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Liberation campaign of the Red Army in Western Belarus. Reunification of Western Belarus with the BSSR.

On September 17, 1939, when almost the entire territory of indigenous Poland was occupied by German troops, the Soviet government ordered the Red Army to take the population of Western Belarus under protection and Western Ukraine. At this time, German troops had already captured Brest and Bialystok, which later became part of the BSSR.

By September 25, 1939, the Red Army liberated Western Belarus. Most of the Polish soldiers and officers surrendered without a fight. Only separate parts put up strong resistance.

During the campaign of the Red Army in Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, Polish officers were taken prisoner (their exact number has not been established). They were in Soviet camps for prisoners of war. During the Second World War, mass graves of the executed Polish officers in the Katyn forest near Smolensk. Numerous investigations were carried out, but even now, due to the lack of necessary documentary materials and living witnesses to this tragedy, it is not exactly established which country is guilty of the execution of Polish officers.

Some historical studies state that "this crime was carried out by the NKVD by decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks." To date, this version has no documentary evidence. The second version is that Polish officers of war were shot by fascist punitive troops after the occupation of the Smolensk region by Germany in 1941. Regardless of who committed this act of barbarism, the execution of Polish officers of war in the Katyn forest near Smolensk, as well as the destruction of Soviet soldiers and officers who were captured by pilsudchiks to the Poles during the Warsaw operation of 1920 - a serious crime against humanity. In relations between civilized countries, this should never be repeated.

The majority of the population of Western Belarus met the Soviet soldiers with joy, flowers, bread and salt. With the participation of former members of the Communist Party and the Komsomol of Western Belarus, new government bodies were created: temporary councils - in voivodship and district centers, peasant committees - in shtetls and villages.

On September 28, 1939, the USSR and Germany signed a new Border and Friendship Treaty. According to him, the border approximately coincided with the so-called "Curzon Line", defined back in 1919 by the Supreme Council of the Entente as the eastern border of Poland. It was an ethnic border between Belarusians and Poles. The Belarusian-Polish border runs approximately along the same line today. Two secret protocols were attached to the agreement, according to which Lithuania and Finland were additionally included in the sphere of influence of the USSR. The border and friendship treaty in general, and especially in the part that concerned the "friendship" of the Soviet Union with Nazi Germany, caused enormous damage to the international prestige of the USSR, disoriented the anti-fascist forces in many countries at the beginning of World War II.

On October 28-30, 1939, the National Assembly of Western Belarus was held in Bialystok. In accordance with the reports of deputies S. O. Pritytsky and F. D. Mantsevich, the People’s Assembly adopted a Declaration on state power and the Declaration on the entry of Western Belarus into the BSSR. Resolutions were also adopted on the confiscation of landed estates, on the nationalization of banks and large-scale industry.

On November 2, 1939, the extraordinary 5th session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted the Law on the inclusion of Western Belarus into the USSR and its reunification with the BSSR, and on November 14, 1939, the 3rd (extraordinary) session of the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR decided to admit Western Belarus to the BSSR. As a result of the entry of Western Belarus into the BSSR, the territory of the latter increased from 125.6 to 225.6 thousand km2, and the population - from 5.6 to 10.3 million people. On the annexed territory, 5 regions were formed - Baranovichi, Brest, Bialystok, Vileika and Pinsk, which in turn were divided into districts and village councils.

After the reunification of Western Belarus with the BSSR, 3 dioceses, formerly part of the Orthodox autocephalous church in Poland, turned out to be within the borders of the republic: Vilna, Grodno and Polesie. There were about 800 temples and 5 monasteries. The Soviet government did not take the path of closing churches and holding mass repression in relation to the clergy, as was done at one time in the Byelorussian SSR. However, it was announced the nationalization of church property, the prohibition of teaching the Law of God in schools and the curtailment of book publishing activities of the church. A broad anti-religious campaign was launched in the media.

The reunification of Western Belarus with the USSR and the BSSR was of historical significance. An end was put to the division of the Belarusian ethnos and the Belarusian ethnic territory. The eternal dream of the Belarusian people to live in a single Belarusian national state has come true. The inclusion of the Western Belarusian lands in the USSR and the BSSR contributed to the acceleration of their socio-economic and cultural development.

1939: Capture of western Belarus

At 5 am on September 17, 1939, Soviet troops invaded the territory of Western Belarus. What was this aggression: “liberation from Polish yoke» or foreign occupation?

