Army parade on November 7, 1941 (Red Square, Moscow).
Comrades, Red Army and Red Navy men, commanders and political workers, workers and workers, collective farmers and collective farmers, workers of intelligent labor, brothers and sisters behind our enemy lines, who temporarily fell under the yoke of the German robbers, our glorious partisans and partisans destroying the rear of the German invaders!
On behalf of the Soviet Government and our Bolshevik Party, I greet you and congratulate you on the 24th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution.
Comrades! In difficult conditions, we have to celebrate today the 24th anniversary of the October Revolution. The perfidious attack of the German brigands and the war imposed on us created a threat to our country. We temporarily lost a number of regions, the enemy found himself at the gates of Leningrad and Moscow. The enemy counted on the fact that after the first blow our army would be dispersed, our country would be brought to its knees. But the enemy miscalculated. Despite temporary setbacks, our army and our navy are heroically repelling enemy attacks along the entire front, inflicting heavy damage on him, and our country - our entire country - has organized itself into a single military camp in order to defeat the enemy together with our army and our navy. German invaders.
There were days when our country was in an even more difficult situation. Remember 1918, when we celebrated the first anniversary of the October Revolution. Three-quarters of our country was then in the hands of foreign interventionists. Ukraine, Caucasus, middle Asia, Ural, Siberia, Far East were temporarily lost by us. We didn't have allies, we didn't have the Red Army - we just started to create it - we didn't have enough bread, we didn't have enough weapons, we didn't have enough uniforms. 14 states then pressed on our country. But we did not lose heart, we did not lose heart. In the fire of war, we then organized the Red Army and turned our country into a military camp. The spirit of the great Lenin inspired us then to the war against the interventionists. And what? We defeated the invaders, returned everything lost territories and achieved victory.
Now the situation of our country is much better than 23 years ago. Our country is now many times richer in industry, food and raw materials than it was 23 years ago. We now have allies who are holding together with us a united front against the German invaders. We now have the sympathy and support of all the peoples of Europe who have fallen under the yoke of Hitlerite tyranny. We now have a wonderful army and a wonderful navy, which are vigorously defending the freedom and independence of our Motherland. We do not have a serious shortage either in food, or in weapons, or in uniforms. Our entire country, all the peoples of our country are supporting our army, our fleet, helping them to defeat the predatory hordes. German fascists. Our human resources are inexhaustible. The spirit of the great Lenin and his victorious banner now inspire us to the Patriotic War just as they did 23 years ago.
Can there be any doubt that we can and must defeat the German invaders?
The enemy is not as strong as some frightened intellectuals portray him. The devil is not as terrible as he is painted. Who can deny that our Red Army has more than once stampeded the vaunted German troops? Judging not by the boastful statements of German propagandists, but by the actual situation in Germany, it will not be difficult to understand that Nazi German invaders facing disaster. Hunger and impoverishment now reign in Germany, during the 4 months of the war Germany lost 4 and a half million soldiers, Germany is bleeding, her human reserves are running out, the spirit of indignation seizes not only the peoples of Europe who have fallen under the yoke of the German invaders, but also the German people themselves, who does not see the end of the war. The German invaders are straining their last strength. There is no doubt that Germany cannot bear such tension for long. A few more months, another six months, maybe a year, and Nazi Germany should burst under the weight of their crimes.
Comrades, Red Army and Red Navy men, commanders and political workers, partisans and partisans! The whole world is looking at you as a force capable of destroying the predatory hordes of German invaders. The enslaved peoples of Europe, who fell under the yoke of the German invaders, are looking at you as their liberators. The great liberation mission fell to your lot. Be worthy of this mission! The war you are waging is a war of liberation, a just war. Let the courageous image of our great ancestors - Alexander Nevsky, Dimitri Donskoy, Kuzma Minin, Dimitri Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov, Mikhail Kutuzov inspire you in this war! May the victorious banner of the great Lenin overshadow you!
For the complete defeat of the German invaders!
Death to the German invaders!
Long live our glorious Motherland, her freedom, her independence!
Under the banner of Lenin - forward to victory!
Stalin in the memoirs of contemporaries and documents of the era Lobanov Mikhail Petrovich
V. Nadtochiev "Troika", "Seven", Stalin
V. Nadtochiev
"Troika", "Seven", Stalin
“The explosion was completely unexpected for me”
This confession belongs to Trotsky. He made it while already in distant Mexico, thirteen years after the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b).
It is hard to believe that always self-confident, arrogant with everyone (with the exception of Lenin), arrogant, categorical in judgments, all-knowing Lev Davidovich Trotsky, surrounded by numerous assistants and informers, suddenly found himself in the position of the heroes of Gogol's "Inspector General" - surprised, bewildered, amazed.
True, it can be assumed that he needed such a reception in order to somehow explain his position of silence, which he took at the congress. He, a member of the Politburo, undoubtedly knew that in the inner-party struggle unfolding by that time on the problems of socialist construction, two camps were clearly identified: the "majority" headed by Stalin and Bukharin and the "new opposition" with its leaders Zinoviev and Kamenev. Both of them had their devoted supporters. Their ideological differences were further aggravated by the struggle for power, for personal leadership in the party. Both Stalin, and Zinoviev with Kamenev, and, of course, Trotsky staged the process of working out politically right decisions dependent on success in this struggle. All this, taken together, dictated to them both the choice of supporters and the political position. Only one thing can be added: unlike other members of the Politburo (Bukharin, Rykov, Tomsky), Trotsky did not condemn the actions of the opposition and did not take a single step to somehow eliminate the existing differences within the Central Committee. And they were serious.
In the first years after Lenin, discussions in the party acquired a special urgency. Perhaps their goal was not to collectively develop decisions, but to identify those who expressed a dissenting opinion or their position, sometimes not similar to the “general course”. As a rule, these were individual members of a party or group who were critical of the official course, but at the same time, as it seemed to them, they were striving to submit their program of action for discussion by the party, to propose their “working hypotheses” for solving various problems of socialist construction. Regrettably, it was in 1924-1925 that they began to be ranked among the enemies of the party, and their thoughts were subjected to sharp, and sometimes cruel condemnation. But back to the 14th Party Congress...
Stalin and Molotov delivered the Political and Organizational Reports of the Central Committee. The delegates were already getting ready to discuss the reports, when an unexpected circumstance arose - the opposition nominated its co-rapporteur in the person of Zinoviev. And although the regulations provided for such an opportunity, this fact extremely surprised and puzzled the majority of the congress participants.
An emergency situation has arisen.
The overwhelming majority of the congress supported Stalin and Bukharin. It branded, exposed, proved, attacked. The opposition minority, in turn, fought back, accused, put forward their demands. Trotsky silently observed, weighed, estimated. The logical conclusion of the furious controversy on controversial ideological and theoretical issues was Kamenev's statement, under loud noise gathered in the hall, the demand of the opposition: "... Stalin cannot fulfill the role of unifier of the Bolshevik headquarters ... we are against the theory of one-man, we are against creating a leader."
