Where did Zeus go: the psychology of religion, or how people become believers. Psychology of superstitions: why and why do people believe signs

Each religion includes a set of special actions necessary for believers both to express their belonging to a religious community and to strengthen their faith, their identification with this community. The combination of such actions usually constitutes a religious cult.

Religious cult for believers- these are practically almost any symbolic actions based on the belief in the possibility of influencing supernatural objects and their properties with their help. Participation in such activities partially satisfies the basic needs of social life: the need for communication, for belonging to a community.

They do and specific psychological functions, in particular, relieving the emotional stress of believers.

Socio-psychological analysis group worship in the church allows us to distinguish three successive stages in it, during which there is an increase in emotional tension, then a climax, and finally a discharge in the form of an increase in calm positive emotions. This manifests a kind of psychotherapeutic effect of the cult.

The phenomenon of mutual emotional infection, usually observed during religious holidays involving a large number believers, always creates a common emotional condition, contributing to the effective action of the mechanisms of suggestion and self-hypnosis.

At the origins psychology of prayer lie a magical conspiracy and spells. These are words that have a miraculous power and property to act not only on other people, animals and the forces of nature, but also on spirits and gods (the suggestive power of a word and verbal interpersonal communication on oneself, which in a similar way can protect oneself from attacking people, animals and evil spirits) Over time, the spell became both grateful and pleading.

Psychology of confession associated with the psychology of prayer and sacrifice. Repenting of sins, the believer does not just “ask for forgiveness” - he believes that if you ask, then forgiveness will actually be received.

The other side of confession, reflecting worldly wisdom: shared joy is double joy, shared grief is half grief. In the process of confession, the believer, as it were, shifts the burden of the deed on the shoulders of the confessor, shares with him both the deed and the responsibility for it. This enhances the effect of catharsis, which is characteristic not only of prayer, but also of any heart-to-heart conversation with a friend about one's problems and troubles. This is the key to the success of not only confessors, but also psychoanalysts and psychotherapists of various schools.

The psychology of superstition

According to K. K. Platonov, superstitions are rudimentary fragments of past religions and related cults in mass psychology. These are also acquired, new beliefs, close in psychological origin to obsessive-compulsive disorder. Because of this, it is almost impossible to fight them - they constitute the "everyday lining" of our consciousness.

Psychological explanation majority existing superstitions- search for a logical connection between events that occur one after the other. Here the formula works: after that, it means, because of that. In the psychology of the masses, the notion of a quite possible supernatural connection between phenomena close or coinciding in time still continues to be preserved and serve as a source of faith in omens, forebodings and divination. The special selectivity of our memory also helps here: one omen that has come true or some kind of prediction is remembered better than a dozen that have not come true.

Motives for turning to religion

Numerous opinion polls and specialized socio-psychological studies make it possible to differentiate the religious psychology of the masses, to isolate groups of believers whose religious community is built on various motives for turning to religion.

It is the motive of conversion that stands at the center of the mass that is psychologically formed around the church. There are six quite obviously different motives - accordingly, we can talk about six variants of the religious psychology of the masses:

· The first group of believers- people for whom religion acts as their own form of knowledge of the world. Usually these are extremely poorly educated people who simply do not have any other “picture of the world”. On the other hand, they know very well the biblical ontology, the entire mythological basis of religion. God's creation of the world and man, the presence of heaven and hell, the afterlife are quite real things for them.

· To the second group include believers whose main motive is the expectation of heavenly bliss after death. Such a motive is generated by difficult living conditions, many unsatisfied needs, as well as the fear of death. As you know, in most religions, the description of paradise is just filled with the most pleasant things. The Koran, born in the drought of the Arabian desert, teaches about paradise: “In it are rivers of water that does not spoil, and rivers of milk, the taste of which does not change, and rivers of wine, pleasant for drinkers; rivers of purified honey” (Koran, 1963). Of all religious theory, these believers best know and remember the principles of the immortality of the soul and the existence of an afterlife. The fear of death, although not always in a conscious form, occupies a significant place in the minds of modern believers. It is impossible for the body to avoid it, which means that one should console oneself with the immortality of the soul.

· The third group of believers in religion, it is not belief in the supernatural that is of interest, but the religious cult itself. The motive for their participation in cult activities is not so much the belief that with their help they can influence supernatural forces, but the satisfaction of the need for communication, in identifying themselves with a certain large group, which such participation gives. As a rule, these are lonely people who have not found their place in the groups to which they objectively belong in secular life, deeply experiencing the phenomenon of alienation. Usually they do not know religious dogmas well - except for those related to cult activities. The number of such people is increasing as society is marginalized.

· For the fourth group believers are characterized by the belief in the need for religion to preserve human morality. There are especially many such people among Muslims, whose life is almost completely regulated by Sharia - a set of both religious and moral, legal and many other norms based on the Koran. The basis of their religiosity is the belief that without religion, without fear of God's punishment, any universal moral norms will be constantly violated. The main thing for them is not participation in a religious cult, but the dissemination of moral and ethical religious principles.

· Fifth is real existing group - these are believers "just in case." AT modern world low intensity of faith is common. Accordingly, the number of people, “just in case”, is growing, from time to time fulfilling the basic, most simple prescriptions of religion, as if by tradition, passed on from older family members or a reference social group. As a rule, these people rarely think about the deep essence of religious prescriptions, acting on the principle: “What if there really is a God?”.

· As the sixth group people masquerading as believers are often singled out. This is not about manipulators, although there are some, and not about those for whom religion is a profession and a source of income (among the preachers of newfangled sects, the example of the head of the Moonist sect S. M. Moon, the former dictator of Guatemala R. Montt, is not forgotten shortly after Assuming the presidency in 1982, he declared himself a "prophet" appointed by God himself to save the country).

Serious problem lies in the fact that in countries where belonging to a particular religion serves as a criterion of political and social "reliability", the main, and sometimes the only motive for turning to religion is the desire to acquire a higher social status. Naturally, it is for this status that they go to church.

The listed groups and the differences between their representatives are largely conditional. They far from exhaust all possible motives for turning to religion, they do not exclude the existence mixed types- believers whose religiosity is determined simultaneously by several motives. However, even this, the most primary analysis of religious motivation seems to be quite productive for a deeper understanding of the reality that is commonly referred to as the "religious psychology of the masses."

Main conclusions

1. Religion is one of the forms of social consciousness.

The main object of the psychology of religion as a section social psychology- everyday religious consciousness of the broad masses of believers, or, in other words, religious psychology as one of the elements of everyday consciousness in general. From a secular point of view, there are three main groups of roots of religious psychology. social roots are usually associated with the search for some way out of the daily hardships of life associated with the social inequality of people. Gnoseological roots - with limited human knowledge, sometimes distorting the picture real world.

Socio-psychological roots are associated with four main points:

1. First, with the ability of consciousness to form abstract concepts such as the concept of "God".

2. Secondly, with unconscious components thinking and activity, not always clear to the person himself and associated with otherworldly forces.

3. Thirdly, with human emotions that require an outlet - in particular, in religion.

4. Fourthly, with the psychological division "we - they", which underlies the formation of religious communities.

There are five socio-psychological functions of religion: integrating, communicative, compensatory, ideological and regulatory.

Special Feature is the awakening in a person of a sense of faith and the maintenance of this feeling in him.

Faith - a feeling that creates the illusion of knowledge and the reality of what is created by fantasy with the participation of the same feeling. Faith is an essential component of religious consciousness. As a rule, faith is expressed in the acceptance of certain statements without evidence. Statements of this kind do not arise spontaneously in the mind. individual person and are not the result of analyzing people's own experiences. They are usually embedded in mass consciousness, and in ready-made. According to the distribution mechanism, faith is associated with the psychological phenomena of suggestion, infection and imitation, both as a result of the action of these phenomena, and as the willingness of people to succumb to their action. The feeling of faith, like any emotional state, is subject to the influence of "circular reaction" and "emotional whirling". Therefore, faith, on the one hand, easily forms a mass of believers, and on the other hand, its spread and strengthening occurs precisely in the mass. Only in the mass can faith reach the level of irrepressible passion and take the form of religious ecstasy.

Any religion includes a set of special actions necessary for believers to express their belonging to a religious community and strengthen both their faith and personal identification with this community. The totality of such actions is a religious cult. religious cult for believers, these are practically any symbolic actions based on the belief in the possibility of influencing supernatural objects and their properties with their help. Essential Elements religious worship - prayer, different forms sacrifice and confession.

There are six main motives conversion of people to religion

1. Firstly, religion attracts as a form of knowledge and understanding of the world.

2. Secondly, it captivates with the expectation of heavenly bliss after death.

3. Thirdly, it attracts the religious cult itself, its rituals. Fourthly, religion is considered an important condition for the preservation of morality. Fifth, some turn to religion "just in case." Sixth, disguise as believers for the sake of achieving non-religious goals turns out to be a special motive.

Social psychology: lecture notes Melnikova Nadezhda Anatolyevna

LECTURE No. 22. Psychology of religion. Features of religious consciousness

Religion is one of the forms of social consciousness ( public life) social groups and individuals, with the help of which people communicate (try to communicate) with reality, but not with the one that we encounter in everyday reality, but with another that lies outside of everyday experience.

Religion- a special sphere of manifestation of the human psyche, associated with the search for a spiritual and psychological niche, ideological and other guidelines and functioning in the form of beliefs and practical action to which people turn when they are unable to solve their everyday problems on their own in the struggle for their existence in difficult conditions the real world around them.

