100 years ago, on March 2 (15), 1917, Russian Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne. The court historiographer of the tsar, General Dmitry Dubensky, who constantly accompanied him on trips during the war, commented on the abdication: “I passed it like a squadron is handed over ... I had to go not to Pskov, but to the guards, to the Special Army.”

The day before, the tsarist train, having failed to pass in the direction of Petrograd, which was already controlled by the rebels, arrived in Pskov. There was the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front under the command of General Nikolai Ruzsky, and the tsar hoped for his protection. However, even here a heavy blow awaited the autocrat: as it turned out, Ruzsky was a secret opponent of the monarchy and did not like Nicholas II personally. And the chief of staff of the army, General Alekseev, organized a "general's opinion poll" by telegraph. The next day, all the commanders of the fronts sent telegrams to the tsar with requests to resign in order to save the country. After that, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto on abdication in favor of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. But the next day, he also refused the crown, saying that he would put it on only if the Constituent Assembly of the new Russia spoke in favor of this. At the same time, an actual dual power was established in Petrograd: on the one hand, the Provisional Government of Russia, on the other, Petrograd Soviet workers' and soldiers' deputies.

Thus, the palace coup ended with the complete success of the Februaryist conspirators. The autocracy fell, and with it the collapse of the empire began. The Februaryists, without realizing it, opened Pandora's box. The revolution was just beginning. The Februaryists, having crushed the autocracy and seized power, hoped that with the help of the Entente (the West) they would be able to build a "new, free Russia", but they were greatly mistaken. They crushed the last obstacle that held back the indigenous social contradictions, which for centuries accumulated in the Russia of the Romanovs. A general collapse, a civilizational catastrophe, began.

AT countryside begins its own peasant war - the defeat of landowners' estates, arson, armed skirmishes. Even before October 1917, the peasants would burn almost all the landowners' estates and divide up the landlords' lands. The separation of not only Poland and Finland begins, but also Little Russia(Little Russia-Ukraine). Already on March 4 (17) in Kyiv, the Ukrainian Central Rada was created, which started talking about autonomy. On March 6 (March 19), a 100,000-strong demonstration took place under the slogans "Autonomy for Ukraine", "Free Ukraine in a free Russia", "Long live a free Ukraine with a hetman at the head." All kinds of nationalists and separatists have raised their heads all over Russia. National formations (bands) appear in the Caucasus and the Baltic states. The Cossacks, once a loyal supporter of the throne, also become separatists. In fact, independent public entities- Don Army, Kuban army etc. Kronstadt and Baltic Fleet already in the spring of 1917 they got out of the control of the Provisional Government. happening massacres officers in the army and navy, officers lose control over the units entrusted to them, the army loses its combat capability by the summer of 1917 and falls apart. And all this without any influence of the Bolsheviks!

The uprising continued to gain momentum. At 08.25, General Khabalov sent a telegram to Headquarters: “The number of remaining faithful to duty has decreased to 600 infantry and 500 people. riders with 13 machine guns and 12 guns with 80 rounds in total. The situation is extremely difficult." At 9.00-10.00, answering questions from General Ivanov, he said that he had at his disposal, in the building of the Main Admiralty, “four guard companies, five squadrons and hundreds, two batteries. The rest of the troops have gone over to the side of the revolutionaries or remain, by agreement with them, neutral. Separate soldiers and gangs roam the city, shooting at passers-by, disarming officers ... All stations are in the power of revolutionaries, they are strictly guarded ... All artillery establishments are in the power of revolutionaries ... ".