This was the culmination of the convention. It was that “time bomb” that the opposition had prepared and that Trotsky recalled.
It is interesting to return to the origins of this story. Where and how did it all start? And what did all this lead to?
After Lenin
The gravest loss for the party and the country was the death of V. I. Lenin. In order to at least partially make up for the absence of a leader, it was important to maintain cohesion within the Central Committee and especially in its Politburo. In addition to Lenin, then the Politburo included Stalin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Tomsky, Trotsky and Bukharin, transferred in June 1924 after the death of Ilyich from candidate members of the Politburo.
In the party environment, more and more often it was said about the core that had formed by that time in the Central Committee of the party, that this core was called upon to lead the entire party along the path bequeathed by Lenin. It included three "veterans" according to the length of their stay in the Politburo - Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev, between whom there were not only party, but also comradely, personal relations since the time of joint exile in the Turukhansk region, February and October Revolution and civil war. All three were connected by another thread - the struggle with their common political opponent, who claimed to be special roles in the party and the state after Lenin - Trotsky.
Each member of the "troika" performed certain functions and responsibilities. So, Zinoviev was the main speaker and speaker at almost all political forums at that time: at the XII and XIII Party Congresses, at party conferences, congresses of Soviets, trade unions, congresses of the Comintern and others. Even during Lenin's lifetime, the post of chairman of the meetings of the Politburo was taken by Kamenev; his characteristic feature was the ability to formulate the proposed proposals. Stalin, being General Secretary of the Central Committee since 1922, concentrated his attention on the work of the apparatus of the Central Committee, on the selection and placement of leading and local party cadres.
The dramatic situation in the party has developed in connection with political testament Lenin, and first of all with the “Letter to the Congress”. In that key document As is known, final, laconic, but extremely capacious in content assessments of the members of the Politburo of the Central Committee were given, it was said about possible recurrences of their previous mistakes. Naturally, this could not but affect the very nature of the relationship between the leaders of the party noted by Lenin. None of those mentioned in the "Letter" was interested in entering into conflict with each other on the platform of this Leninist document. Moreover, on the part of Kamenev and Zinoviev, attempts were made to interpret Lenin's assessments and expressed thoughts in their own way. As director of the Lenin Institute, which had Lenin's documents at its disposal, Kamenev, together with Zinoviev, also a member of the commission for receiving Lenin's papers, made every effort to keep Stalin in the post of general secretary, hoping to use his organizational skills in the fight against Trotsky.
There is no need to repeat to readers the contents of the Letter to the Congress, the history of its appearance. However, we recall that it was Zinoviev and Kamenev, together with Stalin, who held the conferences of delegations at the 13th Party Congress. They read this Leninist document, commented on it, they advocated keeping Stalin in the post of general secretary. That is, they had the opportunity, and considerable, to form the opinion of the delegations, to influence the development of their decisions.
Stalin's position at that moment was preferable to others. In a fierce discussion with Trotsky on issues of party building and the economic policy of the party, which took place shortly before Lenin's death in the autumn of 1923, he relied on the apparatus, on the mistrust that existed in the party for Trotsky, for his political past.
As a result, Stalin's authority grew noticeably, and the delegates of the XIII Congress of the RCP (b), who spoke in favor of his candidacy for the post of general secretary of the Central Committee of the party, actually predetermined the solution of this issue at the organizational Plenum of the Central Committee in June 1924, which had no choice but to "register » Re-election of Stalin. Such a procedure contributed to a certain rise of the Secretary General over the rest of the Politburo members. There was an increase in his influence, a certain protrusion of his personality.
It seems that in this situation Stalin had the opportunity to make it clear that he no longer identified himself with the activities of Zinoviev and Kamenev, who, like himself, pursued the policy of "cutting off" Trotsky. At this stage, Stalin fully agreed with the position of the majority of the Central Committee, who believed that, along with Trotsky, the “special position” of Zinoviev and Kamenev, which in essence also boiled down to attempts to strengthen their position by removing other political leaders, was acquiring an increasing threat to the unity of the party.
By this time the situation had already cleared up. For example, Zinoviev managed to do a lot in terms of strengthening his own position in Leningrad. He surrounded himself with people selected on the basis of personal loyalty, ready to defend Zinoviev's claims, to challenge Moscow, that is, Stalin and the party leaders grouped around him.
In this situation, Stalin decided to take advantage of his position and made an attempt to consolidate it. On June 17, 1924, in a report “On the results of the XIII Congress of the RCP (b)” at the courses of secretaries of the Ukoms under the Central Committee of the party, he accused Kamenev of “carelessness about theory, about exact theoretical definitions". Zinoviev also got it, especially for putting forward the thesis about "the dictatorship of the party as a function of the dictatorship of the proletariat." At one time, this Zinovievist thesis, according to Stalin, caused sharp disputes, "confusion and confusion" and, as a result, disagreement and backlash party masses. On June 20, part of Stalin's report was published in Pravda.
From this speech, the beginning of an open struggle for power between these members of the Politburo is counted. As Zinoviev later writes, from that moment his (Stalin's) begins. - Auth.) two years of work to create their own group of Central Committee members and remove Kamenev and Zinoviev from leadership.
And what about Trotsky?
Indeed, what was he doing? Putting forward more and more acute political and theoretical questions requiring lengthy discussions and discussions, Trotsky kept the party in polemical tension all the time. This gave grounds to accuse him of trying to distract the communists from solving urgent problems. practical tasks socialist construction. In addition to his desire, he increasingly strengthened the authority of Stalin as the leader of the party. “This conclusion is paradoxical,” writes Colonel-General D. Volkogonov, “but, perhaps, no one contributed to the strengthening of Stalin’s position at the head of the party column as much as Trotsky.” One cannot but agree with this.
The party majority had the right to believe that Trotsky's supporters were grouping around him, that he had become the center of the sympathetic attention of all non-Bolshevik elements. Zinoviev and Kamenev declared that “like true Leninists” they could not talk on fundamental issues with Trotsky, with “this Menshevik, this destroyer of Leninism” (like them, Trotsky was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee!). They argued that they could work only on the condition that the main issues were discussed in the close circle of the Leninist core, Ya. E. Rudzutak later recalled.
For several years, Trotsky, according to Tomsky, was busy registering all errors, clashes of points of view, inaccurately dropped words, phrases in the Politburo and from time to time burst into rage with documents addressed to the party, his associates and the Politburo. The majority preferred a different method of action to an open and principled - in the spirit of Lenin - way of resolving the disagreements that had arisen. A special body is being created (“a group of Leninists,” as Zinoviev said then) to ensure normal conditions the work of the party leadership, to coordinate actions in opposition to Trotsky, whom everyone was wary of, whom they did not trust.