On September 14, 2008, in the program “Our News” on the ONT channel, in the story about the annexation of Western Belarus, it was said that “It was the result of a military confrontation between Germany and the USSR” and that “The troops of the USSR, due to an unexpected situation and the flight of the Polish government, were forced to enter Poland to protect the Belarusian population.” Say, “German troops had already occupied Brest and were ready to occupy the whole of Western Belarus, and only the invasion of the Red Army saved the Belarusians from German occupation».

However, every student knows that the Second World War began because of the military alliance (and not confrontation!) of the USSR and fascism in the division of Poland. The decision on the perfidious aggression of the USSR against Poland (in violation of the Non-Aggression Pact between these two countries) was made long before the start of the war. The border between the zones of occupation of the Nazis and the Communists was defined in a secret addition to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - and therefore the Germans could not occupy the territory of Western Belarus in any way, they left Brest to the Soviet troops. During the bombing of Warsaw, the Germans used a radio beacon kindly placed in Minsk, and the government of Poland on the day of the Soviet aggression on September 17, 1939, was still in the country. Instead of destroying Hitler's fascists (then still an extremely weak army compared to the troops of the USSR) and preventing genocide over the "fraternal" Slavic Polish people, Stalin holds a joint parade in Brest with the Nazis, organizes joint work of the Gestapo and the NKVD to eliminate the Polish, Belarusian and Ukrainian underground. Moreover, on the orders of Stalin, Belarusians and Ukrainians were not allowed to participate in the “Polish Campaign” in the “liberating army” - out of fear that they, rejoicing at the meeting with their brothers in Eastern Poland, could revive their states independent of Moscow.

This truth is hidden, and instead it is reported that "Belarusians met their liberators with flowers" - that is, Russians, Uzbeks, Tatars - and not Eastern Belarussians at all. Moreover, it is not clear what the “liberation” is, which was carried out together with the Nazis.

I understand the desire of modern Stalinists to pass off aggression as supposedly "liberation from the threat of German occupation." But it's not.

CONCLUSION OF THE CHIEF MILITARY PROSECUTION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

The main military prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation in 1993 (as part of the consideration of the Katyn case) considered the USSR attack on Poland on September 17, 1939 as aggression and occupation.

Here is the CONCLUSION of the commission of experts of the Main Military Prosecutor's Office on criminal case No. 159 on the execution of Polish prisoners of war from the Kozelsky, Ostashkovsky and Starobelsky special camps of the NKVD in April-May 1940, August 2, 1993, Moscow:

“In September-December 1939, they were interned, partially taken prisoner, detained by the NKVD when registering the population in the territory Western Belarus and Western Ukraine more than 230 thousand Polish citizens. Of these, more than 15 thousand people - officers serving at various levels of administration and management - were concentrated in the Kozelsky, Starobelsky and Ostashkovsky camps of the NKVD for prisoners of war, as of the beginning of March 1940. At the same time, in the prisons of the western regions of Belarus and Ukraine, more than 18 thousand arrested, of which 11 thousand were Poles. In February-April 1943, Polish prisoners of war from the Kozelsk camp were found in mass graves in the Katyn forest Smolensk region. The cause of death, the dates of execution and burial, those responsible for the death of these prisoners of war were established in 1943. German experts, the Technical Commission of the Polish Red Cross (which carried out the main work on the exhumation and identification of the dead) and the international commission of forensic experts, in 1944 - A special commission to establish and investigate the circumstances of the execution by the Nazi invaders in the Katyn forest of Polish officers of war under the leadership of an academician N.N. Burdenko. In 1946, the issue of the Katyn case was submitted to the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal. In 1952, it was considered by a special commission of the House of Representatives of the US Congress chaired by R.J. Madden. In 1987-1989 he was approached by a mixed Soviet-Polish commission to eliminate the so-called "blank spots" in relations between the two countries, creating at the end of its activity a subcommittee on the fate of Polish prisoners of war and finding NKVD documents in the Special Archive.

In the spring of 1989, documents from the NKVD of the USSR were found in the Special Archive of the GAU under the Council of Ministers of the USSR, indicating that the mass executions of Poles were the work of the NKVD of the USSR. This was a turning point in revealing the true circumstances of this atrocity, opened up the possibility of its objective investigation and giving him a truthful political evaluation. In April 1990, during negotiations between the Presidents of the USSR and the Republic of Poland, V. Jaruzelsky was handed over some of these documents, including lists of prisoners of war shot in the Katyn forest, in Smolensk, in Kalinin, and also those who were kept before the execution in the Starobelsk camp.

In May 1990, the bilateral commission ceased to exist. In September 1990, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office was entrusted with the investigation into the execution of Polish prisoners of war.