The deep sources of religion originate in the peculiarities of the functioning of the human psyche.

Believers tend to associate their initial conversion to religion with a miracle, with unexpected insight and enlightenment, communion with God.

Man's contact with the reality of religion is his religious experience.

Religion can be manipulated and used for various purposes.

The peculiarity of religion.

Allocate a row psychological indicators helping to understand what religion is.

Firstly, religion is a specific form of social consciousness (social life) of people, which has its own characteristics and causes peculiar states of the psyche of believers.

Second, religion presupposes special groups– groups of believers and confessional (group) exclusivity.

Thirdly, religion is associated with belief in images and concepts that are considered sacred and are treated as supernatural.

Fourth, religion is certain set beliefs expressed in religious canons.

Fifthly, religion presupposes a special set of certain cult actions and rituals.

The classification of religions. The main approaches to the classification of religions are diverse.

There are normative, geographical, ethnographic, philosophical, morphological, linguistic and other principles for their classification.

For psychology, it is important to classify religions on two grounds - by orientation and by geographical feature, which makes it possible to clearly identify both their specificity and their identical origin, similarity, visible to the naked eye. They usually differ:

1) the religions of Abrahamic monotheism (belief in one God), growing out of ancient Judaism and including Judaism, Christianity and Islam;

2) religions of Indian origin, represented by Hinduism, southern Buddhism (Theravada), Jainism and Sikhism;

3) Far Eastern religions - Confucianism, Taoism, Shintoism, Northern Buddhism (Mahayana).

This list is supplemented ethnic religions belonging to the diverse cultures of small societies, which are sometimes regarded as primitive, are the religions of the natives of Africa, Polynesia, Australia, North American Indians.

Other ancient religions have already lost their existence: these are the religions of the Babylonians, the ancient Greeks and Romans, the Mayans, the Aztecs, etc.

religious consciousness- an illusory reflection of reality.

It is typical for him to comprehend not the real reality, but the fictional one.

The religious consciousness of both an individual and a group cannot exist outside of certain myths, images and ideas that are assimilated by people in the process of their socialization.

Religious consciousness is distinguished by high sensual clarity, the creation of various religious images by the imagination, the combination of content adequate to reality with illusions, the presence of religious faith, symbolism, strong emotional richness, functioning with the help of religious vocabulary and other special signs.

Functional side religious consciousness satisfies the needs of believers, giving the necessary direction to the manifestations of their ideology and psychology, forming their certain moral and psychological condition, contributing to the effective impact on their psyche.

Features of religious consciousness:

1) close control of religious institutions over the psyche and consciousness of believers, their behavior;

2) a clear thoughtfulness of the ideology and psychological mechanisms of its introduction into the minds of believers.

Religious faith unites the content and functional aspects of religious consciousness.

Faith is a special psychological state of people's confidence in achieving a goal, in the occurrence of an event, in their intended behavior, in the truth of ideas, given the lack of accurate information about the achievability of the goal.

religious faith- this is faith in the truth of religious dogmas, texts, ideas, in the objective existence of beings, properties, transformations that constitute the subject content of religious images; the possibility of communicating with seemingly objective beings, influencing them and receiving help from them; into religious authorities - fathers, teachers, saints, prophets, charismatics, church hierarchs, clergymen, etc.

The structure of religious consciousness includes religious ideology and religious psychology.

Religious ideology- this is a more or less harmonious system of concepts, ideas, concepts, the development and promotion of which are carried out by religious organizations.

Religious ideology is the result of purposeful, systematized activity, which finds its expression in the form of teachings that fix the foundations of religious worldview.

Religious psychology- a set of religious ideas, needs, stereotypes, attitudes, feelings, habits and traditions associated with a certain system of religious ideas and inherent in the entire mass of believers.

It is formed under the influence of the immediate conditions of life and religious ideology.

A person becomes a supporter of a particular religion not from birth, but due to certain reasons: factors that, from the point of view of this person, make his faith necessary.

Typology of worldview groups of people (based on their attitude to religion and atheism):

1) deeply religious. Having a deep religious faith. Faith is mainly realized in behavior.

2) believers. The presence of religious faith. Faith is poorly implemented in behavior.

3) hesitant. The presence of fluctuations between belief and unbelief. Separate elements of religious behavior are possible.

People who are indifferent to religion. There is no religious faith, but there are no atheistic beliefs either.

Religious behavior is absent, although some of its manifestations are not excluded.

passive atheists. There are atheistic beliefs, but they are not always deep and conscious.

Religious behavior is completely absent, but atheistic beliefs are poorly implemented in behavior.

active atheists. The presence of deep atheistic beliefs. Atheistic beliefs are realized in behavior.

Religious, believing people in their thoughts and actions rely on certain role models.

Typology of religious personalities, which has developed in the course of the development of religious practice, which ordinary believers are guided by:

1) mystic- the type of believer who seeks to escape from the world around him and its influence, most often an individualist loner;

2) prophet- a person who has an irregular but intense religious experience.

A prophet, unlike a mystic, is with people all the time;

3) clergyman mediator between man and god.

Its main function is to correctly build the order of worship according to religious canons.

4) reformato p - a person who is within the framework of a particular religious tradition, seeking to transform this tradition in accordance with their own religious experience;

5) monk- a member of a religious order who has retired from secular life to a special secluded or already consecrated place by religion in order to lead a traditional religious lifestyle and adhere to high moral and ritual requirements;

6) monk - hermit- a person who needs solitary living in wild, deserted places with harsh nature in order to achieve purification of the soul and intense religious experience;

7) holy- a person who embodies in the eyes of the religious society the ideal of perfection in one form or another;

8) theologian- a type of intellectual theorist, whose task is to express the beliefs of a given religious community in a conceptually rational form;

9) founder of religion- a figure, in its scale far superior to all other types of religious personalities.

His religious experience is so unique and intense that it becomes the basis of a new religion.

The diverse forms of human social behavior are based on observation of other individuals in his community, who serve as a model for imitation.

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74. Psychology of religion Religion is a specific form of social consciousness based on belief in supernatural forces. Religious ideas are a system of ideas about God, the universe, society and man. Religious ideology includes theology

This part of the book deals with a number of specific manifestations of mass psychology. All of them have long since become natural facts of social life, but they continue to raise numerous questions and remain at the center of rather heated discussions. Sometimes these questions and discussions are connected with an underestimation of the naturalness of the socio-psychological nature of these phenomena and the psychology of the masses, which underlies them. Analysis shows that outwardly different phenomena are connected by a common nature. With all their diversity, they are equally necessary for people to express mass human psychology. Changing historically, all these phenomena fulfilled one main function- formed significant communities of people that made up huge segments of social life, and served both as its socio-psychological regulators and as special factors of social, economic and other progress.
Human nature is dual: the psyche is individual and at the same time mass character. It develops in a dialectical contradiction, in the unity and struggle of individual consciousness and mass behavior. This contradiction serves as a dynamic source of development. The phenomena of mass psychology discussed below demonstrate this dialectical relationship, which reflects the complex, social-individual psychological nature of man. From primal gods to modern means mass communication humanity has come a long way. But it will never be exhausted - just as the dialectical unity of the individual and the masses is eternal and inexhaustible, so are the known and still unknown forms of manifestation of the psychology of the masses.

Chapter 3.1. Psychology of religion

The roots of religion.
Socio-psychological functions of religion.
Psychology of faith.
Religious cult: psychology religious activities.
The psychology of superstition
Motives for turning to religion.

As is known, the very concept of religion is still one of the most difficult to define in empirical, operational categories. There is no single definition of religion, which is why researchers use literally hundreds of definitions. Most of them are sociological, while psychological definitions are practically non-existent. And there are certain reasons for this: according to P. Berger, for example, the adoption of some definition of religion, in the end, is generally a matter of taste.
E. Durkheim and M. Weber at one time created the basis for distinguishing two polar types of the definition of religion: nominal and real, as well as functional and meaningful ones close to them. Functional definitions are usually characterized by the fact that the function that these phenomena perform is taken as a criterion for identifying and classifying phenomena: first, the functions that a certain social system “requires” are singled out, and then, on the basis of the functions performed, observable social and social systems are identified and classified. cultural phenomena. On the contrary, the content of these phenomena actually acts as a criterion for a meaningful definition. R. Robertson proposed to associate nominal, functional definitions with definitions of an inclusive type, and real definitions - with exclusive definitions.
Durkheim strove to cover almost all systems recognized as "religious" with the definitions of religion, including theistic and non-theistic belief systems. Such broad definition he based on the distinction between the spiritual and the secular, as well as on the allocation of the most general functions of religion. However, such a sociological approach is undoubtedly too general and not quite precise character. Another position was taken by Weber, who believed that religion as social phenomenon manifests itself in the religious behavior of people guided by the corresponding type of motivation, the analysis of which is especially necessary both for understanding religion and for classifying its varieties. Weber believed that it was impossible to give an empirical, non-dogmatic definition of religion before the start of the study - the definition appears as an ideal-typical construction of the phenomenon at one of the stages of work.
Among functional definitions religions, the first group consists of those that, as the constructions of M. Weber and P. Tillich, are closely connected with the so-called

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ultimate problems of existence. The most common and representative definition of this type belongs to D. Yingren. He sees religion as a system of beliefs and practices by which a group of people cope with finite problems. human life. It is clear that B. Malinovsky (by the way, an ardent follower of E. Durkheim) easily “reads” behind these views with his idea that religion helps to solve the inevitable problems of human life (for example, the death of a member of a group). Similar definitions were proposed by W. L. Kolb, K. Dunlop and other authors. Close to this point of view are those researchers who define religion as the highest and most general level development of culture - such a position is typical for the older generation of functionalists, sociologists and anthropologists such as T. Parsons, R. Bellach and K. Geertz. V. Pivovarsky believes that such an approach is a convenient position for the socio-psychological approach as well (Piwowarski, 1974).
With psychological point view, the main thing in religion is the phenomenon of faith. The main components that form the psychological level of the study of religion are connected with it - from the presence of quite definite psychological roots of religion to the psychology of the religiosity of believers and individual psychological manifestations of this religiosity in the form of both faith itself and superstitions derived from it, religious cult, ecstasy, fanaticism and etc.