“Of course,” Zinoviev said a little later, “we were convinced, including myself, that we were acting in the interests of the party. We considered the internal state of affairs in the party such that such a measure seemed necessary to us. He formulated the task as follows: “We must have at least some place where, in our midst of old Leninists, we could critical issues on which disagreements with Trotsky and his supporters are possible, to have the right to hesitate, to make mistakes, to correct each other, to jointly work collectively on this or that issue. Before Trotsky, we are deprived of this opportunity. This was one of the reasons that forced Zinoviev to insist so long and stubbornly on the removal of Trotsky from the Politburo in order to subsequently remove him from work in the Central Committee.
The situation in the leadership of the party became more and more confused and at the same time heated up. Its “surface”, visible part was made up of an uncompromising ideological struggle against Trotsky and his adherents, while the invisible, “underwater” part also corresponded to the increasingly sharpening and growing rivalry in the struggle for power, for personal leadership in the party, in leadership - between Stalin, on the one hand side, Zinoviev and Kamenev - on the other.
Urgent questions were put on the agenda: what to do? How to be? What measures can be taken to save the situation and overcome the impending crisis?
Exit found
“We formed a faction that was completely organized from the beginning of 1924, at first little formalized, and then completely formalized,” Zinoviev admits.
During the August (1924) Plenum of the Central Committee, a meeting of a group of like-minded people, members of the Central Committee (Stalin, Bukharin, Rudzutak, Rykov, Tomsky, Kalinin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Voroshilov, Mikoyan, Kaganovich, Ordzhonikidze, Petrovsky, Kuibyshev, Uglanov and several others) was held. comrades), which, in order to strengthen the leadership of the party and to prevent the emerging split, decided to consider itself a leading team. Being at first one of the initiators of its creation, later Zinoviev began to call it a "factional center".
The meeting singled out from its midst executive agency- "seven" consisting of members of the Politburo (Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Rykov, Stalin, Tomsky - with the exception of Trotsky) and Kuibyshev as chairman of the Central Control Commission. The candidates for it were Dzerzhinsky, Kalinin, Molotov, Uglanov, Frunze.
The meeting developed a special document, similar to the Charter, regulating all the activities of the created management team. One of the main provisions of the document was the item on the strictest discipline. The "Seven" was accountable only to the plenum-meeting of this team, which met at the same time (in parallel or on the eve of the next Plenum of the Central Committee. All disagreements within the "Seven" had to be resolved either by the plenum-meeting, or by the "Seven" itself. The agenda of the work of the "Seven" was the same the same as at the forthcoming meeting of the Politburo, that is, she previously discussed the same issues. At the request of one of the members, it could be convened immediately. Also, at the request of one of its members, any issue could be removed from the agenda of the meeting of the Politburo. "Seven" met on Tuesdays, the Politburo - on Thursdays every week, and sometimes more often.
All this was done so that, having come to a meeting of the Politburo, to be ready for a unanimous rebuff to Trotsky and to speak with a unanimous opinion on the issues discussed. And practically all issues of inner-party life on which there were disagreements with Trotsky or other comrades were discussed in the "seven" and predetermined. In the field of view were economic, foreign policy and Comintern issues, the most important decisions of the Central Control Commission. The "Seven" predetermined almost all organizational issues, as well as issues of distribution and placement of party cadres.
Being, according to the testimony of the same Zinoviev, secret from the party, the actual head of the Central Committee, the "seven" had a pseudonym - "leading team" and had a special code. Speaking in his defense at the July (1926) joint Plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission, Zinoviev shook a folder of official, in his words, documents of various kinds related to the work of the "seven". As one of the examples of her activities, he cited a document relating to the dispute on the grain-forage balance. The resolution of the "seven" read: "Since the opening of the discussion, especially on the eve of the opening of the plenum of the faction, is considered undesirable, the "seven" considers it necessary to transfer the issue to the discussion of the faction of the plenum." Then came the signatures of the members of the Secretariat of the Central Committee. And very often, Zinoviev continued, the decisions of the "seven" were transmitted in encrypted form from Moscow to Leningrad. “As you can see,” Zinoviev asserted, “it was a complete organization: the plenum faction and its executive body, the Seven, in which Comrade Kuibyshev, chairman of the Central Control Commission, took part.”
Special mention should be made of the strictest discipline in the G7. Its observance was valued much higher than the observance of general party discipline. Trying to somehow substantiate and explain his speech with a co-report at the Fourteenth Party Congress, Zinoviev admitted at the aforementioned Plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission that he also bears part of the blame for the fact that disagreements within the Central Committee suddenly fell at the Fourteenth Party Congress, that before the congress during for a long time they would not have been known to broad sections of the party and even to members of the Central Committee. “Here a mistake was made on my part, as well as on the part of some other comrades. We hoped that questions which, as experience has now shown, can only be resolved collective mind all members of our party, above all working part our party, we hoped to resolve these issues within the walls of one room "(Stalin's office, where the "seven" met. - Auth.). This is evidence of our myopia. But we did not do this because, being bound by "factional discipline", we did not want to bring our disagreements to a wide discussion, we were subject to the decisions of the "seven".
So, before Lenin's illness, until December 1922, the concentration of power in the hands of Stalin was not so obvious. However, soon after the death of the leader, the situation began to change dramatically.
Quite a bit of time passed, and, already being part of the "seven", Stalin and his entourage begin to carry out new methods of mechanical reprisal now against former like-minded people - Zinoviev and Kamenev. The pretext is the same - Trotsky, the attitude towards him.
Are the people silent?
Let me remind you that as a result of the inner-party discussion with Trotsky that took place in the fall of 1924, three categories of resolutions of local party organizations were revealed, which were reported in Pravda. Some advocated the exclusion of Trotsky from the party. Others demanded the removal of Trotsky from the positions of chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council and a member of the Politburo. The third category of resolutions (from Moscow, Leningrad, the Urals, Ukraine, etc.) demanded the removal of Trotsky from the leadership of the Revolutionary Military Council and his conditional retention in the Politburo. But at the same time, everyone was in solidarity on the question of the ideological and political assessment of Trotskyism in general.
Inside the Central Committee, the first opinion did not have a single supporter. Differences were only between the supporters of the second and third opinions. Zinoviev and Kamenev advocated the immediate removal of Trotsky from the posts of a member of the Politburo and the pre-revolutionary military council.
Stalin, who remained at the will of the party in the post of general secretary, explained his position in relation to Trotsky by the desire to correct his "rudeness and disloyalty", which Vladimir Ilyich pointed out in his "Letter to the Congress". Later, at the July joint (1926) Plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission, Stalin said that when a discussion with Trotsky unfolded in 1923-1924, when “one part of our party demanded the use of extreme measures against Trotsky, and I was against removing Trotsky from Politburo, I then did not occupy a place on the extreme flank against Trotsky, but on the moderate ... I defended his retention in the Politburo, defended it together with the majority of the Central Committee - and defended ... In any case, I tried to take into account the instructions given by Lenin to me in relation to Trotsky, and I took all possible measures to moderate the ardor of Kamenev and Zinoviev, who demanded the exclusion of Trotsky from the Politburo.