Armed workers and soldiers advancing from collection point at the People's House in Alexander Park, crushed the outposts at the Birzhevoy and Tuchkov bridges and opened the way to Vasilyevsky Island. The 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, revolted here. The sailors of the 2nd Baltic naval crew and the cruiser Aurora, which was being repaired at the Franco-Russian plant in the Kalinkin bridge area, joined the rebels. By noon, the Peter and Paul Fortress was taken. The garrison of the fortress went over to the side of the rebels. The commandant of the fortress, Adjutant General Nikitin, recognized the new government. The soldiers of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment, who had been arrested two days earlier, were released. The rebels had artillery at their disposal. Peter and Paul Fortress. At 12.00, the revolutionaries presented an ultimatum to General Khabalov: under the threat of artillery fire from the guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress, leave the Admiralty. General Khabalov withdrew the remnants of government troops from the building of the Main Admiralty and transferred them to Winter Palace. Soon the Winter Palace was occupied by troops sent by the Provisional Committee and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The remnants of government forces went over to the side of the rebels. The headquarters of the Petrograd Military District also fell. Generals Khabalov, Belyaev, Balk and others were arrested. Thus, on this day, about 400 thousand people from 899 enterprises and 127 thousand soldiers participated in the movement, and the uprising ended in a complete victory for the rebels.

New centers of power were finally formed. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced that it was taking power into its own hands, in view of the termination of its activities by the government of N. D. Golitsyn. Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko sent a corresponding telegram to the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, commander of the fronts and fleets: former Council Ministers, government power has now passed to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. During the day, the Provisional Committee appointed General L. G. Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd District and sent his commissars to all ministries.

At the same time, a second center of power, the Petrosoviet, was being formed. As early as February 27, the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet distributed leaflets to factories and soldier units calling for them to elect their deputies and send them to the Tauride Palace. Already at 21.00 in the left wing of the Tauride Palace, the first meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies began, headed by the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, whose deputies were the Trudovik A. F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. All three were State Duma deputies and Freemasons.

By five o'clock in the morning on February 28, the imperial trains left Mogilev. The trains had to overcome about 950 miles along the route Mogilev - Orsha - Vyazma - Likhoslavl - Tosno - Gatchina - Tsarskoye Selo. But they didn't get there. By the morning of March 1, letter trains were able to get through Bologoye only to Malaya Vishera, where they were forced to turn around and go back to Bologoye, from where they arrived in Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located, only by the evening of March 1. With his departure, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was actually cut off from his Headquarters for forty hours, as the telegraph communication worked intermittently and with delays.

In the current situation, the mood of the tsarist generals, their readiness to support the tsar and suppress the uprising in the capital, is increasingly coming to the fore. As well as the willingness of the king himself to fight to the end and decide on the toughest measures, up to the start of a civil war (it was already inevitable, with the separation of the national outskirts, peasant war and fierce class struggle).

However, the highest generals participated in the conspiracy. In Pskov, there was the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front under the command of General Nikolai Ruzsky, and the tsar hoped for his protection. However, even here a heavy blow awaited the autocrat - as it turned out, Ruzsky was a secret opponent of the monarchy and did not like Nicholas II personally. Upon the arrival of the royal train, the general defiantly did not arrange the usual welcoming ceremony, appeared on the platform late, advising "to surrender to the mercy of the winner."

Headquarters Chief of Staff Mikhail Alekseev was also inclined to support the Februaryists. Even before the February uprising, he was appropriately "processed", persuaded to support the conspiracy. Historian G. M. Katkov wrote: “It was impossible to avoid official contacts between the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and the leaders public organizations, whose functions were to help the army, to care for the wounded and sick, in an increasingly complex and expanding organization of the supply of food, clothing, fodder, and even ammunition. Leaders of public organizations ... were not slow to use official contacts to constantly complain about the inertia of government institutions and exacerbate problems that already complicated relations between the commanders in chief and the ministries. Guchkov himself and his deputy Konovalov worked on Alekseev at Headquarters, and Tereshchenko, head of the Kyiv military-industrial committee, made every effort to influence Brusilov, the commander in chief, in the same spirit. southwestern front". Katkov noted that the position taken by General Alekseev both during this period and during the February events can be qualified as duplicitous, ambivalent, insincere, although the general tried to avoid direct participation in the conspiracy.