The roots of religion

Few now object to the understanding of religion as a form of social consciousness. From a psychological point of view, “the main object of the psychology of religion as a section of social psychology is the ordinary religious consciousness of the broad masses of believers or religious psychology as one of the elements of ordinary consciousness in general” (Evgenyeva, 1988). It is customary to single out the social, epistemological and psychological roots of religion.
Social roots of religion. The militant socialist atheists, of course, somewhat simplified the matter when they wrote: “The impotence of the exploited classes in the struggle against the exploiters inevitably gives rise to faith in a better life after death, just as the impotence of the savage in the struggle with nature gives rise to faith in gods, devils, miracles, etc. . P." (Lenin, 1967-1984). However social functions religions were recognized by Western secular scientific community. A. Radcliffe-Brown, for example, believed that the social function of religion is to force members of the group to support common fears and hopes and thereby strengthen social connections. Thus, he wrote: “We proceed from the hypothesis that the social functions of religion do not depend on its truth or falsity, that religions that we consider erroneous or even absurd ... can be parts of the social mechanism and that without these “false” religions, social evolution and development modern civilization impossible” (Radcliffe-Braun, 1959). F. Engels wrote: "... Any religion is nothing but a fantastic reflection in the minds of people of those external forces that dominate them in their daily life - a reflection in which earthly forces take the form of unearthly ones." And he continued: “Fantastic images in which

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originally reflected only the mysterious forces of nature, now they also acquire social attributes and become representatives historical forces"(Marx, Engels, 1951-1984). It is in this sense that religion is the opium of the people.
It must be admitted that at certain stages of history, religion really acts as a kind of "pain reliever" for many social adversities and turmoil. To a large extent, this function is still preserved, but now it should already be considered as a socio-psychological function.
Gnoseological roots of religion. The first primitive religious beliefs of man originated many millennia ago and were a fantastic reflection in the minds of people of their dependence on nature, a sense of fear of its mysterious forces and the search for means to influence them. primitive man without necessary knowledge about the environment outside world, being at a low level of development of productive forces, almost completely dependent on nature. Accordingly, he needed an explanation of what was happening to him and around him. This is how mythological images and whole "pictures" of the world were born - the primordial basis of religious pictures of the creation of the world.
All materialists usually explain the general methodological inevitability of the appearance of religion by the spiral nature of the very process of cognition. If we try to turn "a piece of this curved line ... into an independent, whole, straight line" (Lenin, 1967-1984), that is, in modern terms, to absolutize one of the sides of a phenomenon or process, tear it away from other sides, then as a result we will get in the mind an illusory reflection of the phenomenon or process as a whole, including in the form of religious ideas. With this, most researchers now agree.
Thus, neither the social nor the epistemological roots of religion themselves are clearly unable to independently explain this phenomenon. Even the most militant materialists, faced with these difficulties, were eventually forced to turn to subjective factors. It is difficult to object to a thought that is still fair today: “Religions are created by people who themselves feel the need for it and understand the religious needs of the masses” (Marx, Engels, 1951-1984).
Psychological roots of religion. Obviously, from a secular point of view, religion is one of the forms of mythological, primitive consciousness. It is a reflection of a certain stage in the development of this consciousness, associated with the prehistory of human development. In a certain sense, the history of religion coincides with the history of the development of mass psychology.
When considering the psychological roots of religion, four groups of factors are distinguished. First, it is the ability of human consciousness to form rather abstract concepts. Secondly, these are unconscious components of thinking and activity. Thirdly, it is human emotions. Finally, fourthly, this is the psychological dichotomy "we" - "they", which underlies the formation of all human communities.
With the first group of factors, everything is quite clear. Let us confine ourselves to a quote: “The process of human cognition of the surrounding reality is based on the ability of human consciousness to form abstract concepts, to highlight the common, most significant aspects of this reality and its constituent phenomena.


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Without this ability it is impossible to imagine the development of scientific knowledge and all the achievements of science. At the same time, it contains the possibility of further development of elementary abstractions, turning into independent fantastic representations, not only completely divorced from their objective basis, but also having the ability to influence human activity” (Evgenyeva, 1988). From this point of view, "the image of God is nothing but torn off from its material basis idea of ​​an ideal person” (Evgenyeva, 1988).
The role of the second group of factors has long been known. Even before 3. Freud - a classic of studies of the unconscious - L. Feuerbach wrote: "A person with his own I or consciousness stands on the edge of a bottomless abyss, which, however, is nothing more than his own unconscious being, which seems alien to him" (Feuerbach, 1955 ). Accordingly, people inevitably had an unconscious need to displace this "unconscious being", objectify it, separate it from themselves and even oppose themselves in some way. K. K. Platonov wrote: “Not only to primitive, but also to modern man, who does not understand the connection of his successful action with an automated skill, just as he does not understand the reasons for his erroneous action, causes of involuntary memory, association, solution found, etc., it often seems that someone is helping or hindering him ”(Platonov, 1975). Here it is, "otherworldly power."
The importance of the third group of factors related to the psychological roots of religion is undeniable - human emotions. More ancient roman poet Publius Statius said: "Fear created the gods." As a human emotion, fear is fairly universal. It is always modern - every era has its fears. It is clear that the fears of Publius Statius and modern man are different. However, in essence, fear is one and the same, the deepest human emotion. “Fear of the blind force of capital, which is blind because it cannot be foreseen by the masses of the people, which at every step in the life of the proletarian and small proprietor threatens to bring him and brings “sudden”, “unexpected”, “accidental” ruin, death, transformation into a beggar , into a pauper, into a prostitute, starvation - this is the root of modern religion, which, first of all and most of all, the materialist should have in mind ... ”(Lenin, 1967-1984). But not only the materialist - the emotional roots of religion have long been recognized. Almost as long ago, for example, the extremely emotional phenomenon of catharsis has been known - it was known by the Pythagoreans, long before Plato and Aristotle. Catharsis, "cleansing," is a component of the psychological structure of many religious acts—curses, prayers, sacrifices, and especially confessions—in all their various and manifold forms.
Let us dwell in more detail on the fourth group of factors - the psychological "roots" of religion. Developing the ideas of B. F. Porshnev regarding the ancient dichotomy “we” - “they”, which actually formed human consciousness, K. K. Platonov wrote quite sensibly: “... he did not see in it one of the socio-psychological roots of religion. The fact is that "they" always seem to be stronger, more powerful than they really are. "They" always cause fear. For primitive man, "they" is the simplest explanation for all incomprehensible troubles. From the concept of "they" with its characteristic emotional coloring, the psychology of the totem, and the psychology of the fetish, and the psychology of animism easily arise ... Common to any religion is the belief that "they" can influence "me" and "us." ..