Stalin, however, was not in favor of leaving Trotsky unconditionally in the Politburo. The question was only about the timing and the moment when it could be “pressed out” under a good pretext. At the January (1925) meeting of the leading collective, as we now know, on the eve of the Plenum of the Central Committee, Stalin's proposal was adopted to "carefully prepare" Trotsky's conclusion. Stalin voted for this proposal, that is, he spoke only in favor of not withdrawing Trotsky from the Politburo at the January Plenum of the Central Committee.
As a result of stormy debates already at the Plenum of the Central Committee itself, the overwhelming majority of the members of the Central Committee (with two votes against) and all the members of the Central Control Commission (with one abstention) voted for the removal of Trotsky from the post of the Pre-Revolutionary Military Council, adopted, in the words of Manuilsky, a "conciliatory" resolution.
The decision to “partially” dismiss Trotsky, the refusal to support the proposal of Zinoviev and Kamenev (to remove Trotsky from the Central Committee) testified to a decrease in their authority, to the defeat of anti-Stalinist sentiments in the Central Committee of the Party. Nor could Stalin's position be shaken by the attempts of Zinoviev and Kamenev, who expressed disagreement with the, in their opinion, mild decision of the January Plenum, to accuse the majority of the Central Committee and Stalin personally of liberalism in relation to Trotsky, and also of the fact that the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission not only do not lead fight against Trotskyism, and even merge with it.
From that moment on, the disengagement of forces went into full swing. It began, in the words of Trotsky himself, new stage in the implementation of a plan long planned and systematically carried out by Stalin. Soon after the Fourteenth Congress, there were persistent talks in the leading circles of the party about the need to reorganize the Politburo in the sense that a number of workers (primarily Zinoviev and Kamenev were meant) who took part in leading work under Lenin, and replace them with new cadres which could constitute a proper support for Stalin's leading role. His plan met with full support from a closely knit group of close supporters. This was the reason for the decision of the steering group to carry out the plan in parts, using each suitable occasion. There was a gradual slide towards authoritarian rule, to the creation of an administrative-command system and the formation of Stalin's personality cult.
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| Stalin skyscrapers | The address | Construction period | Architects | Height |
| Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Smolenskaya Square | Smolenskaya-Sennaya Square, 32/34, Smolenskaya metro station | 1948-1953 | V.G. Gelfreikh, M.A. Minkus | 27 floors, 172 m |
| Hotel Leningradskaya | Kalanchevskaya street, 21/40, m. Komsomolskaya | 1949-1954 | L.M. Polyakov, A.B. Boretsky | 17 floors, 136 m |
| House on Barrikadnaya | Kudrinskaya Square, 1, metro station Barrikadnaya | 1948-1954 | M.V. Posokhin, A.A. Mndoyants | 24 floors, 156 m |
| Hotel "Ukraine" - "Radisson Royal Hotel" | Kutuzovsky prospect, 2/1 building 1, Kyiv metro station | 1953-1957 | A.G. Mordvinov, V.K. Oltarzhevsky | 34 floors, 206 m |
| Administrative building near the "Red Gate" | Sadovaya-Spasskaya street, 21, metro station Red Gate | 1947-1952 | A.N. Dushkin, B.S. Mezentsev | 24 floors, 138 m |
| Kotelnicheskaya embankment, 1/15, Taganskaya metro station | 1948-1952 | D.N. Chechulin, A.K. Rostkovsky | 26 floors, 176 m | |
| The main building of Moscow State University. Lomonosov | Sparrow Hills, d. 1, m. Universitet | 1949-1953 | B.M. Iofan, L.V. Rudnev, S.E. Chernyshev, others | 32 floors, 240 m |
At the beginning of the 20th century, American skyscrapers were a symbol of freedom and an era of emerging market relations. Manhattan, the Empire State Building, streets and avenues that intersect strictly at right angles are still a symbol of capitalism. Moscow in the 1920s, with its stone aristocratic mansions, wooden merchant houses, barracks and the Khitrovsky market, did not at all fit the role of the capital of the young Soviet state.
By the beginning of the 1930s, the authorities clearly understood that the new state needed a new progressive city, reflecting both political structure country, and meeting all the needs of the builders of communism. All this led to the start of large-scale construction of high-rise buildings in Moscow, which were called "Stalin's skyscrapers".
How many Stalin skyscrapers in Moscow should have been
It is difficult to unequivocally answer the question of how many Stalin skyscrapers were planned to be built. Historically established, Joseph Stalin wanted eight grandiose high-rise buildings to be built in Moscow, symbolizing the 800th anniversary of the hero's city. In the autumn of September 7, 1947 at 13.00 in different places in Moscow, they began laying the “first stone” in the foundations of eight Soviet skyscrapers.
The date was not chosen by chance. According to astrological forecasts, it was this date and time that promised the buildings a special energy. However, only seven were built. It was decided to stop work on the eighth Stalin skyscraper immediately after the death of the leader, and on the already erected foundation in the Zaryadye region, the Rossiya Hotel later appeared, dismantled in 2007.
Urban legends say that Moscow skyscrapers are only part of Stalin's dream of a city of the future, with majestic administrative and residential complexes and perfectly flat granite embankments. These legends are confirmed by competitive projects of various architects. Looking at these models, one can hardly imagine what exactly Moscow could look like.
Stalin wanted to make a “pioneer” out of Moscow, and after that all other cities would take on a similar look. Thus, the expression "Stalin skyscrapers" could become popular all over the world and personify all the strength and power of the Soviet Union.
The project for the construction of eight skyscrapers in Moscow was part of a grandiose plan to erect monumental structures in all regional centers and capitals of the republics of the USSR. The most significant of the already planned architectural objects was to be the Palace of the Soviets, the so-called ninth skyscraper, the construction of which started back in 1939 instead of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior destroyed to the ground.
The Palace of Soviets was planned as the most high structure of its time (415 m + 100 m height of the statue of Lenin) and was to become the center of everything Soviet state. Unfortunately or fortunately, but the Stalin skyscrapers appeared in a limited number and then did not receive proper development.
Stalinki in other cities
Erected in the era of the Stalinist Empire style, the Main building of the Chelyabinsk South Ural State University is often referred to as Stalin's skyscrapers. To the monuments of Soviet power throughout Eastern Europe also include skyscrapers built by other states that were part of Soviet Union: The Riga Academy of Sciences, the Palace of Culture and Science in Warsaw, the capital of Poland, the Hotel "Ukraine" and a residential skyscraper on the Khreshchatyk of Kyiv, the Prague hotel "Crowne Plaza", the House of Free Press in Bucharest.
The design of skyscrapers began in the late 1930s. In the most difficult years of the Great Patriotic War, grandiose construction projects were stopped. Stalinist skyscrapers in Moscow continued to be built almost immediately after the end of the war. The leader was still hosting the victory parade on Red Square, and the architects were already leading preparatory work on new building projects.