According to the historian G. M. Katkov, “on the evening of February 28, Alekseev ceased to be an obedient performer in relation to the tsar and took on the role of an intermediary between the monarch and his rebellious parliament. Only Rodzianko, by creating the false impression that Petrograd was under his complete control, could cause such a change in Alekseev ”(G. M. Katkov. February Revolution).

As one of the most active conspirators, chairman of the Central Military-Industrial Committee A. I. Guchkov, who from February to August 1916 privately sent to General Alekseev "his bitter observations and advice" regarding the unsatisfactory work of the rear, stated shortly before his death in exile, Alekseev “…was so aware [that in known circles there may be known intentions], which was done by an indirect participant. An indirect fact that Alekseev supported the Februaryists and the transfer of power to the liberal-bourgeois government is the fact that, when the Bolsheviks took power, with the support of the then political, financial and economic elite of Russia, he became one of the founders of white movement. The Februaryists, having lost power in October 1917, unleashed civil war trying to return Russia to the past.

At a time when the Stavka and High Command had to act in the most decisive way to crush the uprising, they played for time. If at first Alekseev quite accurately covered the situation in the capital before the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, then from February 28 he began to indicate that the events in Petrograd had calmed down, that the troops, “having joined the Provisional Government in in full force are being put in order" that the Provisional Government "under the chairmanship of Rodzianka" says "the need for new grounds for the election and appointment of the government." What negotiations will lead to common peace and will make it possible to avoid bloodshed, that the new government in Petrograd is full of good will and is ready with new energy contribute to the military effort. Thus, everything was done to suspend any decisive actions to suppress the rebellion by force, to prevent General Ivanov from forming a strike force to suppress the uprising. In turn, the leaders of the Februaryists, Rodzianko, were keenly interested in stopping the expeditionary forces of General Ivanov, which they considered to be much more numerous and strong than they really were. The Provisional Committee created the illusion that it kept Petrograd under complete control.

The king was also confused. On the night of March 1 (14) to March 2 (15), General Ivanov received a telegram from Nicholas II, which he sent after his negotiations with the commander northern front General Ruzsky, who acted on the basis of agreements with the Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko: “Tsarskoye Selo. Hope you arrived safely. I ask you not to take any measures until my arrival and report to me. On March 2 (15), a dispatch was delivered to General Ivanov from the emperor, canceling previous instructions on moving to Petrograd. According to the results of the emperor's negotiations with the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky, all the troops previously allocated to General Ivanov stopped and returned to the front. Thus, the top generals, in alliance with the conspirators in the capital, thwarted the possibility of an immediate military operation to restore order in Petrograd.

On the same day, the Provisional Government was formed. At an expanded meeting of the Provisional Committee of the Duma with the participation Central Committee party of the Cadets, the Bureau of the "progressive bloc" of deputies of the State Duma, as well as representatives of the Petrograd Soviet, the composition of the Cabinet of Ministers was agreed upon, the formation of which was announced the next day. Freemason became the first chairman of the Provisional Government high level Prince Georgy Lvov, formerly known as a cadet, and then a progressive, a State Duma deputy and a prominent figure in the Russian Zemstvo. It was assumed that the Provisional Government would have to ensure the administration of Russia until the elections to the Constituent Assembly, at which delegates elected in democratic elections would decide which new form state structure countries.

Accepted and political program of 8 points: full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings; democratic freedoms for all citizens; the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly and to the bodies local government on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage; police replacement people's militia with elected leaders; troops that took part in revolutionary speech in Petrograd, remained in the capital and kept their weapons; soldiers received all public rights.