... The circumstances outlined convincingly indicate that the Stalinist leadership grossly violated the Riga Peace Treaty and the 1932 non-aggression pact between the USSR and Poland. It plunged the USSR into actions that fall under the definition of aggression in accordance with the convention on the definition of aggression of 1933. Thus, fundamentally important issues foreign policy of the USSR were decided in direct violation of international law.

Thus, in 1993, the Main Military Prosecutor's Office of Russia recognized the occupation of Poland by the USSR as a CRIME, including recognizing as a CRIME against Humanity and a violation of international law the so-called "liberation campaign" within the framework of the occupation of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine. As you can see, the legal assessment of the events was given by the highest authority of the Russian Federation: this is not a “liberation”, but an occupation.

MORAL QUESTIONS

So what was it - "liberation" or is it occupation? Of course, the ideologists of the CPSU fooled us in the post-war period: there was a happy “reunification of Eastern and Western Belarus, Soviet troops Western Belarusians greeted with flowers.” Fantastic posters were also published, on which our peasant kisses a Soviet soldier.

However, let's discard the husk of propaganda and look at what happened with a new look. Firstly, Belarus did not receive any statehood and independence during this “reunification”. Is it possible to be touched by “family reunification” if a son is put in a cell along with a father who is imprisoned? Like a holiday. But what?..

Secondly: why on earth did the USSR begin to lay claim to the territory of Western Belarus? Because Belarus lived for 122 years, forcibly captured, in tsarist Russia? But after all, in the same state with Poland (and voluntarily!) She lived three times as long! It turns out that Poland has much more historical reasons to “gather Belarus”. What Poland began to do in 1919. Historians call this "Polish aggression". But why is the similar aggression of the RSFSR in 1919 against the BPR, and in 1939 against Western Belarus - this is suddenly not aggression, but "liberation"?

There is also a MORAL side of "reunion". Stalin, hiding behind the pretext of "reuniting Belarusians and Ukrainians", went to create an alliance with the Nazis and thereby unleashed the Second world war. Why should Belarusians rejoice at such a “reunification”, which became the beginning of the bloodiest war of all time? It would be better if we lived still divided than to realize all our lives that the Second World War started because of us ...

In September 1939, a huge stand hung in the center of Berlin showing the progress of the USSR in the “reunification of Belarus and Ukraine”: thousands of Nazis gathered there every day to rejoice for the Belarusians and Ukrainians. So what kind of “reunification” is this, which the Nazis rejoiced more than us? This is also a question of morality.

Morality and in relation to the Poles: why did the “reunification” of some Slavs have a price in the betrayal of others (Poles) into the Nazi yoke? After all, they read Mein Kampf in the Kremlin and knew Hitler’s goals very well: to conquer (in addition to the West) the lands of the Slavs, take them away from the Slavs, and turn the Slavs themselves to the level of dogs. And instead of using the united forces of the Slavs to give support to Hitler, Moscow helps Germany to tear apart the Poles, helps the Germans to implement plans to "convert the Slavs to the level of dogs."

In September 1939, the personnel army of the USSR was more than 2 times superior to the armies of Poland and Germany TOGETHER, this superiority was 7 times in tanks, and about 5 times in artillery and aircraft. That is, Stalin could effortlessly occupy not only Poland, but the whole of Germany in six months. But he did not do this, allowing Hitler to develop his aggression in Europe and destroy the local population and Jews there: the more Hitler's crimes, the easier it is to make these territories vassals of the Kremlin later.

I don’t believe for a second that the Kremlin had any sincere desire to rejoice at the “reunification of Belarusians.” Not only because during this "reunification" Moscow behaved like an occupier and enemy of the Belarusian people. But also because in the critical days of the German occupation for Moscow, Stalin, through the Bulgarian ambassador, tried to offer Germany a peace similar to Brest peace: to give Belarus and Ukraine back to the Germans. That is, at the cost of the death of several republics of the USSR, to bargain for the right to live and continue to rule alone.

Another moral aspect: the attitude towards Belarusian veterans who fought against the Nazis as part of the Polish army. They are absolutely forgotten today - even in Belarus. And although they are veterans of the war against fascism, no one gives them flowers on May 9, takes them to meetings with schoolchildren, or puts them in festive stands. Because all of them either sat in prisons in the USSR, or were shot by the USSR (transferred by the German side through the exchange of prisoners of war). And everyone pretends that this is normal: when the USSR in 1939-41. massively shot Belarusian VETERANS of the war against fascism. It was for what they fought with the Nazis, the allies of the USSR.