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"they" more often hinder than help, and in the words "the devil pulled me" in a surviving form, there is also an element of the same superstition caused by the same ”(Lenin, 1967-1984).
However, long before Porshnev and Platonov, similar ideas were developed by E. Durkheim, the founder of the sociology of religion. As a positivist sociologist, doomed to look for "social facts" in everything, he was not at all alien to psychology. Accordingly, religion was defined by him as “a coherent system of beliefs and customs relating to sacred things, that is, things separated, forbidden, it is a system of such beliefs and customs that unite into one moral community ... called the church, all those who recognizes these beliefs and practices. By religious ideas and feelings, Durkheim understood collective ideas and feelings. “When a more or less strong excitement is shared by a group of people, it inevitably takes on a religious character” (Durkheim, 1900). Durkheim did not reduce religion solely to belief in God. “And modern society, according to Durkheim, is religious, even if the intellectual functions of religion recede into the background in favor of moral integration, which finds its expression in national and political symbols” (Yablokov, 1979). Durkheim considered the meetings of Christians ritually celebrating the main events in the life of Christ, or Jews celebrating the Exodus from Egypt, the proclamation of the Ten Commandments, with meetings and rallies of citizens in memory of some national event. Durkheim considered the main function of religion not so much to explain the world as to excite emotions and feelings of joy and exaltation, to induce action. He believed that it was religion that responded to the stable "collective needs" that existed in every society. “There can be no society that does not feel the need to support, revitalize and reinforce at the right intervals collective ideas and the feelings that make up its unity. ... But after all, this moral revival and encouragement can only be obtained through meetings at which individuals jointly reinforce their common feelings ... "2
Developing similar thoughts, I. Huizinga drew specific pictures of how the “invigorating” function of religion was carried out in the Middle Ages. “The 15th century demonstrates a sharp religious impressionability... This is a passionate excitement, sometimes embracing the whole people, when the burning material of the soul flares up from the words of a wandering preacher, like a bundle of brushwood. This is a violent and passionate reaction, convulsing through the crowd and throwing up sudden tears, which, however, immediately dry up ”(Hizinga, 1988). And in another place: “Not so often as processions and executions, itinerant preachers appeared, exciting the people with their eloquence. We, accustomed to dealing with newspapers, can hardly imagine the overwhelming impact sounding word on the unsophisticated and ignorant minds of that time. ... All this is the mood of English and American sectarian vigils, the atmosphere of the Salvation Army, but without any restrictions and in front of everyone ”(Hizinga, 1988).
We agree that from this there is only one step left to those pictures that B. F. Porshnev painted, demonstrating the role of suggestive mechanisms in the formation
: Quoted. In: The Origin of Religion in the Understanding of Bourgeois Scholars. M., 1932. S. 24. -. There. pp. 63-64.
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the psychology of the masses. Well, 3. Freud, who analyzed the church as a specific phenomenon of the psychology of the masses, can generally be considered a teacher of I. Huizinga. True, with one, but fundamental caveat. Both Durkheim and Huizinga and many others described the mechanisms of natural masses. Freud viewed the church as an artificial mass.
Be that as it may, all of the above demonstrates the main thing: religion is one of the forms of a kind of “packaging” for a number of fundamental psychological factors. Such "packages" were, for example, according to J. Fraser, magic, religion and science. Then, over time, ideology gradually took their place. As is known, T. Parsons considered the task of the sociology of religion to be the analysis of the conditions and forms of collective, mass organization. Based on this, he understood religion as a system of beliefs (non-empirical and value), distinguishing it from other "levels of legalization" of the norms of mass psychology: science (empirical and non-value), ideology (empirical and value), philosophy (non-empirical and non-value). As we can see, all these are those counter-counter-suggestive mechanisms that were discussed in the first part of the book and which, according to B. F. Porshnev, just ensure the unity and cohesion of the masses, the preservation and development of the entire mass psychology, the prevention of its excessive individualization and chaos for the sake of further general social development.
Here are a few quotes to illustrate this idea. On the one hand, such a world religion as Christianity, "like any major revolutionary movement, was created by the masses" (Marx, Engels, 1951-1984). On the other hand, under certain socio-political conditions, it happens that the feelings of the masses are “nurtured ... exclusively by religious food; therefore, in order to cause a violent movement, it is necessary ... to present the own interests of these masses to them in religious clothes” (Marx, Engels, 1951-1984). Thus, religion is a product of the psychology of the masses (and in this sense, the psychology of the masses is the main psychological "root" of religion). At the same time, religion is one of the most effective tools for influencing the psychology of the masses. The masses themselves have created suggestive mechanisms great strength, and then came under their influence. That is, religion is not only a convenient "packaging" for the psychology of the masses. It is also the mechanism of its formation.

Socio-psychological functions of religion

Analysis special literature shows that it is customary to distinguish five main socio-psychological functions of religion.
The same analysis easily shows that the main function of religion in the socio-psychological context is undoubtedly integrating function. From O. Comte and G. Spencer, almost all researchers considered religion as a means of achieving "unity", "unification", "systematization", "coordination" and, finally, "integration". Religion unites individuals into masses of believers. World religions in their development contributed to the unity of significant masses of people. So. only one Roman Empire, having eliminated political and social differences in the lives of many individual peoples, eliminated the differences between religions, giving rise to a single Christianity for all. It, in turn, consolidated those achievements.


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of this empire, which otherwise would have been doomed to extinction, like many previous civilizations. “All the religions of antiquity were spontaneous tribal, and later national religions which grew out of the social and political conditions of each people and merged with them. Once these foundations were destroyed, the inherited social forms, the established political structure and national independence were broken, then, of course, the religion corresponding to them collapsed ”(Marx, Engels, 1951-1984). Islam, which at the time of its inception reflected the objective historical necessity of uniting disparate Arab tribes, used the dichotomy “we” (“true believers”) — “they” (“infidels”) as the basis for the formation of the self-consciousness of the Arabs. The development of Orthodox Christianity has become a factor of rallying and the emergence of a national identity of the Great Russians. Many such examples could be cited.
The integrating function unites fellow believers. The psychological basis of such cohesion is “we-consciousness”, which stimulates the feeling of unity, the interconnection of people belonging to this community. At some stages community development"we-consciousness" compensates for the lack of ethnic unity within the state association. The universalism of Catholicism has long been a factor in the state and regional socio-psychological unity of the peoples of Latin America. Protestantism raised the USA to the level great power. The already mentioned Islam, which united the Arab tribes into a single community, initially relied on the concept of the state as a religious community.
For countries with the dominance of one religious direction, the identification in the mass consciousness of religious and national is characteristic. The idea of ​​the exclusivity of one's people, one's nation is also based on faith. If the dominant religious ideas do not provide the socio-psychological basis for national integration, then attempts are made to revive the ideas, symbols and rituals of older cults. An example is Germany of the era of fascism, where the propaganda of the idea of ​​the Germans - the heirs of the ancient Aryan race was accompanied by the introduction of the rituals of medieval Christian crusaders, as well as the mystical rites of ancient Germanic pagan cults.
The integrating function of religion is usually supported by an appropriate system of rites and rituals (such as collective prayer) that reinforces "we-consciousness", a sense of belonging to a given religious community. Here the integrating function merges with another one, communicative function religion.
Participation in religious ceremonies satisfies the need of people for communication. Its center is often just a church, mosque, prayer house or other place for the gathering of believers. The communicative function of religion is a kind of compensatory mechanism in relation to the inherent modern society phenomenon of mass alienation. This is also related to the manifestations of another compensatory function religion.
In general, the compensatory function is understood as an illusory replenishment of the inability of people at certain stages of development to manage their own social relations. The resulting feeling of dependence on social forces is defined by the concept of “alienation”. "It's an anchor social activities, is the consolidation of our own product into something
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power that dominates us, is out of our control, goes against our expectations and nullifies our calculations, is one of the main points in all the previous historical development. social strength... appears to these individuals not as their own united force, but as some kind of alien power standing outside of them, about the origin and development trends of which they know nothing; therefore, they can no longer dominate this force—on the contrary, the latter is now going through a series of phases and stages of development, not only independent of the will and behavior of people, but, on the contrary, directing this will and this behavior” (Marx, Engels, 1951 -1984).
Compensating for this dependence, religion explains the incomprehensible patterns of social development. God's providence' and 'divine will'. This gives hope for the intervention of God, for his help. In turn, the desire to influence God, to force him to help resolve certain problems, pervades all the religious activities of believers.
Of course, religion also fulfills an important worldview function. It always acts as the basis of the system of values ​​both in society as a whole and in the mind of an individual. The dogmas of religion are the result, the result of the systematization of direct experience, real and illusory ideas that are formed by the mass consciousness. In their “organized” form, they again influence the mass consciousness, helping a person not only to combine his knowledge of the surrounding reality into an integral and relatively consistent “picture of the world”, but also to choose the right course of action.
This shows the close connection between the ideological function of religion and the other, regulatory function. The latter is manifested in the fact that religion really regulates the behavior of people in society, creates and maintains a system of norms and rules of life. It is well known, for example, that in medieval social relations “politics and jurisprudence, like all other sciences, remained simple branches of theology ... The dogmas of the church became at the same time political axioms, and biblical texts received the force of law in any court” (Marx, Engels , 1951-1984). Almost similarly, Sharia in Islam has developed as a system of rules for social and state-political life justified by divine prescriptions. Let us emphasize that the regulatory function of religion is connected with the regulation of not only religious activities but also the entire mass everyday life of people. Ultimately, both the Christian ten commandments and, say, the canons of Sharia are aimed at almost the same thing - at the formation of mass consciousness and normative behavior significant communities of people. It is clear that what has been said once again emphasizes important role integrating function of religion. The main integrator is, of course, faith itself.

The Psychology of Faith

The whole history of the study of religion can be seen as a continuous search for what could be designated as the "minimum of religion", as its kind of "molecular unit", inherent in all religions - from the most primitive to the most complex.