The architectural solutions used were called "Stalin's Empire", sometimes called "Empire during the plague." The task before the architects was both very simple and very difficult: to surpass American skyscrapers - in grandeur and grandiosity. As history shows, they coped with the task!
Architects of the Stalin skyscrapers
Many well-known and honored architects participated in the competition held to select projects. The winners were young, talented architects, the task for which I. Stalin personally set.
As contemporaries later wrote, he needed a team of urban planners who were ready to unquestioningly fulfill his wishes and realize the most ambitious plans. Historians are still arguing about the reasons for such attention on the part of the leader to the projects of Moscow skyscrapers.
The architects of the Stalin skyscrapers were very different people their fates were different. The strangest was the fate of one of the first architects of the Main Building of Moscow State University on the Sparrow Hills, Boris Iofan (he also authored other equally well-known projects for Moscow buildings).
Boris studied at the Roman Institute fine arts and after his graduation, he designed quite a few Soviet structures, but also Italian ones. By the way, it was the Italian architects who designed the Moscow Kremlin.
In the early 1930s, he was the author of the grandiose project of the Palace of Soviets and was considered the "court" architect of Joseph Stalin. However, his design for the Moscow State University building, which was planned to be erected on the Lenin (Sparrow) Hills, caused severe criticism.
By official version, I. Stalin was not satisfied with the place chosen by B. Iofan for the future building of Moscow State University due to the location of government communications facilities in this place. According to another version, the place proposed by B. Iofan did not fit into the concept based on magnetic fields, which was supposed to connect all eight structures.
Now it is impossible to establish for certain what was the essence of the conflict between the leader and the architect, but Moscow State University was shifted several hundred meters from the planned one, and B. Iofan was removed from the post of chief architect. Proposed and completed project Moscow State University is based on the drawings of B. Iofan, but his name, at the direction of I. Stalin, was deleted from all documents.
Stalin skyscrapers in Moscow, mysticism and legends
Legends around skyscrapers began to appear at the design stage, starting with the very idea of their construction and ending with the image of ancient symbols on the facades: Masonic, pagan and Christian. The laying of the foundation of all Moscow skyscrapers, by order of the leader, took place exactly at 13:00 on September 7, 1947, the date and time were based on astrological forecasts. On this day in Moscow, also on instructions from above, all construction work was prohibited.
The architectural forms of buildings hide pyramids under them, the proportions of which are similar Egyptian pyramids. The pyramid, as you know, symbolizes superiority, power, knowledge, energy and strength.
Stalinist skyscrapers in Moscow are distinguished by a particularly strong metal frame. And most esotericists agree that the presence of metal fittings and spiers suggests the use of buildings as grand transmitters of energy.
In the declassified archives of the KGB, there are practically no photographs of the construction of skyscrapers, as they were built by prisoners, and publicly given fact was not worth posting. The residents of these houses were well aware of who and with what difficulty erected these walls, but preferred not to discuss this topic.
There are many legends and rumors about ground freezing technologies, which by that time were really actively used, but only for the construction of the metro. Most of these legends are similar to chapters from novels of the future: about the use of liquid nitrogen to freeze the soil, which, by the way, turns metal and concrete into dust, about the 3rd basement of Moscow State University, where there are huge refrigeration units that keep the soil under the building in a solid state, and if they are turned off, then Moscow State University will slide into the Moscow River in one week. And also the stories that all structures have direct access to the metro tunnels.
Apartments in the Stalin skyscrapers of Moscow and their tenants
Buildings were often occupied by a whim of fate. Apartments received as known politicians as well as movie stars, artists, writers and PhDs. One of the signs of the times was that those who received an apartment in a high-rise building often exchanged this luxurious housing for a cell in the dungeons of the KGB or a bed in a camp barracks in the north.
Residents of the luxurious apartments of Stalin's skyscrapers in Moscow were forbidden to change or move furniture without special permission from the proper authority, as the equipment installed for listening and recording conversations could be damaged.
Cellars and bunkers under the Stalin skyscrapers still excite the imagination as professional historians and lovers of extreme travel. No one knows for sure where the tunnels lead behind the rusty metal doors in the basements, the locks of which are not always possible to open even with special equipment.
How many Stalin skyscrapers in Moscow
The plans of the Soviet government included the construction of one house with a height of 32 floors, two houses with a height of 26 floors and five houses with a height of 16 floors. by the most tall building, according to the original project, was supposed to be a hotel for workers on Sparrow Hills. The main building of Moscow State University, with a height of 36 floors, it became later. No parks, fountains and an observation deck were also supposed to be added to architectural ensemble they were also later.
All Stalin skyscrapers in Moscow were built according to a single concept: a wide base, a stepped pyramid, pointed spiers and motifs of the Kremlin towers. Plots for the construction of Soviet skyscrapers were huge, which significantly distinguished them from American ones, where the rent for a plot for construction was not just large, but a very large and pyramidal building, in market conditions, was considered an unaffordable luxury.
Some of the architectural solutions were dictated not only by aesthetics, but also by the peculiarities of the Moscow soil. If Manhattan stands on rocky and hard terrain, then Moscow stands on hills and swamps. The consequence of this was the amazing technology used in the construction of Stalin's skyscrapers.
Another problem for the architects was the categorical position of the leader on the choice of sites for construction. In his office, all the skyscrapers under construction were marked on the map, and the proposals of the architects to move the buildings to another more favorable place for construction were rejected.
Stalin skyscraper on Smolenskaya Square
The first skyscraper was erected on Smolenskaya Square for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The architecture of the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is distinguished by restraint and is the only Stalinist skyscraper on which there is no five-pointed star, since the fragile spire of the building could not withstand its weight and wind loads at a height of 172 meters.
Stalin skyscraper on Komsomolskaya
The smallest Stalinist skyscraper appeared next - the Leningradskaya Hotel, which complements the concept of Komsomolskaya Square. Its interior decoration was executed in the Moscow baroque style. The architectural luxury of "Leningradskaya" in subsequent years was very criticized by N. Khrushchev. The architects of the hotel were deprived of Stalin awards.
Stalin skyscraper on Kotelnicheskaya embankment
Then the architectural appearance of Moscow was supplemented by the Stalin skyscraper on Kotelnicheskaya embankment. The building harmoniously blended into the landscape on the arrow of the Moscow River and the Yauza. Due to the adjoining to the building of a previously erected residential building total apartments reached 700. The skyscraper on Kotelnicheskaya housed a cinema, a post office, a hairdresser, many cafes and shops.
Stalin skyscraper on Barrikadnaya
Stalinka on Kudrinskaya Square in Moscow was nicknamed "Gastronom". Here, as well as in the building on Kotelnicheskaya, there are shops, a cinema, garages. The facade of the building is decorated with many sculptures and bas-reliefs.