Even if we accept the Soviet point of view that “the annexation of Western Belarus” began on September 17, 1939, then the question arises: what did Belarusians do in the Polish army from September 1 to September 17? Sat, folded, weapons, did not resist the Nazis and waited for the arrival of the Red Army? No one was waiting for him, since the Ribbentrop-Molotov (Stalin-Hitler) pact was secret, and no one here suspected the Soviet invasion of Poland, it turned out to be sudden and began at 5 o'clock at night.

It is clear that Belarusians from September 1 to 17, 1939 - during the Nazi blitzkrieg - DEFENDED THE HOMELAND. They defended their homeland from the Nazis, our Belarus. In particular, from September 14 to September 17, it was the Belarusian regiments under the command of General K. Pliskovsky who defended against the 19th tank corps Guderian Brest fortress. They defended it no less heroically than on June 22, 1941. They threw themselves under the tanks, fought to the last drop of blood. On June 22, 1941, the same corps of Guderian again stormed the same Brest Fortress, and here already its defenders are heroes. True, there were practically no Belarusian heroes there, since Moscow “just in case” removed Belarusian soldiers and officers from the border as “unreliable”, and the Belarusian part of the border was defended mainly by people from the Caucasus and Central Asia. Here is the question: why is there such a different attitude towards the defenders of the Brest Fortress in 1939 and 1941, when they not only defended it from the same aggressor - Hitler, but even from the same 19th tank corps of Guderian? For some heroes - oblivion, for others - eternal glory ...

On September 20, 1939, Soviet-German military negotiations were held in Moscow against "Polish, Belarusian and Ukrainian bands" in the Soviet and German zones of occupation. By this, the Nazis and Communists understood the pressing issues of fighting our partisans, whom the allies called "terrorists."

On September 28, Ribbentrop and Molotov, in a secret additional protocol to the Treaty of Friendship and Borders, stipulated cooperation between the USSR and Germany in suppressing Polish, Belarusian and Ukrainian resistance. To this end, the SD on the territory of Western Belarus, at the direction of the imperial ministry of security, entered into close contact with the services of the NKVD. For the same purpose, a secret joint training center was created in Zakopane, in which the SS and NKVD together comprehended the “science” of fighting the Polish anti-fascist and Belarusian anti-Soviet resistance. The NKVD gave the SD and the Gestapo information about the activities of more than a dozen Polish anti-fascist groups, which is another proof that the USSR was an ally of the Nazis during the aggression and occupation of Poland.

The cooperation of the USSR with the Gestapo is again a matter of morality. In 1941, for such cooperation in the USSR, they were shot, and in 1939 they were given awards ...

OCCUPATION OR LIBERATION?

Everything is clear with the Poles: they began to defend their homeland from the Nazis, and then Hitler's ally, the USSR, hit him in the back. After destroying the Polish state, the Nazis and Communists then held parades and joint banquets.

And what about the Belarusians? Soviet, and now Russian historians they write that for Belarusians it was liberation. From whom? From the "Polish yoke". It is difficult to accept such a view for a number of reasons.

1. Dictionary S.I. Ozhegova defines occupation as “the forcible occupation of foreign territory military force". That is, when troops, nationally DIFFERENT compared to the local population, seize this territory. And here's the fact: for this operation, Moscow withdrew from the troops that participated in the attack on Poland in 1939, ALL Belarusian and Ukrainian soldiers and officers - as "unreliable." That is, Moscow did not allow either Belarusians or Ukrainians into the Act of “reunification”, and the “reunification” itself was carried out by representatives of other peoples of the USSR.

The meaning is clear: so that, God forbid, Western and Eastern Belarusians and Ukrainians suddenly, on the wave of patriotism and the joy of “reunification”, would not think of creating their own states. The campaign is allegedly made for the aspirations of these peoples, but they are isolated from participation. This is absolutely contrary to any concept of "liberation" or "reunification".

2. The USSR declared the goal of the attack on Poland to be “the reunification of Western Belarus”. However, it was the RSFSR that took most of the Belarusian lands from us. In 1919, Lenin generally ordered that all Belarusian lands be included in the RSFSR, but then he created the BSSR within the boundaries of one Minsk region, and included the Vitebsk, Mogilev, Smolensk, and Gomel regions in the RSFSR. When the Treaty on the Creation of the USSR was signed, these regions were part of the RSFSR, and then for many years the leadership of the BSSR struggled to get them back.

After repeated demands from the BSSR, Moscow finally returned to us part of the territories taken away from us without any explanation. Moreover, not voluntarily, but under the pressure of reports that this usurpation of Belarusian lands discredits Soviet power in the eyes of Belarusians and strengthens anti-Soviet sentiments among the population of Western Belarus. Reluctantly, the Kremlin returned the BSSR to the Mogilev, Gomel and part of the Vitebsk region in stages. But, despite the stubborn demands of the leadership of the BSSR, he did not return half of Vitebsk region and the Smolensk region, although they are inhabited by Belarusians (all the leadership of the BSSR, involved in these requirements, was repressed by 1939).