The Petrograd Soviet formally recognized the power of the Provisional Government (only the Bolsheviks who were part of it objected). But in fact, he himself issued decrees and orders without the consent of the Provisional Government, which increased chaos and disorder in the country. Thus, the so-called “Order No. 1” issued on March 1 (14) Petrograd garrison, which legitimized the soldiers' committees and placed all weapons at their disposal, and the officers were deprived of disciplinary power over the soldiers. With the adoption of the order, the principle of unity of command fundamental to any army was violated, as a result of which a landslide drop in discipline and combat capability began, and then a complete collapse of the entire army.

AT modern Russia, where part of the "elite" and the public" enthusiastically creates a myth about the "crunch of a French roll" - an almost ideal device " old Russia”(From which follows the idea of ​​the need to restore the then order in the Russian Federation), it is generally accepted that the massacres of officers began under the Bolsheviks. However, this is not true. Lynching of officers began during the February coup. So, when on February 26 the rebels captured the Arsenal, where the well-known designer of artillery systems, Major General Nikolai Zabudsky, was killed.

On March 1 (14), the killings took on a mass character. On this day, the first victim was lieutenant of the watch Gennady Bubnov, who refused to change the St. Andrew's flag to the revolutionary red one on the battleship "Andrew the First-Called" - he was "raised on bayonets." When Admiral Arkady Nebolsin himself, who commanded a brigade of battleships in Helsingfors (modern Helsinki), climbed onto the battleship ladder, the sailors shot him, and then five more officers. In Kronstadt also 1 (March 14) on main square Admiral Robert Viren was stabbed with bayonets and Rear Admiral Alexander Butakov was shot dead. On March 4 (17) in Helsingfors, the already commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral Adrian Nepenin, was shot dead, who personally supported the Provisional Government, but negotiated with him in secret from the elected committees of the sailors, which aroused their suspicions. Nepenin was also reminded of his rude disposition and inattention to the requests of the sailors to improve their life.

It is worth noting that from that moment on, and how the Bolsheviks put their order there, Kronstadt became an independent "republic". In fact, Kronstadt was a kind of Zaporizhzhya Sich with sailor anarchist freemen instead of the "square" Cossacks. And Kronstadt will finally be “calmed down” only in 1921.

Then the commandant of the Sveaborg fortress, Lieutenant-General for the Navy V.N. Protopopov, commanders of the 1st and 2nd Kronstadt naval crews N. Stronsky and A. battleship"Emperor Alexander II" captain 1st rank N. Povalishin, commander of the cruiser "Aurora" captain 1st rank M. Nikolsky and many other naval and land officers. By March 15, the Baltic Fleet had lost 120 officers. In Kronstadt, in addition, at least 12 officers of the land garrison were killed. Several officers committed suicide or went missing. Hundreds of officers were attacked or arrested. For example, for comparison: all fleets and flotillas of Russia have lost 245 officers since the beginning of the First World War. Gradually rampant violence began to penetrate into the province.

To be continued…

The story of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne is one of the most tragic and bloody moments of the twentieth century. This fateful decision predetermined the course of Russia's development for many decades, as well as the very decline of the monarchical dynasty. It is difficult to say what events would have taken place in our country if in that very significant date abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne, the emperor would have made a different decision. It is surprising that historians are still arguing about whether this abdication was in fact or whether the document presented to the people was a real forgery that served Starting point everything that Russia experienced over the next century. Let's try to figure out exactly how the events unfolded that led to the birth of citizen Nikolai Romanov instead of Russian emperor Nicholas II.

The reign of the last emperor of Russia: features

In order to understand what exactly led to the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne (we will indicate the date of this event a little later), it is necessary to give brief description throughout the period of his reign.

The young emperor ascended the throne after the death of his father Alexander III. Many historians believe that morally the autocrat was not ready for the events that Russia was approaching with leaps and bounds. Emperor Nicholas II was sure that in order to save the country, it was necessary to strictly adhere to the monarchical foundations that his predecessors had formed. He had difficulty accepting any reformist ideas and underestimated the revolutionary movement that swept many European powers during this period.