Skyscraper at the Red Gate
The exit from the Krasnye Vorota metro station is located in another skyscraper erected on the Garden Ring. AT Soviet years This building was occupied by the Ministry of Transport Construction. In the Stalin skyscraper there were both working offices of ministry employees and residential apartments. The three buildings of the house are not connected either by ground passages or attics; only the basement is common to them.
Stalin skyscraper on Kutuzovsky
The Moscow high-rise hotel "Ukraine" is located at the beginning of Kutuzovsky Prospekt. The place for the construction of the skyscraper was chosen very well: the beginning of Kutuzovsky Prospekt, laid just in the post-war years, and the embankment of the Moskva River with a pier. The strategic location of the hotel made it extremely attractive for guests of the capital, and the interior was striking in its magnificence.
Stalin's skyscraper on Sparrow Hills
The tallest among the Stalin skyscrapers is the main building of Moscow State University on Sparrow Hills. The silhouette of Moscow State University is visible at a great distance and has become one of the symbols of Moscow. Parks, fountains and an observation deck attract both citizens and tourists to Sparrow Hills. A tour of the skyscrapers in Moscow invariably attracts a lot of listeners. Much of the history of the design and construction of Moscow skyscrapers of the post-war era remains a mystery even now.
Secrets of Moscow skyscrapers
We can only guess what Moscow could have been like if Stalin had been able to realize his grandiose plan to build all the skyscrapers and other structures. But we can say with confidence that the face of Moscow would be forever changed.
Stalin ordered the architects to build the pyramids and hide them under an architectural "husk". All master plans and the coordinates of the Stalin skyscrapers were strictly classified. In fact, these were the same pyramids as in ancient Egypt, which were supposed to become a kind of energy storage.
They say these pyramids (Stalinka) could concentrate great amount energy, which in the end could open the way to immortality. Maybe it's a rumor, maybe not. Eight pyramids (skyscrapers) were supposed to be closed on the ninth, central (the highest among them) pyramid, which would allow generating a huge vital energy. Stalin personally determined the location of each structure, but it is strange that all Stalin's skyscrapers in Moscow stand on geological faults.
Why 9 skyscrapers in Moscow
There were supposed to be 9 skyscrapers in total, exactly the same number of planets in the solar system. Each represents a specific planet. For example, a building on Kotelnicheskaya can be correlated with the planet Venus (beauty). Venus means that it can be one of the most beautiful buildings and aesthetically consistent and that artists can live there, as it really does.
The building on Kudrinskaya Square corresponds to the planet Mars (emotions). The building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs corresponds with Jupiter (motor energy). The building of Moscow State University is related to the planet Mercury (education). Thus, Stalin's skyscrapers are pyramids and each has its own purpose.
Where all the skyscrapers intersect
The buildings have an intersection in one place, exactly where the ninth skyscraper (Palace of Soviets) should have been, now there is the Cathedral of Christ the Savior. The intersection of all the lines creates a sign very similar to the sign in the Nazca Desert in Peru.
The Palace of Soviets began to be built in the late 1930s. A huge concrete foundation was poured, a metal frame was made, several floors were built, a Politburo meeting room was ready below and, of course, a number of tunnels passed to this structure, but the Great Patriotic War began and the construction was frozen, and the frame was dismantled for the production of tanks.
Perhaps the construction of skyscrapers was the only one whose builders were not rushed, and the metro stations, for example, at that time, were required to enter by each red date. There were only two restrictions on construction - it was forbidden to move the construction site even by one centimeter and each skyscraper must have a spire.
What riddles did Joseph Stalin leave behind.
Date of Birth
Date of birth of Joseph Stalin - point of contention his biography. The choice is between two dates: December 21, 1879 and December 18, 1878. The second date is indicated by an extract from the metric book of the Gori Assumption Cathedral Church, which refers to the birth of the son of Joseph to the parents of Vissarion Ivanovich Dzhugashvili and his wife Ekaterina Georgievna (maiden name - Geladze).
Stalin's change of the true date of his birth can be explained both by pragmatic and esoteric reasons. On the pragmatic side, the change in the year of birth was due to the fact that celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the "leader" in 1928 was very inappropriate: the year turned out to be incredibly difficult and managed to contain everything from the expulsion of Trotsky to peasant riots. But the change of birthday cannot be explained by anything other than esotericism. There is a version that Gurdjieff, with whom Stalin studied at the same seminary, influenced Stalin to change the date of his birth. The rectification of the date allowed Stalin to take and hold power.
Why - Stalin?
For more than half a century, our country was ruled by people under pseudonyms. It can be assumed that this is due to the fact that Soviet leaders came out of underground cells and royal hard labor, but if you start to understand, it turns out that each of the revolutionaries had his own reasons for changing the name. What were the reasons for changing the name of Joseph Dzhugashvili?
Throughout his life, Stalin had three dozen pseudonyms. At the same time, it is significant that Joseph Vissarionovich did not make secrets from his surname. Who now remembers Apfelbaum, Rosenfeld and Wallach (Zinoviev, Kamenev, Litvinov)? But Ulyanov-Lenin and Dzhugashvili-Stalin are well known. Stalin chose the pseudonym quite deliberately. According to William Pokhlebkin, who devoted the work "The Great Pseudonym" to this issue, several factors coincided when choosing a pseudonym. The real source when choosing a pseudonym was the surname of a liberal journalist, at first close to the populists, and then to the Social Revolutionaries, Yevgeny Stefanovich Stalinsky, one of the prominent Russian professional publishers of periodicals in the provinces and the translator into Russian of Sh. Rustaveli's poem - "The Knight in tiger skin". Stalin was very fond of this poem.
What did you read?
Contrary to the popular belief that of the entire revolutionary cohort, Stalin was almost the simplest, "from the plow", he was very educated. Do not forget about his studies in the seminary. Stalin could read Plato in the original, and this already says a lot. He had a huge library. Most he looked through his books, and read many carefully. Some have been read several times. Stalin read books, as a rule, with a pencil, and most often with several colored pencils. Numerous notes, underlining, passages of phrases, comments in the margins eloquently indicate that Stalin with great attention I read literature, and the image of "my boyfriend" for the proletariat was only an image.
Stalin and Matrona
There is a legend that on the eve of the battle for Moscow in 1941, Joseph Stalin secretly visited Blessed Matrona. Allegedly, the old woman blessed the head of the country, and soon the Germans were driven back from Moscow. It is interesting that this meeting is captured in the hallmarks of several hagiographic icons of St. Matrona.
Stalin and oil
One of the most contentious issues relating to the personality of Stalin and his successful political career- his connection with the oil magnates and, in particular, with the Rockefellers and Standard oil. The fact that the oil companies were one of the "customers" of the Russian revolution is no longer a secret with seven seals today, but Stalin's role in organizing the riots in Baku, when the oil rigs of the Rothschilds were deliberately burned, is still not clear. The theme of the relationship between Stalin and the Rockefellers is an endless field for conspiracy theories, but the fact that Stalin until a certain time depended on Western money is unambiguous.