The question arises: why on earth did Moscow begin to pretend to be a “reunifier” of the Belarusian lands, if it itself refused to return our two regions to us without any explanation? Moreover, the RSFSR carried out a national genocide there: it deprived the local Belarusians of education and the media in their own language, planted the Russian language by order. The Poles did not allow themselves such things in Western Belarus!

In 1939, the USSR reunites Vilna with Belarus - and the Vilna region returns to Belarus. However, without any explanation, Moscow immediately transfers this Belarusian region and part of the BSSR to the state of the Republic of Lietuva. This country was the historical principality of Samogitia (Zemoitia), located exactly within the historical boundaries of this principality and was inhabited by Samogitians. As it turned out, the Zhemoity bargained with the Kremlin for the right to send Soviet troops into their state - the Vilna region (in which Belarusians lived for centuries, not Zhemoity). But why? And if they demanded half of Belarus in general? And what kind of Moscow's manner is it to give away the territories of foreign republics without the permission of their peoples? No one began to coordinate the issue with the Belarusians, but it was secretly agreed with Hitler.

This shows that Moscow was not a “reunifier” of the lands of Belarus, but a disconnector of them - because of its fleeting interests, it handed over the historical center of Belarus and Belarusians to the people of Zhemoits.

3. Belarusians in the Polish army took an oath to the Motherland. How could they betray this oath? Today there are opinions that the Belarusians swore allegiance to Poland, and not to their Belarusian state. But after all, the sovereign Belarusian state did not exist then: the BPR was divided in half by Poland and the USSR. And if the Belarusians in the Polish army should not fulfill their oath, then it turns out that the Belarusians in the Red Army should not fulfill it either? Such objections are absurd.

So: according to this oath, from a military and legal point of view, the aggression of the USSR against the Motherland, which began treacherously in violation of the non-aggression pact of 1932 and without any warning at 5 am on September 17, 1939, is aggression, occupation for Belarusians. Moreover, a complete copy of this Soviet attack on Poland was then the German attack on the USSR on the night of June 22, 1941.

4. The fact itself military defense Western Belarus from the USSR shows that this was not a liberation, but a war. To capture only one Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, the USSR used 67 divisions, 18 tank brigades and 11 artillery regiments, 4,000 of the latest tanks, 5,500 guns and 2,000 aircraft.

This is much more than the forces of Germany EVEN in June 1941, when, with fewer troops and fewer tanks and aircraft, the Germans were already in Minsk on the fourth day of the war (the entire German army on June 22, 1941 had only 3550 tanks, of which about half - tankettes armed with machine guns).

In the USSR, of course, the lie that “Western Belarusians welcome the liberators with flowers” ​​was intensively spread, although in reality everything was different. For example, in Baranovichi, Belarusians heroically defended themselves from the huge hordes of the Bolshevik army for three days. And there are many such examples of the heroic defense of the Motherland from the occupation of the USSR, but it was forbidden to remember them in the USSR.

The defense of Grodno from the USSR in September 1939, in which school youth took part, lasted two days (in 1941 Grodno fell immediately). Those who captured the city shot about 300 captured defenders on the spot, including Belarusian schoolchildren, as well as the captured commander of Corps No. 3 Y. Olshin-Vilchinsky and his adjutant. 150 officers were also shot without trial in Polesie, among whom almost all were natives of Belarus. In general, executions during the “reunification” took place in Avgustovets, Boyars, Small and Large Bzhostovitsy, Khorodov, Dobrovitsy, Gayy, Grabov, Komarov, Polesky Kosovo, Lvov, Molodechno, Oshmyany, Rohany, Svisloch, Volkovysk and Zlochov.

Prisoners of war must not be shot, this is a war crime massively committed by the USSR back in 1939. The ideologies of the USSR said that in this case “socially hostile elements” were destroyed, but even in this case it is not about “liberation” at all, but about the EXPORT OF REVOLUTION, in which “liberators” are similar to modern Wahhabis or Islamic fundamentalists. We don't call them "liberators".

The losses of the Red Army during this "liberation", which turned out to be quite large, were carefully concealed. These losses did not fit into the rosy picture of how the Belarusians allegedly meet the commissars with tears of joy in their eyes - shooting at them with cannons and machine guns. In fact, the propaganda of Poland has long formed an extremely negative attitude to the USSR as a state of violence, poverty, godlessness and injustice. What Western Belarusians immediately saw for themselves. For them, in comparison with the USSR, life in Poland was now remembered as life in Paradise.