In Russia, since the ascension to the throne of Nicholas 2 (October 20, 1894), revolutionary moods have gradually increased. The people demanded reforms from the emperor that would satisfy the interests of all sectors of society. After lengthy deliberation, the autocrat signed several decrees granting freedom of speech and conscience, and editing laws on the division of legislative power in the country.

For some time, these actions put out the flaring revolutionary fire. However, in 1914 the Russian Empire was drawn into the war and the situation changed dramatically.

World War I: influence on the internal political situation in Russia

Many scientists believe that the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne simply would not exist in Russian history, if not for the hostilities, which turned out to be disastrous primarily for the economy of the empire.

Three years of war with Germany and Austria became a real test for the people. Each new defeat at the front caused discontent ordinary people. The economy was in a deplorable state, which was accompanied by devastation and impoverishment of most of the country's population.

More than once in the cities there were uprisings of workers who paralyzed the activity of factories and plants for several days. However, the emperor himself treated such speeches and manifestations of popular despair as temporary and fleeting discontents. Many historians believe that it was this carelessness that led to the events that culminated on March 2, 1917.

Mogilev: the beginning of the end of the Russian Empire

For many scientists, it is still strange that Russian monarchy collapsed overnight - almost a week. This time was enough to lead the people to the revolution, and the emperor to sign the abdication document.

the beginning bloody events was served by the departure of Nicholas 2 to Headquarters, located in the city of Mogilev. The reason to leave Tsarskoye Selo, where the entire imperial family was, was a telegram from General Alekseev. In it, he reported on the need for a personal visit by the emperor, and what caused such urgency, the general did not explain. Surprisingly, historians have not yet figured out the fact that forced Nicholas 2 to leave Tsarskoye Selo and head to Mogilev.

However, February 22 imperial train went under guard to Headquarters, before the trip, the autocrat talked with the Minister of the Interior, who described the situation in Petrograd as calm.

A day after leaving Tsarskoye Selo, Nicholas II arrived in Mogilev. From that moment began the second act of the bloody historical drama that destroyed the Russian Empire.

February unrest

The morning of February 23 was marked by strikes by workers in Petrograd. About a hundred thousand people took to the streets of the city, the next day their number already exceeded two hundred thousand workers and members of their families.

Interestingly, for the first two days, none of the ministers informed the emperor about the atrocities that were happening. Only on February 25, two telegrams flew to Headquarters, which, however, were not disclosed. true position of things. Nicholas 2 reacted to them quite calmly and ordered to immediately resolve the issue with the help of law enforcement forces and weapons.

Every day the wave of popular discontent grew, and by the twenty-sixth of February the State Duma was dissolved in Petrograd. A message was sent to the emperor detailing the horror of the situation in the city. However, Nicholas 2 took this as an exaggeration and did not even answer the telegram.

Armed clashes between workers and military began in Petrograd. The number of wounded and killed grew rapidly, the city was completely paralyzed. But even this did not make the emperor react in any way. Slogans about the overthrow of the monarch began to sound on the streets.

Rebellion of military units

Historians believe that on February 27, the unrest became irreversible. It was no longer possible to solve the problem and calm people down peacefully.

In the morning, military garrisons began to join the striking workers. On the way of the crowd, all obstacles were swept away, the rebels seized weapons depots, opened the doors of prisons and burned state institutions.

The emperor was fully aware of what was happening, but did not issue a single intelligible order. Time was rapidly running out, but at Headquarters they were still waiting for the decision of the autocrat, which would be able to satisfy the rebels.

The emperor's brother informed him of the need to publish a manifesto on the change of power and the publication of several program theses that would calm the people. However, Nicholas 2 announced that he plans to postpone the adoption important decision before arriving at Tsarskoye Selo. On February 28, the imperial train moved out of Headquarters.

Pskov: a fatal stop on the way to Tsarskoye Selo

Due to the fact that the uprising began to grow outside of Petrograd, the imperial train could not reach its destination and, turning around halfway, was forced to stop in Pskov.