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This is a question about the foundation, the foundation stone on which religious psychology stands. Following E. Taylor, L. Ya. Sternberg wrote about the need for such a definition of religion, which “would be equally suitable for the beliefs of the Samoyed who flogged his idol when his hunt was unsuccessful, and for the beliefs of the Phoenicians, who burned their children at the stake to please the deity, and to the beliefs of the Babylonians, who sent their daughters and wives to the temple of Astart to be prostituted, giving themselves to the first stranger they met, and to the religion of the Christian, which requires people to lay down their lives for their neighbor, and to the religion of Buddhism, which is based in essence on the complete atheism...” (Sternberg, 1936). Admittedly, only one thing can be called such a "minimum of religion" in the socio-psychological sense - the feeling of faith.
K. K. Platonov rightly noted: “Without understanding the essence of the psychology of faith, it is difficult to correctly understand many other phenomena of religious psychology, in particular the psychology of prayer, spells, conspiracies, confession and all kinds of superstitions and prejudices” (Platonov, 1975). However, this understanding is not easy to achieve.
In such searches, it is quite logical to rely on the opinions of the "fathers of the church" themselves, who thought a lot about the place and role of faith in religion. Almost all theologians usually base their understanding of faith on the words attributed to the Apostle Paul: "Faith is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen." Doctor of Orthodox theology, rector of the Kyiv Theological Academy, Archimandrite Anthony, at one time explained this definition as follows: “... that is, these are the essence of truth, inaccessible to experience and exceeding human reason, what distinguishes faith from knowledge” (Antony, 1862). A. Vvedensky argued that, minus religious life everything that makes sense from an earthly point of view, something remains in it that cannot be comprehended and understood from this point of view and without which religion loses all its meaning - “some X (relation to the deity) will remain, without unraveling which we will not understand its essence” (Vvedensky, 1902). It is clear that it is precisely the "relation to the deity" that is faith. Either there is faith, and then there is a deity, or there is no faith, and there is atheism.
L. Feuerbach cited the words of Martin Luther: “All members of our creed seem for the mind stupid and ridiculous ... Therefore one should not ask whether a given thing is possible; but one should say this: God has spoken, and therefore even what seems impossible. For although I can neither see nor understand it, yet the Lord can make the impossible possible and make everything out of nothing"(Feuerbach, 1955). Later, this was repeated more than once in Orthodoxy: “... the impossibility of a complete comprehension by the mind of the content of dogmatic truths is one of the main provisions of Orthodox theology”1.
However, it is indisputable that the essence of faith was most concisely, clearly, rigidly and consistently defined by the Roman early Christian theologian Tertullian: "I believe because it is absurd." This formula forever protected faith from the arguments of reason.
“Faith is a feeling that creates the illusion of knowledge and the reality of what is created by fantasy with the participation of this same feelings. It is an obligatory component of the structure of religious consciousness and, consequently, the minimum of religion” (Platonov, 1975). Faith is usually a statement without any evidence whatsoever.
1 For details of these facts, see: Bukin V. R. Social psychology and religion. // Problems of social psychology. M, 1962. S. 355.
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Religious performances are not born in the mind of an individual, they are not the result of an analysis of people's own experience. They are introduced into their consciousness in finished form. Therefore, any attempt at analysis kills faith. Therefore, faith and analysis are intolerant of each other.
Obviously, with such an understanding, faith approaches a number of phenomena that we have already considered in the first part of the book: suggestion, mental infection, imitation, based on irrational emotions and appropriate behavior. Faith is, in fact, a psychological readiness for infection, suggestion and imitation. At the same time, it is also the result of suggestion, infection and imitation. This is the basic element of the entire structure of perception and assimilation of suggestive influences and, at the same time, the result of such influences.
The feeling of faith, as is characteristic of any emotion, is subject to the action of "circular reaction" and "emotional whirling." Faith easily forms a mass of believers. Conversely, faith is easily spread and strengthened among the masses, often reaching the level of uncontrollable passion and taking the form of religious ecstasy. Shaman rituals, exorcism, self-flagellation with chains during the Shahsei-Vah-Sei holiday, the phenomenon of hysterics - these are the various manifestations of religious ecstasy, sometimes reaching religious fanaticism. “A state of ecstasy, that is, strong emotional arousal, accompanied by a loss of control over one’s actions, and sometimes visual and auditory hallucinations, It was feature most ancient traditional cults... In recent years, the most typical case of using religious ecstasy to influence people's consciousness and behavior is the activity of evangelical preachers, as well as most of the so-called non-traditional sects" (Evgenyeva, 1988).

Religious Cult: The Psychology of Religious Actions

Each religion includes a set of special actions necessary for believers both to express their belonging to a religious community and to strengthen their faith, their identification with this community. The totality of these actions is usually religious cult.
A religious cult for believers is practically almost any symbolic action based on the belief in the possibility of influencing supernatural objects and their properties with their help. The cult actions of primitive people were extremely specific. The shaman, turning to the gods and involving fellow tribesmen in ritual actions, asked to send rain or good luck in hunting. In modern religions, specific requests are not required. The cult is necessary for believers to prove their faith, which they demonstrate to God with the help of a special system of actions that usually take place in a temple (religious building) under the guidance of clergymen. Participation in such activities partially satisfies the basic needs of social life: the need for communication, for belonging to a community.


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in social status. They also perform specific psychological functions, for example, relieving the emotional stress of believers. A socio-psychological analysis of group worship in a church allows us to distinguish three successive stages in it, during which there is an increase in emotional tension, then a culmination, and finally a discharge in the form of an increase in calm positive emotions. This manifests a kind of psychotherapeutic effect of the cult.
“In the process of performing religious cult actions, there is a reinforcement and strengthening of religious sentiments in the minds of believers according to the same laws by which the moods of the crowd are formed and strengthened. At the same time, we can observe the action of psychological mechanisms inherent in spontaneous behavior. This is a mechanism of suggestion, imitation and infection” (Evgenyeva, 1988). In a religious cult, various tools of active influence on the psyche of people are used. The emotional side of the actual cult actions is supported by a system of religious symbols, often expressed through artistic images. The cult almost certainly contains music, chants, long rhythmic repetition of monotonous words and movements that evoke certain emotions.
Let us give just one, albeit quite convincing, example. In 1953, a special patriarchal message was sent to all the rectors of Moscow cathedrals, in which they were strongly recommended to create a “special mood” for all those who pray, to take into account absolutely everything during divine services, up to illumination and hymns, so that nothing extraneous, earthly, would distract the worshipers from high aspiration to God. This message said, in particular, that bright lighting in the cathedral does not encourage prayer, depriving the veil of mystery and expectation, and it was recommended to have a weak light in the temple, since the flickering of lamps and wax candles most suits the mood of those praying. “The darker it is in the temple,” the message said, “the brighter the inner divine light will burn in the hearts of those who pray, the more effective the prayer will be and the more accessible the confession.”1
The phenomenon of mutual emotional infection, usually observed during religious holidays with the participation of a large number of believers, always creates a general emotional state that contributes to the effective operation of the mechanisms of suggestion and self-hypnosis. Typical examples of this effect are mass visions and other religious "miracles". Thus, the impressions from the vision of the Holy Virgin Mary, which appeared in 1858 to girls in Lourdes (France), and in 1917 to a whole group of believers in Fatima (Portugal), quickly spread to crowds of local residents, and then to numerous pilgrims. In 1979, during the revolution in Iran, many thousands of people in Tehran saw a portrait of Ayatollah Khomeini on the moon on a full moon. There are many examples of this kind. On the whole, it has been quite rightly noted: "... a religious cult became the first organized form of manipulating the consciousness of the masses in the history of society" (Evgenyeva, 1988).
Among the religious actions based on the psychological phenomenon of faith, three are usually distinguished: prayer, sacrifice, confession. Psychologically to
"See: Journal of the Moscow Patriarchy, 1956, No. 6. S. 46.
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they are usually quite close and some similar actions based on the so-called false faith - superstition, prejudice and premonitions.
At the origins psychology of prayer lie a magical conspiracy and spells. These are words that allegedly have a miraculous power and property to act not only on other people, animals and the forces of nature, but also on spirits and gods. These are the same ones, now almost everyday: “Get lost! Scatter! Get lost! Disappear! Get out!”
Having learned the suggestive power of the word and verbal interpersonal communication on oneself, once a person believed that in a similar way one could protect oneself from attacking people, animals and evil spirits. Over time, the spell became both grateful and pleading - in gratitude there is always an element of a hidden request, as if “next time”. So, gradually, the spell turned into a prayer, which often contains a request for a miracle. Group prayer is usually considered the most effective, but individual prayer is also practiced.
Abbess Euphrasia, the abbess of the monastery in Dealu Targovishte (Romanian Orthodox Church) wrote: “People today are secularized and run away from prayer, because they are afraid to look into their own life which is often chaotic, meaningless and indefinite in God. Prayer restores the human spirit, informing him of the state of being in brotherhood and love with other people. It makes a person a person. A man prays, turning his face to God, as the sunflower turns to the sun, the Source of life and unity.
The skeptical Russian writer I. M. Turgenev said that any prayer, in essence, always boils down to only one thing: “Make, Lord, so that twice two is not four, but five!” On the other hand, sometimes it doesn't. Doctors of one of the US medical centers conducted an interesting experiment in the late 90s of the XX century. Seventy-five elderly Christian women prayed for the recovery of sick people unknown to them. It turned out that in the group of “repaired” patients, complications after operations were as much as 10% less than in the other, “control” group2. Then begins the problem of choice, which each person will make, of course, taking into account his own own faith to the correctness of one position or another.
Sacrifice - one of the oldest religious cults. In this act, in a fantastic form, the traditional norm of ordinary human relationships of mutual assistance or sale and purchase was reflected: "You give me - I give you." The ancient Greek atheist philosopher Lucian said: “The gods do nothing for free, but sell various goods to people...” for old sins or new blessings.
Psychology of confession associated with the psychology of prayer and sacrifice. Repenting of sins, the believer does not just “ask for forgiveness” - he believes that if you ask well, then forgiveness will actually be received. The unpleasant act of "consciousness in the
1 Euphrasia. Life in all its fullness: the monastic experience. // Journal of the Moscow Patriarchy, 1984.
No. 2. S. 68.
2 See: She, 2000, No. 1, p. 36.
3 Cit. by: Platonov K. K. Psychology of religion. // Social Psychology. Moscow: Politizdat, 197:
S. 307.
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yannom” (especially with a developed sense of “pride”) is experienced as a kind of sacrifice that will be rewarded. There is another side of confession, which reflects the well-known worldly wisdom: shared joy is double joy, shared grief is half grief. In the process of confession, the believer, as it were, shifts the burden of the deed on the shoulders of the confessor, shares with him both the deed and the responsibility for it. This enhances the effect of catharsis, which is characteristic not only of prayer, but also of any heart-to-heart conversation with a friend about one's problems and troubles. This is the key to the success of not only confessors, but also psychoanalysts and psychotherapists of various schools.