5. The fact that the USSR sent home only a part of the prisoners of war of Belarusian origin (including those transferred by the Nazi side according to the agreements) does not fit in with the term “liberation” at all, and kept more than half of the prisoners of war in concentration camps, where more than half died before June 22 1941. Including the USSR shot all those who fell into Soviet captivity Belarusian officers of the Polish army (several thousand), whose remains are buried in Kurapaty near Minsk with the remains of Western Belarusians from among the civilian population (as well as in other places on the territory of Russia and Ukraine).

By the way, only in the press of the USSR authorities of the period 1939-41. use the term "liberation from the Polish yoke". But in the documents of the military departments and especially the NKVD, the terms “occupation”, “occupied territory”, “population of the occupied territories” are everywhere used in relation to Western Belarus. That is, in fact, the very bodies of the USSR that carried out the occupation directly call it that. In agreements with Germany on the exchange of prisoners of war and cooperation “in the field of suppressing the resistance of Polish, Ukrainian and Belarusian bands”, the Soviet side does not use the term “liberated territory” or “population of the liberated territory”, but “occupied territory” (“occupied territory”) and “ population of the occupied territory” (“population of the occupied territory”), including Poles, Belarusians and Ukrainians. Obviously, for the reason that the German side did not use the term "liberated territory" in their documentation.

6. It is rather strange to talk about “liberation” when the USSR shot from September 1939 to June 1941 ALL Belarusian politicians and members of political parties, including members of the parliament of pre-war Poland, and from among the activists of the pre-war Communist Party of Western Belarus - 90% of its members. This is already a political genocide against the people, a complete deprivation of their political will and Civil Society.

In October 1939, the occupying authorities, having first shot all the activists of political parties in the “liberated territory”, held their elections to the supreme assemblies of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, completely falsifying their results. According to these "elections", more than 90 percent voted for the deputies proposed by Moscow. Against the background of mass repressions, not just for dissent, but even on suspicion of it. What kind of “liberation” is this, if before it the people had the right to participate in the elections in governing the country, and now the “liberators” have completely deprived the people of this right?

But the most interesting thing about this issue is that, according to international law, the population of Poland, as a victim of Nazi aggression, retained their citizenship until the day the war ended - that is, until May 8, 1945. In 1939, the USSR ignored this by forcing the Belarusians, Ukrainians and Poles of captured Eastern Poland to accept Soviet citizenship - which is a serious war crime - as well as the repressions against this captured population of Poland, which the USSR actively engaged in 1939-1941. In fact, he was engaged in genocide against citizens of another state, which, moreover, was a victim of Nazi aggression.

As it turned out very quickly, the Soviet passports issued to the population of occupied Eastern Poland are a flimsy letter. As soon as Germany attacked the USSR on June 22, 1941, Stalin - in negotiations with Great Britain - was forced to agree that the citizens of Eastern Poland retain their Polish citizenship until the end of the war. However, Stalin extended this only to the Poles, but did not return Polish passports to Western Belarusians and Western Ukrainians. For the Poles, of course, this was a salvation: they were rescued from concentration camps, given foreign passports and assigned to separate settlements, the living conditions of which were an order of magnitude more humane than in the Gulag.

The Jews of Eastern Poland were also not included in the number of persons ordered by Stalin in 1941 to return Polish citizenship. What has already become the subject of an ugly scandal between the Russian and Polish delegations at the Auschwitz memorial. The Russian side proves that the Jews killed in Auschwitz were Soviet citizens, since they received Soviet passports in 1939. And the Polish side claims that these Jews remained citizens of Poland, in accordance with international law. The truth, of course, belongs to the Poles, since Stalin in 1941 perverted the essence of international law and returned Polish citizenship only to ethnic Poles, which is a complete arbitrariness, since Stalin was obliged to return Polish citizenship to EVERYONE who had it in the part of Poland occupied by the USSR before September 17 1939.

7. The destruction of the best part of society - the intelligentsia, the clergy, entrepreneurs, farmers, even just teachers and doctors just because their mentality is different - this is also genocide. The liberators cannot do this, only the occupiers do it.

8. According to the NKVD of the USSR, from October 1939 to June 1940 in western regions In Belarus, 109 underground rebel organizations were identified and liquidated, which united 3231 participants and consisted largely of Belarusian officers and soldiers who had fought since September 1, 1939 in the Polish army against the Germans. That is, the NKVD bodies exterminated our Belarusian veterans of the war against Nazism.