On March 1, it was finally clear that the uprising in Petrograd was successful and all infrastructure facilities fell under the control of the rebels. AT Russian cities telegrams with a description of the events that had taken place flew. The new government took control railway communication carefully guarding the approaches to Petrograd.

Strikes and armed clashes engulfed Moscow and Kronstadt, the emperor was fairly well informed about what was happening, but could not decide on drastic actions that could improve the situation. The autocrat constantly held conferences with ministers and generals, consulting and considering various options problem solving.

By the second of March, the emperor had firmly established himself in the idea of ​​abdicating the throne in favor of his son Alexei.

"We, Nicholas II": renunciation

Historians argue that the emperor was primarily concerned about the safety of the royal dynasty. He already understood that he would not be able to keep power in his hands, especially since his associates saw the only way out from the current situation precisely in the abdication of the throne.

It is worth noting that during this period, Nicholas 2 still hoped to calm the rebels with some reforms, but the right time was lost, and only a voluntary renunciation of power in favor of other persons could save the empire.

"We, Nicholas II" - this is how the document that predetermined the fate of Russia began. However, even here historians cannot agree, because many read that the manifesto had no legal force.

Manifesto of Nicholas 2 on the abdication of the throne: versions

It is known that the abdication document was signed twice. The first contained information that the emperor was relinquishing his power in favor of Tsarevich Alexei. Since he could not independently rule the country due to his age, Michael, the brother of the emperor, was to become his regent. The manifesto was signed approximately at four o'clock in the afternoon, at the same time a telegram was sent to General Alekseev announcing the event.

However, at almost twelve o'clock in the morning, Nicholas II changed the text of the document and abdicated for himself and his son. Power was given to Mikhail Romanovich, who, however, signed another abdication document the very next day, deciding not to endanger his life in the face of growing revolutionary sentiment.

Nicholas II: reasons for renunciation of power

The reasons for the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne are still being discussed, but this topic is included in all history textbooks and is even found in passing the exam. Officially, it is believed that the following factors prompted the emperor to sign the document:

• unwillingness to shed blood and fear of plunging the country into another war;
• the inability to receive reliable information about the uprising in Petrograd in time;
• trust in their commanders-in-chief, actively advising to publish the renunciation of power as soon as possible;
• desire to preserve the Romanov dynasty.

In general, any of the above reasons in itself and all together could serve as the fact that the autocrat made an important and difficult decision for himself. Be that as it may, but the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne was the beginning of the difficult period in the history of Russia.

Empire after the Emperor's Manifesto: a brief description

The consequences of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne were catastrophic for Russia. It is difficult to describe them in a nutshell, but it can be said that the country that was considered great power, ceased to exist.

Over the following years, she was plunged into numerous internal conflicts, devastation and attempts to build a new branch of government. Ultimately, this is what led to the management of the Bolsheviks, who managed to keep a huge country in their hands.

But for the emperor himself and his family, abdication became fatal - in July 1918, the Romanovs were brutally murdered in a dark and damp basement of a house in Yekaterinburg. The empire has ceased to exist.

On March 15, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II signed his abdication. The document, designed to bring peace and tranquility in the country, in fact brought bloody civil unrest.

Colonel Romanov

According to the “official” version distributed by the ministers of the Provisional Government, the abdication went like this: on February 28, the tsar left the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, which was in Mogilev, to Tsarskoe Selo, but was stopped on the way by reports of unrest in Lyuban and Tosno. Having deployed the train, the sovereign ordered to go around the rebellious section through the Dno and Pskov stations to Tsarskoye. But in Pskov, Nicholas II was given telegrams from the commanders with pleas for renunciation, after which the Tsar abdicated, signing two manifestos - for himself, and then for his son. According to the stories of the two main defendants, Shulgin and Guchkov, they brought the tsar a renunciation manifesto, the tsar rejected it as “pathetic” and, going out somewhere, compiled his own version, which he typed with his own hand or dictated to an unknown typist “those amazing words who now everyone knows”, then signed it. The tsar left Pskov already as Colonel Romanov

Fake?