Esoterics
At the suggestion of Stalin, the five-pointed star became the official symbol of the USSR. Stalin knew that the pentagram has a very powerful energy potential and is one of the most powerful symbols. The swastika, the cult of which was very strong in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, could also become a symbol of the USSR. The swastika was depicted on the "Kerenki", swastikas were painted on the wall of the Ipatiev House by Empress Alexandra Feodorovna before being shot, but the Bolsheviks settled on a five-pointed star almost by Stalin's sole decision. The history of the 20th century will yet show that the “star” is stronger than the “swastika” ... The stars also shone over the Kremlin, replacing the double-headed eagles, and economic activity the state was determined by five-year plans.
Stalin's prediction
Stalin was well aware of his importance. He once said: "I know that after my death they will put a lot of garbage on my grave, but the wind of history will mercilessly dispel it!" Charles de Gaulle beautifully said about Stalin: "Stalin has not gone into the past. Stalin has dissolved into the future."
One of the most impressive projects in the entire practice of Soviet architecture can rightly be called the construction of the "Stalin skyscrapers" - seven of the eight designed structures crowned Moscow. The architectural manifesto for the whole world - a statement about the power, strength, significance and indisputable authority of the Soviet government - was launched on January 13, 1947. Then the Council of Ministers signed a resolution "On the construction of multi-storey buildings in Moscow." In September of the same year, eight foundations for future skyscrapers were laid at the same time - according to the number of centuries of Moscow's existence.
There was no experience of high-rise construction in the Soviet Union at that time. Except for the only project (the progenitor of future skyscrapers) - the building of the Palace of Soviets, designed by the architect Dushkov in Zaryadye. The monumental building according to the project was 420 m high and was crowned with a statue of V.I. Lenin (for scale - Lenin's index finger was six meters long). The palace was never completed - the construction was frozen after Stalin's death.
A little about the origin of Stalin's skyscrapers:
Fast forward a hundred and fifty years to New York. Comrade Otis installed the first elevator in a five-story building on Broadway in 1857. The elevator is still in operation.
Elevators prompted the idea to build taller buildings. After the invention of steel frames, things took off. This beautiful building in 1884 in Chicago is considered the first skyscraper (at first it was 10 floors high):
Then it was still impossible to say where real estate in the 21st century would be more expensive - in New York or Chicago, so they rushed to build skyscrapers both there and there.
New York style was like this (1900):
People began to complain that because of the skyscrapers the streets were dark even during the day. Complained, complained, complained, complained, until in 1914 the capitalists built a block-sized 40-story office building.
The people howled completely, so in 1916 it was necessary to introduce a ban on the construction of large flat surfaces, and instead it was ordered to build all skyscrapers with ledges (setbacks). Thus, a compromise was found between dense and high buildings and sunlight and air in the streets.
Without ledges: 
With ledges: 
In 1914, the building for municipal services in the neoclassical style was completed.
Comrade Stalin, when he saw this building, fell in love with it at first sight. Constructivism, avant-garde, art deco (which did not have time to reach the USSR) were rejected by the leader of the peoples. Instead, all architects should have studied the Municipal Building and learned how to do the same.
In 1937, a team of Soviet architects went to New York to learn from the experience of American skyscraper builders.
It is unlikely that at least one Soviet person knew why Stalin's architecture was exactly like that. And where did her ledges come from.
After the war, it was necessary to build new buildings that instill confidence in the Soviet people. By the way, after the war and until the death of Stalin in Moscow, it was forbidden to build residential buildings below eight floors.
Apart from the skyscrapers, the rest of the Stalin era buildings were built in the same spirit as the neoclassical New York buildings.
Similar buildings later appeared in Riga, Kyiv, and Warsaw.
In 1961, in New York, the city planning law was changed, obliging instead of ledges to provide the public with the last and first floors under viewing platforms and restaurants.
And since then nothing more beautiful has been built in Moscow.
Appearance New York skyscrapers in 1930:
Implementation stages:
by the most tall building this large-scale project became main building Moscow State University (Moscow State University) on Sparrow Hills. It has 36 floors (240 m including the spire). The central block houses the faculties, an assembly hall for 1500 people, a museum, and a scientific library. In the side rooms there is a hostel for students and apartments for the teaching staff. Initially, the building was designed as a large residential complex. The decision that the Vorobyovs will be erected instead main university country, accepted personally by Stalin.
It was built in 1949-1953 by architects L. V. Rudnev, S. E. Chernyshev and others).
The building is the center of the huge complex of the Moscow University, which initially already numbered 27 buildings.
The Main Building houses the Faculty of Mechanics and Mathematics, Geology and Geography, administration, a scientific library, a museum, and an assembly hall for 1,500 people. In the side wings there is a residential area (dormitory for students, apartments for faculty). Like other skyscrapers of an administrative and residential nature, it was conceived as a house with a closed communal infrastructure (cinema, post office, consumer services, etc.)
The original design of the building did not have a spire; instead, a monument to Lomonosov was to be erected on the roof. The architects, showing the drawings to Stalin, hinted that the sculpture could get a portrait resemblance to the leader. However, he ordered to build a spire instead of the statue, so that the upper part of the Moscow State University building would be similar to the other seven skyscrapers being built in the capital.
The building is also shrouded in several legends, that allegedly there is a bunker nearby, where he can hide in case nuclear war the party elite, that the area near the building is "fonit" because of the nuclear reactor that was here before, etc. One way or another, today Moscow State University is one of the major universities RF.
A monument to Lomonosov was installed on the side of the main building. Now it is temporarily under restoration.
The second tallest building is the Ukraine Hotel, crowning Kutuzovsky Prospekt. Its central volume consists of 34 floors. This skyscraper was built in 1953-1957, i.е. already under Khrushchev, who named it after his beloved Ukraine. It was built by architects Mordvinov and Oltarzhevsky. The central part of the building is a hotel, the side wings are residential, there are apartments.
April 28, 2010 the hotel "Ukraine" was opened after a major restoration under the new name Radisson Royal (Radisson-Moskovskaya), because. was purchased by this chain of hotels. By the way, it was not possible to redeem the side wings, because the tenants privatized their apartments on time. It is noteworthy that the hotel has an interesting exhibit that everyone can see: this is a model of Moscow in 1977.
A special place among the new skyscrapers was occupied by the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under construction on Smolenskaya-Sennaya Square. It was built in 1948-1953 by architects W. Gelfreich and M. Minkus. The central part has 27 floors, the height of the building is 172 m.
When the work was already completed, Stalin demanded that the building be crowned with a spire. The authors of the project - Professor Gelfreich and architect Minkus - tried to object, but in vain. It was impossible to build a spire from capital materials - this would violate all load calculations. Then it was decided to build a fake spire from sheet metal and painted with ocher (therefore, it was noticeable that the color of the spire was different from the color of the building's decoration). To mount it, the builders had to break through the floors of 5 floors to install supports.