The psychology of superstition

According to K. K. Platonov, superstition are vestigial fragments of past religions. It is like a cemetery of former gods and cults associated with them in mass psychology. Sometimes, however, these are also acquired, new beliefs, close in psychological origin to obsessive-compulsive disorder. Because of this, it is almost impossible to fight them - they constitute the "everyday lining" of our consciousness.
Typical example superstition is a notion of a connection that allegedly exists between an object that acts as an amulet and good luck in business. Also, conversely, between bad omen and subsequent failures and even misfortunes of man. Any common and common occurrence in life can serve as a sign. So, in European countries it is customary to consider a meeting with a black cat as a harbinger of misfortune. In the United States and Latin America, it is believed that anyone who passes under a stepladder will get into big trouble. To test in 1939, during the World Exhibition in New York, a kind of psychological experiment. A large ladder was placed in the lobby. It did not interfere with the passage in any way, but 70% of the several million visitors to the exhibition chose to take a special detour to bypass it.
The psychological explanation for most of the existing superstitions is the search for a logical connection between events that occur one after the other. The well-known formula works here: after that, it means, because of that. Of course, this logic error. However, in the psychology of the masses, the notion of a completely possible supernatural connection between phenomena close or coinciding in time still continues to be preserved and serve as a source of faith in omens, forebodings, and divination. The special selectivity of our memory also helps here: one omen that has come true or some kind of prediction is remembered better than a dozen that have not come true. F. Bacon wrote about this: “This is the basis of almost all superstitions - in astrology, in dreams, in omens, in divine definitions, and the like. People who indulge themselves in this kind of fuss mark the event that has come true, and ignore the one that deceived, although the latter happens much more often ”(Bacon, 1935).


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predictions, divination, horoscopes etc. In the late 80s. In the 20th century, there were 12,000 astrologers in the United States alone, another 175,000 Americans combined astrology with other pursuits, and 1,250 American newspapers regularly published horoscopes. Today, our country is not far behind such indicators. As the poet A. Blok said about such phenomena a hundred years ago: "The beginning of the century, decadence, insanity of the intelligentsia."
One of the typical superstitions is the belief in premonitions. Its basis is the substitution of premonition for supposition. An assumption is an assumption of an event whose probability is not yet known. The ability to guess valuable property intellect. However, the combination of speculation with a sense of anxious anticipation is often experienced by people as a premonition. This usually occurs in conditions of real or potential danger and significant nervous tension, stress. If the development of events does not confirm the presentiment, then it is easily forgotten. However, confirmation of a premonition, on the contrary, is involuntarily remembered. This is how a superstitious belief is created, which easily develops into prejudice: "a presentiment never deceives me."
Close to faith in premonitions and faith in guessing, developing according to a similar mechanism. Fortune-telling on a camomile ("loves - does not love ..."), playing "even - odd" and similar habits are also a kind of prejudice and superstition. .
Superstition is condemned by dogmatic religion, although the psychological nature and structure of superstition sometimes differ little from canonized faith. The differences often come down mainly to the ideological components that determine the content of superstition.
On the one hand, superstitions are very close to faith. However, on the other hand, they often merge with prejudice. These two phenomena of religious psychology are often confused with each other. The psychological structure of superstition is usually dominated by a feeling of faith that inhibits thinking. Superstition is more experienced than understood. It is based only on emotions. Even B. Spinoza once rightly stated: "... Fear is the reason due to which superstition arises, is preserved and maintained" (Spinoza, 1957). Prejudice on the other hand, this is a phenomenon of an erroneous "picture of the world", in its psychological structure the element of thinking, incorrect understanding, and usually inspired from the outside, predominates. Prejudice does not happen without superstition - the latter enters as an element in its structure. At the same time, both superstitions and prejudices are always phenomena of the everyday psychology of the masses, united under a common rubric.
B. Spinoza considered superstitions, although false, but still natural for the broad masses. He sincerely believed that it was impossible, and perhaps not necessary, to rid the crowd of superstitions. Voltaire proclaimed the well-known thesis: "If God did not exist, he would have to be invented." P. A. Golbach wrote: “... Atheism, like philosophy and all serious abstract sciences, is beyond the capacity of the crowd and even the majority of people” (Golbach, 1963). Thus the psychology of superstition is an even more ancient and broad basis for the psychology of the masses than even the psychology of religion itself.
1 See: Evgenyeva T.V. Psychology of religion and problems of working with believers. M.: publishing house of the Institute social sciences at the Central Committee of the CPSU, 1988.
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Motives for turning to religion

Numerous sociological surveys and specialized socio-psychological studies make it possible to differentiate the religious psychology of the masses, to isolate groups of believers whose religious community is built on various motives for turning to religion. It is the motive of conversion that stands at the center of the mass that is psychologically formed around the church. There are six rather obviously different motives - accordingly, we can talk about six variants of the religious psychology of the masses.
The first group of believers are people for whom religion acts as their own form of knowing the world. Usually these are extremely poorly educated people who simply do not have any other “picture of the world”. On the other hand, they know very well the biblical ontology, the entire mythological basis of religion. God's creation of the world and man, the presence of heaven and hell, the afterlife are quite real things for them.
The second group includes believers whose main motive is the expectation of heavenly bliss after death. Such a motive is generated by difficult living conditions, many unsatisfied needs, as well as the fear of death. As you know, in most religions, the description of paradise is just filled with the most pleasant things. The Koran, born in the drought of the Arabian desert, teaches about paradise: “In it are rivers of water that does not spoil, and rivers of milk, the taste of which does not change, and rivers of wine, pleasant for drinkers; rivers of purified honey” (Koran, 1963). Of all religious theory, these believers best know and remember the principles of the immortality of the soul and the existence of an afterlife. The fear of death, although not always in a conscious form, occupies a significant place in the minds of modern believers. It is impossible for the body to avoid it, which means that one should console oneself with the immortality of the soul.
The third group of believers in religion is not interested in belief in the supernatural, but in itself a religious cult. The motive for their participation in cult activities is not so much the belief that with their help they can influence supernatural forces, but the satisfaction of the need for communication, in identifying themselves with a certain large group, which such participation gives. As a rule, these are lonely people who have not found their place in the groups to which they objectively belong in secular life, deeply experiencing the phenomenon of alienation. Usually they do not know religious dogmas well - except for those related to cult activities. The number of such people is increasing as society is marginalized.
The fourth group of believers is characterized by the conviction that religion is necessary for the preservation of human morality. There are especially many such people among Muslims, whose life is almost completely regulated by Sharia - a set of both religious and moral, legal and many other norms based on the Koran. The basis of their religiosity is the belief that without religion, without the fear of God's punishment, any universal moral norms will be constantly violated. The main thing for them is not participation in a religious cult, but the dissemination of moral and ethical religious principles.
The fifth real-life group is the "just in case" believers. In today's world, low intensity of faith is common. Accordingly


254
there is a growing number of people, "just in case", from time to time fulfilling the basic, most simple prescriptions of religion, as if by tradition, passed on from older family members or a reference social group. As a rule, these people rarely think about the deep essence of religious prescriptions, acting on the principle: “What if there really is a God?”.
Finally, people who masquerade as believers are often singled out as a sixth group. This is not about manipulators, although there are some, and not about those for whom religion is a profession and a source of income. There are also such people, especially among the preachers of newfangled sects - the example of the head of the Moonist sect, S. M. Moon, whose multimillion-dollar fortune was acquired by the labors of ordinary members of the sect, is not forgotten. Some of them are politicians. For example, it is known that the former dictator of Guatemala, R. Montt, shortly after taking office as president in 1982, declared himself a "prophet" appointed by God himself in order to save the country. To confirm such statements, he used the “Church of the Word” sect specially created by his henchmen, whose activities mainly consisted in supporting and justifying mass repression. The point, however, is not only in them, but in the very possibility of manipulating faith. The above example is clearly from the field of applied political psychology in that part of it that studies the manipulation of mass consciousness for political purposes.
A serious problem lies in the fact that in countries where belonging to a particular religion serves as a criterion of political and social "reliability", the main, and sometimes the only motive for turning to religion is the desire to acquire a higher social status. Naturally, it is for this status that they go to church. We didn't say: "Paris is worth a mass!"
Of course, the listed groups and the differences between their representatives are largely conditional. They far from exhaust all possible motives for turning to religion, and do not exclude the existence of mixed types - believers whose religiosity is determined simultaneously by several motives. However, even this, the most primary analysis of religious motivation seems to be quite productive for a deeper understanding of the reality that is commonly referred to as the "religious psychology of the masses."

Main conclusions

1. Religion is one of the forms of social consciousness. The main object of psychology: religion as a section of social psychology is the ordinary religious consciousness of the broad masses of believers, or, in other words, religious psychology as one of the elements of everyday consciousness as a whole. From a secular point of view, there are three main groups of roots of religious psychology. Social roots are usually associated with the search for some way out of the daily hardships of life associated with the social inequality of people. Epistemological roots - with the limitations of human knowledge, sometimes distorting the picture of the real world, Social and psychological roots are associated with four main points;

255
firstly, with the ability of consciousness to form abstract concepts such as the concept of "God"; secondly, with the unconscious components of thinking and activity, which are not always clear to the person himself and are associated with otherworldly forces; thirdly, with human emotions that require an outlet - in particular, in religion; fourthly, with the psychological division "we - they", which underlies the formation of religious communities.