The version that the renunciation document is a fake has more supporters today than the ranks of those who consider it to be genuine. Firstly, the signature in the manifesto was made in pencil, although Nikolai always signed documents in ink. Secondly, it is suspicious that the text of the renunciation is typed, a pencil signature is quite easy to fake, if the text were written entirely by hand, there would be an order of magnitude fewer complaints. Thirdly, the document itself is printed on telegraph forms, although in royal train it was quite possible to find official forms and ink.

Who is the author?

Even today, the text of the document has been compared with other official documents, and curious facts have been revealed. The text of the manifesto is written in the same words as the telegram of General Alekseev, sent by him to Pskov addressed to Nicholas II on March 1. As you know, General Alekseev took an active part in the conspiracy against the tsar. Eyewitnesses also preserved the name of the authors of the document, as historian S.P. Melgunov, the text of the manifesto was drawn up at Headquarters, on behalf of Alekseev, by chamberlain Bazili with the direct participation of the chief of staff himself and Lukomsky. Basili was the director of the political office under Supreme Commander. So the stories that the king himself compiled the text, apparently, are nothing more than fiction.

The view of the king

Nicholas II reflected his feelings about the abdication in his diary: “In the morning Ruzsky came and read his longest conversation on the phone with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, since the Social-Democrats are fighting against it. party represented by the working committee. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky passed this conversation on to the headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. By 2½ o'clock the answers came from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I spoke and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy sense of experience. Around treason, and cowardice, and deceit! However, the authenticity of the diaries of Nicholas II is also disputed today, but the last phrase of this entry is an unconditional heritage of history.

Position of the Church

Surprisingly, the official Church reacted calmly to the denial of the Anointed of God. The official synod issued an appeal to the children of the Orthodox Church, recognizing the new government. Almost immediately, the prayerful commemoration of the royal family ceased, words with the mention of the king and the Royal House were thrown out of the prayers. Letters were sent to the Synod from believers asking whether support by the Church is perjury new government, since Nicholas II did not abdicate voluntarily, but was actually overthrown. But in the revolutionary turmoil, no one received an answer to this question. In fairness, it should be said that the newly elected Patriarch Tikhon subsequently decided on the widespread service of memorial services with the commemoration of Nicholas II as emperor.

Poet's view

One way or another, the renunciation took place, it is most interesting to know what was going on in the minds of contemporaries. The poet Alexander Blok found his abdication at the front. Returning to Petrograd, he met the coup as "something supernatural, delightful." The provisional government organized an emergency commission of inquiry, which was supposed to conduct an investigation into the cases of former tsarist ministers. Blok was asked to become the literary editor of the commission, i.e. Literally correct verbatim records of interrogations. The result of this was Blok's book " Last days imperial power", so that, in fact, the poet became the author official version with all its myths and clichés.

Peasant's view

An equally interesting view can be observed at the other pole. The museum of the city of Totma, Vologda Oblast, keeps the diary of the peasant Zamaraev, which he kept for 15 years. After his abdication, he made the following entry, from which we can judge what powerful propaganda directed against the tsar was carried out in the Russian hinterland: “Romanov Nikolai and his family were deposed, they are all under arrest and receive all the products on an equal basis with others on cards. Indeed, they did not at all care about the welfare of their people, and the patience of the people burst. They brought their state to hunger and darkness. What was going on in their palace? This is terrible and shameful! It was not Nicholas II who ruled the state, but the drunkard Rasputin. All the princes were replaced and dismissed from their posts, including the commander-in-chief Nikolai Nikolaevich. Everywhere in all cities there is a new administration, there is no old police.”

Nicholas II ascended the throne after the death of his father, Emperor AlexanderIII October 20 (November 2), 1894