There is also a widespread story that after Stalin's death, the architect Minkus wrote a letter to Khrushchev with a request to dismantle the spire, to which Khrushchev allegedly replied: "Let the spire remain a monument to Stalin's stupidity."
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs building is the only one of the seven skyscrapers whose spire is not crowned five pointed star. Probable cause This is because the spire of the building turned out to be very fragile and could not bear the weight of the star.
Another amazing story is connected with the construction of a high-rise residential building at the Red Gate, 1951. This is an administrative building. Its construction was supervised Ministry of Communications(or MPS for short).
According to the plan of the architect Dushkin, the lobby of the metro station, located right at the base of the future building, was bound to join with its basement level. To accomplish this, the technology of preliminary freezing of the soil was applied - after all, the 100-meter frame had to stay on the edge of another construction pit.
In order to level the subsidence of the soil following the defrosting and, as a result, the slope of the entire building, the high-rise was erected with a reverse slope. At the spire, it was 16 cm. The first and unique case of such a bold engineering technique ended successfully. Within a few months, the building took the correct position. And although a slight deviation did occur, it fit perfectly into the laid down norms.
The house has 284 apartments, all of them were provided for management. Previously, M.Yu. was born and lived on the site of this house. Lermontov, which is now evidenced by a memorial plaque on the house.
The height of this building is 130 m, it has 24 floors. This is the most high point Garden Ring, which, in fact, they decided to mark with a Stalinist skyscraper. Actors N. Gundareva, B. Chirkov lived here.
The next object is the High-rise Building on Shvivaya Gorka or the House of Artists on Kotelnicheskaya Embankment.
Architects Chechulin and Rostkovsky. The central volume has 26 floors. Like all buildings of this architectural project, the skyscraper has a closed infrastructure and includes shops, a post office, and a cinema.
A high-rise building was attached to the "Chekist" residential building already standing here, successfully fitting it into the overall architectural ensemble.
The house is made in the style of the Stalinist Empire style, before the war classicism prevailed, and after the war this style was called the Stalinist Empire style. The house was given to the creative intelligentsia.
The house was considered elite, the rent was high, not everyone could afford to live in such a house.
At different times, the following were considered residents of this house: Evgeny Yevtushenko, Alexander Shirvindt, Galina Ulanova, Faina Ranevskaya, Clara Luchko, Lyudmila Zykina, whose pickling of cucumbers and cabbage was legendary in the house! Fadeev, Mikhail Zharov, Andrei Voznesensky and Nonna Mordyukova, Nikita Bogoslovsky, Marina Ladynina with Ivan Pyryev, Yuri Lyubimov and many others lived here.
Since the Chekist corps already stood at this place, the construction was supervised by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. There used to be barracks here.
In 1949, the construction of the House on Kotelnicheskaya began. The house was built mainly by prisoners. And they also posed for sculptures on the house! The house is very beautiful and located in a very good and beautiful place, this is my favorite skyscraper in Moscow!
176 m. The Bird of Happiness on Shviva Gorka, as it was called then.
A special conversation about the Leningradskaya Hotel (now Hilton Moscow Leningradskaya).
This skyscraper was built by Polyakov and Boretsky, and the construction was supervised by the Ministry of Military and Naval Construction. The skyscraper was erected as the front facade of the city, which, by the way, combined ancient Russian architecture and modern style. It was the most luxurious building in terms of interior decoration at that time. Equipping it cost the state more than 21,000 rubles per 1 sq. km. m, compared with the high-rise building on Kotelnicheskaya - 5500 rubles. For construction and interior decoration unique types of stone were used, for example, the interior was decorated with huge chandeliers listed in the Guinness Book of Records.
By the way, two rivers flow under the building, so during the construction, the technology of vibrating piles was used - an innovative type of construction at that time.
Among the Stalinist skyscrapers, the Leningradskaya hotel is the smallest - only 17 floors and 136 meters high.
The project clearly reads the motifs of the "Naryshkin baroque". This circumstance subsequently outraged Khrushchev and, by his decision, the architects Polyakov and Boretsky were deprived Stalin Prize. This happened, of course, after the death of the "leader of the peoples." A new era began, and it set its own rules.
The high-rise is located next to the most beautiful Komsomolskaya Square three railway stations: Leningradsky, Yaroslavsky and Kazansky. By the way, the square, as well as the metro station of the same name, was previously called Kalanchevskaya, and then it was renamed Komsomolskaya in honor of those Komsomol builders who died during the construction of the metro station here. A few years ago, the hotel was purchased by the owner of the Hilton hotel chain, after which it was completely rebuilt inside, however, the owners were asked to leave part former name, so now the hotel is called Hilton Moscow Leningradskaya.
The House of Aviators on Kudrinskaya Square, was previously called "Vysotka on Vosstaniya Square", because. Kudrinskaya Square was formerly called Vosstaniya Square. This house was built in 1948 - 1954 according to the project of architects M. V. Posokhin, A. A. Mndoyants and designer M. N. Vokhomsky.
The building has a height of 156 m, it has 24 floors and more than 450 apartments. It was also an elite house where pilots, astronauts, etc. lived. It is famous for its deli number 15, which used to be a good place to shop. Elina Bystritskaya, Lev Prygunov, Evgeny Vestnik lived here.
I'll drop it here technical features architectural appearance of the building and I will only note that on the first and basement floors of the building there were originally shops and a cinema "Flame" (currently not working), in the basement - underground garages. Part of the basement was converted into a casino, which stopped working in 2004. The basements of the building are joined to a system of underground structures, in particular, with a bomb shelter that goes far beyond the above-ground part of the building.
The administrative building in Zaryadye was the last, the eighth, of the Stalinist skyscrapers laid down on the day of Moscow's 800th anniversary. It was supposed to be built by the architect Dmitry Chechulin. But the building was not completed - Stalin's death prevented it. However, by the spring of 1953, the work on the construction of the stylobate had been practically completed. A technical floor was hidden under the stylobate, and under it was a two-tiered concrete bunker, which was probably planned to be used as a bomb shelter. In the eighth skyscraper they wanted to place the People's Commissariat of Heavy Engineering of the USSR. But the construction site was mothballed, and 1954 already clarified the future plans high-rise construction. In 1964-1967, the Rossiya Hotel was built on the already existing stylobate, which has now been "safely" demolished.
Now it is planned to build a huge park and an entertainment zone on this site, which could function both in summer and in winter. The project is still at the development stage, but the Americans have already won the tender.
Moscow at the time of the construction of skyscrapers did not look too majestic. At the foot of them huddled barracks, huts, dilapidated houses. The fantastic new construction costs and the stark contrast between the environment and the project are startling. For example, the cost of building only one building of the Moscow State University is equal to the amount that was allocated for the restoration of the entire hero city of Stalingrad. The labor force in the post-war years, of course, was not enough. Therefore, prisoners worked at the most expensive construction site in the country. And yet this “frozen hymn to Victory” instilled new hope in the Soviet people for a peaceful and always happy life.
Text: Nina Belaya