  1. There are five socio-psychological functions of religion: I integrate
    general, communicative, compensatory, ideological and regulatory.
    A special function is to awaken in a person a sense of faith and maintain
    this feeling in him.
  2. Faith is a feeling that creates the illusion of knowledge and the reality of what is created
    fantasy involving the same feeling. Faith is a must
    volume of religious consciousness. As a rule, faith is expressed in the acceptance of some
    assertions without evidence. Statements of this kind do not arise of their own accord.
    battle in the mind of an individual and are not the result of an analysis of one's own
    many experiences of people. Usually they are introduced into the mass consciousness, and in the end
    in this form. According to the propagation mechanism, faith is associated with psychological phenomena.
    nomens of suggestion, infection and imitation, and as a result of the action of these
    phenomena, and as the readiness of people to succumb to their action. Feeling of faith
    any emotional state, is influenced by the "circular reaction" and
    "emotional whirl". Therefore, faith, on the one hand, easily forms a mass
    su believers, and on the other hand, its spread and strengthening takes place
    right in the mass. Only in the masses can faith reach the level of unstoppable af
    effect and take the form of religious ecstasy.
  3. Every religion includes a set of special actions necessary for believers to
    expressing one's belonging to a religious community and strengthening as
    their faith, and personal identification with this community. The totality of
    kih actions is a religious cult. Religious cult for
    believers - this is almost any symbolic action based on faith
    in the possibility of influencing with their help on supernatural objects and their own
    stva. The most important elements of a religious cult are prayer, various forms of sacrifices.
    offerings and confessions.
  4. There are six main motives for turning people to religion. First of all,
    religion attracts as a form of knowledge and understanding of the world. Secondly, she
    repents of the expectation of heavenly bliss after death. Thirdly, it attracts
    religious cult, its rituals. Fourth, religion is considered an important condition
    view of the preservation of morality. Fifth, some turn to religion "on
    just in case". Sixth, a special motive is disguise as a faith
    for non-religious purposes.
    .

Why do many people believe in omens and superstitions? I think it is difficult to find at least one person who would not have flashed in his head from time to time the well-known “morning is wiser than the evening” or “quietly you go - you will continue”, “spit and knock”. Divination, horoscopes, predictions - all these are superstitions. Why do we need signs and superstitions, and where did they come from? Let's figure it out.

All signs and superstitions are aimed at finding a logical connection between seemingly incompatible and illogical things. And this is rooted in the distant times of undeveloped science. It is today that people know a lot about the world, its laws, society and human characteristics, the interaction of man and nature. Previously, in order to get rid of oppressive ignorance and not be afraid to live, one had to rely on signs, superstitions and intuition:

  • Someone alone noticed a random coincidence and established a connection between two completely different signs (phenomena).
  • This scheme is reinforced by our feature: we remember the confirmation of the signs, but we forget the refutation. A sign (prophecy, fortune-telling) may come true once and not come true 20, but in memory it will be deposited as always coming true. That's how it started.

But the peculiarity of the psychology of belief is that the piggy bank of various kinds of beliefs is regularly replenished. Why is it so popular these days? Old signs are alive in the public historical consciousness. You can't get away from this. And new ones are born all for the same reason - ignorance, fear. Although science has made a huge leap forward, there are still many secrets and mysteries in the world. As a result, we can say that superstitions and omens are the unconscious base of the personality, which cannot be eradicated.

What is a premonition? In the language of psychology, this is a combination of natural and useful property- an assumption (the probability of some event without determining the specific numbers of this probability) and . The likelihood of a person having a premonition (assuming + anxious expectation) increases in a situation of stress, tension, in critical conditions. If the presentiment does not justify itself, then this, of course, will be forgotten. Otherwise, remember. This is how the superstition “a premonition never deceives me” is born.

An interesting fact: in 1939, New York psychologists managed to confirm the power of superstition. At one of the exhibitions, a stepladder was installed, and although it did not interfere in any way, 70% of people preferred a trajectory with extra meters, so as not to go under the stepladder (a bad omen).

Approaches to the study of superstition

Superstition is a belief in the forces and laws of nature unknown to man, positively or negatively affecting people, animals and the whole world. View superstition as psychological phenomenon possible through several approaches.

cognitive approach

From the position of this approach, superstition is an attempt to comprehend the unknown and inexplicable. Superstitions are transmitted from generation to generation through psychological characteristics: infection, imitation, suggestion. With the help of signs and superstitions, a person tries to gain control over the whole world. In this context, superstition is the result of the work of memory and.

With the help of superstitions, a person organizes the world. But the perception of ongoing events is too subjective and situational, distorting the true mechanisms and features of things happening.

Everything that goes beyond the usual ideas and knowledge of a person, he tries to explain with the help of supernatural forces, signs, superstitions, divination, astrology. Accordingly, we can say that the higher a person, the less he is prone to prejudice. Cognition of the world through superstition is a simplified form of cognition, based on visibility and avoiding cognition of the world through abstract scientific concepts.

Affective-motivational approach

Superstition is a form of protection of the emotional state and the person. This is the satisfaction and support of their unconscious desires,. At the same time, in this concept, superstitions are considered as a means of providing psychotherapeutic assistance: stress relief.

Belief is closely related to the suggestibility of a person, which intensifies at the moment:

  • frustration and psychological fragmentation, for example, with fear of death, aging, reality or the hardships of loneliness;
  • grief experiences;
  • job loss;
  • unrequited love;
  • cultural and socio-economic instability of society;
  • awareness of one's own powerlessness.

“What is not done is all for the better,” a person says to himself, and the pain from personally significant misfortunes that have happened is no longer so acute. Signs and this kind of superstition can give a person the strength to overcome depression and other undesirable conditions. Think about it, because for every state of a person you can find a saying that removes a share of responsibility from him and shifts the burden of what happened on someone’s shoulders: “God’s will for everything.”

On the one hand, this is good, but on the other hand, it seems to me that it deprives a person. How can you grow and draw conclusions from what happened, avoiding responsibility for your own life? Is it possible to develop if you do not really know your thoughts and feelings, do not consciously struggle with fears and do not accept inevitable realities, for example, death? I think in this case superstitions are a form of escape from reality and impede personal growth.

Afterword

Superstition is the victory of emotions over reason. And one of the main driving forces is fear. This is blind faith that slows down thinking. Prejudices similar to superstitions:

  • superstition is an element of the structure of prejudices;
  • prejudice - an erroneous perception of something, caused by information imposed from outside (superstitions and signs).

Signs, superstitions, prejudices belong to the psychology of the masses. This causes the complexity and impossibility of the complete eradication of beliefs. But it is possible and necessary to work with an individual person if superstitions interfere with his personal development and life, border on anxiety-phobic disorders and obsessive-compulsive disorder.

How to do it? Understand what function superstitions perform in this case. This will help you find real reasons: lack of knowledge, fear, self-doubt, personal problems and more. Further, we have to work on eliminating this cause and gaining a sense of control over ourselves and our lives at the expense of internal resources and a logical rational understanding of the world. It is worthwhile to engage in the development of creative and, and superstitions will begin to fade into the background.

The psychology of superstition

According to K. K. Platonov, superstition are vestigial fragments of past religions. These are, as it were, cemeteries of former gods and cults associated with them in class psychology. Sometimes, however, these are also acquired, new beliefs, close in psychological origin to obsessive-compulsive disorder. Because of this, it is almost impossible to fight them - they constitute the "everyday lining" of our consciousness.

A typical example of superstition is the notion of a connection allegedly existing between an object acting as an amulet and good luck in business. And also, on the contrary, between a bad omen and subsequent failures and even human misfortunes. Any common and common occurrence in life can serve as a sign. So, in European countries it is customary to consider a meeting with a black cat as a harbinger of misfortune. In the United States and Latin America, it is believed that anyone who passes under a stepladder will get into big trouble. For verification, in 1939, during the World Exhibition in New York, a kind of psychological experiment was carried out. A large ladder was placed in the lobby. It did not interfere with the passage in any way, but 70% of the several million visitors to the exhibition chose to make a special detour to bypass it.

The psychological explanation for most of the existing superstitions is the search for a logical connection between events that occur one after the other. The well-known formula works here: after that, it means, because of that. Of course, this is a logical fallacy. However, in the psychology of the masses, the notion of a completely possible supernatural connection between phenomena close or coinciding in time still continues to be preserved and serve as a source of faith in omens, forebodings, and divination. The special selectivity of our memory also helps here: one omen that has come true or some kind of prediction is remembered better than a dozen that have not come true. F. Bacon wrote about this: “This is the basis of almost all superstitions - in astrology, in dreams, in omens, in divine definitions, and the like. People who indulge themselves in this kind of fuss mark the event that has come true, and ignore the one that deceived, although the latter happens much more often ”(Bacon, 1935).

252 Part 3. Mass socio-psychological phenomena

predictions, divination, horoscopes etc. In the late 80s. In the 20th century, there were 12,000 astrologers in the United States alone, another 175,000 Americans combined astrology with other pursuits, and 1,250 American newspapers regularly published horoscopes 1 . Today, our country is not far behind such indicators. As the poet A. Blok said about such phenomena a hundred years ago: "The beginning of the century, decadence, insanity of the intelligentsia."