Let the moral side of this extermination of veterans of the war against Nazism remain aside. But the very presence in Western Belarus of several hundred (!) Partisan detachments and organizations in 1939-40. speaks not about "liberation" at all, but about occupation, because the scope of this liberation movement is completely comparable to the scope of resistance to the Nazis during the same period of time - during the first 9 months of the Great Patriotic War.

And these are not "forest brothers" at all, fascist shortcomings. These are veterans of the first days of the war with Nazism, whom the NKVD is an ally of Hitler and best friend SD and Gestapo - drove into the forests. The Belarusian historian I.N. Kuznetsov in the book "Unsolved Mysteries" (Minsk, Krasiko-Print, 2000). The SD service and the Gestapo then handed over to the NKVD information obtained in the German part of occupied Poland, which made it possible to uncover many underground rebel organizations in Western Belarus.

This sad list of arguments can be continued further, but, obviously, the list is already enough to doubt the point of view that "Western Belarus was liberated by the USSR." So they don't release. This is how they occupy.

"POLISH YOKE"

The USSR decided that it was more important to fight not with the threat of Nazism (he supposedly poses no threat to us, as Molotov told the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the eve of the USSR invasion of Poland). It is more important for the USSR to fight with Poland. Cause? "Polish yoke", alleged oppression of Belarusians and Ukrainians in Poland.

However, this is a myth.

The ideology of the USSR gave this myth great fictitious roots. Starting with the fact that everywhere in encyclopedias (including Belarusian ones, which is generally incomprehensible) they write: “Western Belarus is a part of Belarus, which, following the results of the Soviet-Polish war of 1920, was captured by Poland and, according to the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921, was part of it ". In fact, no such Soviet-Polish war 1920" never happened and could not exist at all, since the USSR was created only two years later. How could the USSR wage war two years before its creation?

Already here is hiding the extremely objectionable fact that only the RSFSR fought with Poland. And this RSFSR, that is, Russia, without any discussion with the Belarusian people, whose territory it occupied and planted its puppet regime, decided for the Belarusians the issue of transferring the western part of Belarus to the Poles. Moreover, I repeat, the RSFSR took the Belarusian Vitebsk, Smolensk, Gomel and Mogilev regions (which in terms of population is equal to the lands of Western Belarus that passed to the Poles). The “Soviet-Polish war” is good, during which Belarus is divided into two parts by Poland and the RSFSR, growing with the territories of the BPR-BSSR ...

As a result of this Russian-Polish (and not at all "Soviet-Polish") war, Belarus was only a strip of land, narrowly stretched from North to South, where from Minsk 40-70 km in both directions - the borders of Poland and Russia. As I already wrote, in the future, the RSFSR returned part of the selected territory to the Belarusians, but still retained a significant part for itself. Poland was not going to return anything to Belarusians.

This was already the second case when Lenin paid the Belarusian people for a fiasco in his political adventures. The first time he paid the Belarusians to the Germans in Brest world, which was the reason for the announcement of the Declaration of Independence by the Belarusians and the creation of the Belarusian People's Republic. The second time - to the Poles in the Riga Peace Treaty. At first, he gave the Belarusians to the Germans as an indemnity to the RSFSR. For the second time, he deprived half of the Belarusian people of their independence, although in 1920 it was declared, even if the BSSR brought here on Russian bayonets, in the Declaration of Independence of the Belarusian people (it was published on July 31, 1920 in the newspaper Sovetskaya Belorus - do not confuse with newspaper " Soviet Belarus"). So easily the RSFSR Lenina gave the Poles half of the allied Moscow to the newly occupied BSSR.

The initiator of the split of the Belarusian people into three (not two!) parts was Moscow: it gave half of Belarus to the Poles, half appropriated to itself in the RSFSR, and “gave” a piece of land with the city of Minsk to the Belarusians. This is how Belarus was divided between Russia and Poland. Belarus began to exist from three segments.

As a result, 4 voivodeships were created on the territory of Poland on Belarusian soil: Novogrudok, Polesye, Vilna and Bialystok. The area of ​​Western Belarus as part of Poland is 113 thousand square meters. km. This is more than half of the area of ​​the current Republic of Belarus, more than the area of ​​Bulgaria, Hungary, Austria, Portugal, is about half of the area of ​​England and the former Yugoslavia, about 40% of today's Poland. By this alone, Western Belarus as part of Poland is significant, since itself, without Eastern Belarus, is larger than many independent European countries.

According to the 1931 census, 4.6 million people lived in Western Belarus. Then in the Polish state (which also included Western Ukraine), Western Belarus occupied 24% of the territory and 13% of the population.