One of the typical superstitions is belief in premonitions. Its basis is the substitution of foreboding assumptions. An assumption is an assumption of an event, the probability of which is not yet known. The ability to guess is a valuable property of the intellect. However, the combination of speculation with a sense of anxious anticipation is often experienced by people as a premonition. This usually occurs in conditions of real or potential danger and significant nervous tension, stress. If the development of events does not confirm the presentiment, then it is easily forgotten. However, confirmation of a premonition, on the contrary, is involuntarily remembered. This is how a superstitious belief is created, which easily develops into prejudice: "a presentiment never deceives me."

Close to faith in premonitions and faith in guessing, developing according to a similar mechanism. Fortune telling on a camomile (“loves - does not love ...”), playing “even - odd” and similar habits are also a kind of prejudice and superstition.

Superstition is condemned by dogmatic religion, although the psychological nature and structure of superstition sometimes differ little from canonized faith. The differences often come down mainly to the ideological components that determine the content of superstition.

On the one hand, superstitions are very close to faith. However, on the other hand, they often merge with prejudices. These two phenomena of religious psychology are often confused with each other. The psychological structure of superstition is usually dominated by a feeling of faith that inhibits thinking. Superstition is more experienced than understood. It is based only on emotions. Even B. Spinoza once rightly stated: "... Fear is the reason due to which superstition arises, is preserved and maintained" (Spinoza, 1957). Prejudice on the other hand, this is a phenomenon of an erroneous "picture of the world", in its psychological structure the element of thinking, misunderstanding, and usually inspired from the outside, predominates. Prejudice does not happen without superstition - the latter enters as an element in its structure. At the same time, both superstitions and prejudices are always phenomena of the everyday psychology of the masses, united under a common rubric.

B. Spinoza considered superstitions, although false, but still natural for the broad masses. He sincerely believed that it was impossible, and perhaps not necessary, to rid the crowd of superstitions. Voltaire proclaimed the well-known thesis: "If God did not exist, he would have to be invented." P. A. Golbach wrote: “... Atheism, like philosophy and all serious abstract sciences, is beyond the capacity of the crowd and even the majority of people” (Golbach, 1963). Thus, the psychology of superstition is an even more ancient and broad basis for the psychology of the masses than even the psychology of religion itself.

1 See: Evgenyeva T.V. Psychology of religion and problems of working with believers. M.: publishing house of the Institute of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, 1988.

Chapter 3.1. Psychology of Religion 253

Motives for turning to religion

Numerous sociological surveys and specialized socio-psychological studies make it possible to differentiate the religious psychology of the masses, to isolate groups of believers whose religious community is built on various motives for turning to religion. It is the motive of conversion that stands at the center of the mass that is psychologically formed around the church. There are six quite obviously different motives - accordingly, we can talk about six variants of the religious psychology of the masses.

The first group of believers are people for whom religion acts as their own form of knowing the world. Usually these are extremely poorly educated people who simply do not have any other “picture of the world”. On the other hand, they know very well the biblical ontology, the entire mythological basis of religion. God's creation of the world and man, the presence of heaven and hell, the afterlife are quite real things for them.

The second group includes believers whose main motive is the expectation of heavenly bliss after death. Such a motive is generated by difficult living conditions, many unsatisfied needs, as well as the fear of death. As you know, in most religions, the description of paradise is just filled with the most pleasant things. The Koran, born in the drought of the Arabian desert, teaches about paradise: “In it are rivers of water that does not spoil, and rivers of milk, the taste of which does not change, and rivers of wine, pleasant for drinkers; rivers of purified honey” (Koran, 1963). Of all religious theory, these believers best know and remember the principles of the immortality of the soul and the existence of an afterlife. The fear of death, although not always in a conscious form, occupies a significant place in the minds of modern believers. It is impossible for the body to avoid it, which means that one should console oneself with the immortality of the soul.

The third group of believers in religion is not interested in belief in the supernatural, but in itself a religious cult. The motive for their participation in cult activities is not so much the belief that with their help they can influence supernatural forces, but the satisfaction of the need for communication, in identifying themselves with a certain large group, which such participation gives. As a rule, these are lonely people who have not found their place in the groups to which they objectively belong in secular life, deeply experiencing the phenomenon of alienation. Usually they do not know religious dogmas well - except for those related to cult activities. The number of such people is increasing as society is marginalized.

The fourth group of believers is characterized by the conviction that religion is necessary for the preservation of human morality. There are especially many such people among Muslims, whose life is almost completely regulated by Sharia - a set of both religious and moral, legal and many other norms based on the Koran. The basis of their religiosity is the conviction that without religion, without the fear of God's punishment, any universal moral norms will be constantly violated. The main thing for them is not participation in a religious cult, but the dissemination of moral and ethical religious principles.

The fifth really existing group is the believers "just in case". In today's world, low intensity of faith is common. Accordingly

254 Part 3. Mass socio-psychological phenomena

there is a growing number of people, "just in case", from time to time fulfilling the basic, most simple prescriptions of religion, as if by tradition, passed on from older family members or a reference social group. As a rule, these people rarely think about the deep essence of religious prescriptions, acting on the principle: “What if there really is a God?”.

Finally, people who masquerade as believers are often singled out as a sixth group. This is not about manipulators, although there are some, and not about those for whom religion is a profession and a source of income. There are also such people, especially among preachers of newfangled sects - the example of the head of the Moonist sect, S. M. Moon, whose multi-million dollar fortune was acquired by the labors of ordinary members of the sect, is not forgotten. Some of them are politicians. For example, it is known that the former dictator of Guatemala, R. Montt, shortly after taking office as president in 1982, declared himself a "prophet" appointed by God himself in order to save the country. To confirm such statements, he used the “Church of the Word” sect specially created by his henchmen, whose activities mainly consisted in supporting and justifying mass repressions. The point, however, is not only in them, but in the very possibility of manipulating faith. The above example is clearly from the field of applied political psychology in that part of it that studies the manipulation of mass consciousness for political purposes.

A serious problem lies in the fact that in countries where belonging to a particular religion serves as a criterion of political and social "reliability", the main, and sometimes the only motive for turning to religion is the desire to acquire a higher social status. Naturally, it is for this status that they go to church. We didn't say: "Paris is worth a mass!"

Of course, the listed groups and the differences between their representatives are largely conditional. They far from exhaust all possible motives for turning to religion, they do not exclude the existence of mixed types - believers, whose religiosity is determined simultaneously by several motives. However, even this, the most primary analysis of religious motivation seems to be quite productive for a deeper understanding of the reality that is commonly referred to as the "religious psychology of the masses."

Main conclusions

1. Religion is one of the forms of social consciousness. The main object of psychology; religion as a section of social psychology is the ordinary religious consciousness of the broad masses of believers, or, in other words, religious psychology as one of the elements of everyday consciousness as a whole. From a secular point of view, there are three main groups of roots of religious psychology. Social roots are usually associated with the search for some way out of the daily hardships of life associated with the social inequality of people. Epistemological roots - with the limited human knowledge, sometimes distorting the picture of the real world, socio-psychological roots are associated with four main points;

Chapter 3.1. Psychology of Religion 255

firstly, with the ability of consciousness to form abstract concepts such as the concept of "God"; secondly, with the unconscious components of thinking and activity, which are not always clear to the person himself and are associated with otherworldly forces; thirdly, with human emotions that require an outlet - in particular, in religion; fourthly, with the psychological division "we - they", which underlies the formation of religious communities.

2. There are five socio-psychological functions of religion: integrating, communicative, compensatory, ideological and regulatory. A special function is the awakening in a person of a sense of faith and the maintenance of this feeling in him.

3. Faith - a feeling that creates the illusion of knowledge and reality of what is created by fantasy with the participation of the same feeling. Faith is an essential component of religious consciousness. As a rule, faith is expressed in the acceptance of certain statements without evidence. Statements of this kind do not arise spontaneously in the mind of an individual and are not the result of an analysis of people's own experiences. Usually they are introduced into the mass consciousness, and in finished form. According to the mechanism of distribution, faith is connected with the psychological phenomena of suggestion, infection and imitation, both as a result of the action of these phenomena, and as the readiness of people to succumb to their action. The feeling of faith, like any emotional state, is subject to the influence of "circular reaction" and "emotional whirling". Therefore, faith, on the one hand, easily forms a mass of believers, and on the other hand, its spread and strengthening occurs precisely in the mass. Only in the mass can faith reach the level of an irresistible passion and take the form of religious ecstasy.

4. Any religion includes a set of special actions necessary for believers to express their belonging to a religious community and strengthen both their faith and personal identification with this community. The totality of such actions constitutes a religious cult. A religious cult for believers is practically any symbolic actions based on the belief in the possibility of influencing supernatural objects and their properties with their help. The most important elements of a religious cult are prayer, various forms of sacrifice and confession.

5. There are six main motives for turning people to religion. Firstly, religion attracts as a form of knowledge and understanding of the world. Secondly, it captivates with the expectation of heavenly bliss after death. Thirdly, it attracts the religious cult itself, its rituals. Fourthly, religion is considered an important condition for the preservation of morality. Fifth, some turn to religion "just in case." Sixth, disguise as believers for the sake of achieving non-religious goals turns out to be a special motive.

__________________________________________________________ Chapter 3.2