The Poles have always pursued a policy of assimilation of Belarusians into the Polish environment, but it is simply ridiculous to compare this with what Tsarist Russia did with Belarusians. Things are completely incomparable, and if we are talking seriously about some kind of national "Polish yoke", then the experiments of the eastern neighbor with Belarusians are then generally beyond any human terms.

What is the myth of the "Polish yoke" based on? This is the Kosovo massacre of 1927 (the police killed 6 people from a pro-communist demonstration, accompanied by pogroms and violence from political extremists who demanded the Socialist Party to come to power). This is the Ostashinsky speech of the peasants in 1932 against the "wrong" taxes: the crowd burned a lot of buildings and killed a bunch of random people, as a result, 4 rebels were hanged, 5 were sentenced to life imprisonment. This is the Kobrin speech of the peasants of 1933, dissatisfied with the delay in payment wages: the peasants staged pogroms, the police arrested 30 people, and the instigator of the riot - R. Kaplan, secretary of the Brest branch of the Communist Party of Western Belarus (KPZB) - was imprisoned. Note that R. Kaplan is not a Western Belarusian at all, so his arrest cannot be called “national repression of the Poles against the Belarusians”. Because in this case we must discuss the "Polish national yoke over the Jewish people", which will lead us to a complete dead end - and make Hitler "the liberator of the Jews from the Polish yoke over the Jewish people."

Although this is exactly the same Soviet logic - after all, since the Poles oppressed the Belarusians, they equally oppressed the Jews (R. Kaplan, for example). The division of the Polish state between the Reich and the USSR saved the Jews of Poland from the "Polish yoke". After all, they, the unfortunate ones, would have suffered so much from him until the saviors Stalin and Hitler agreed to liquidate Poland. What this "saving" liquidation of Poland brought to the Jews "languished from the Polish yoke" is well known...

Further. Performance of fishermen on Lake Naroch in 1935. According to the Law on the Nationalization of Rivers and Lakes adopted in Poland in 1932, Lake Naroch was leased to a Belarusian joint-stock company for fishing. Fishing without a permit was banned, which caused protests from local fishermen. They staged unrest, beat the employees of the joint-stock company. The authorities did not punish anyone, but made concessions: they allowed the villagers to fish contrary to the law and increased the purchase price for it. M. Tank's poem "Narach" is dedicated to the performance of Naroch fishermen.

This is fully consistent with Russia's current policy towards the population of Baikal and the Caspian Sea. For example, in 2004, the population of Lake Baikal, who have lived all their lives by fishing, made no less unrest: seemingly correct laws "do not allow us to fish, although our ancestors have lived this way for centuries." Under the new laws, fishermen became "poachers". It is easy to see that Russia in 2004 and Poland in 1935 here had the same problems with the transfer of rivers and lakes to use in the state channel. So what does the “Polish yoke” have to do with this? M. Tank's poem "Narach" can equally be called "Baikal". The problems are the same.

And this is the end of the list of “facts of the Polish yoke”, which is given by the respected encyclopedia “Belarus” (Minsk, Belarusian Encyclopedia, 1995, p. 326). Alas, no "yoke" in these events at close range, even with a magnifying glass, can not be considered.

It's just social protests, inevitable in any bourgeois state, there are immeasurably many of them in modern Russia, as there were many in the same Poland, and most of all protested and dispersed by the police THE POLES THEMSELVES. The instigators sometimes turned out to be pro-Moscow communists, the fifth column (financed from Moscow, where the Moscow agents of the NKVD built their espionage nest). Moreover, among the main rebel - KPZB - more than half of the members are Jews, as Jews were almost all the leading cadres of the party. But what does the protests of Jewish communists have to do with the legend of the “Polish yoke against Belarusians”? Nothing: allegedly Belarusians are being oppressed, and for some reason the riots are perpetrated by Jewish communists.

The only main and significant reason for the Belarusians' dissatisfaction is Warsaw's denial of the prospect of creating an independent Belarusian state. However, the USSR also fought “Belarusian separatism” to the same extent, but with much more bloody methods, physically destroying any dissent.

In the USSR, Belarus had the status of a union republic, which the Polish chauvinists would never have allowed. But what is the price of this? The best part Belarusian society was destroyed, the people were intimidated and tormented, lived in lawlessness and poverty, the youth were duped and militarized, like the Hitler Youth in Germany, everything national was strangled, odious godlessness was planted, the spirituality of the people was trampled. In fact, this was the annihilation of the Belarusian people - its transformation into an amorphous population of the USSR, devoid of any national self-identification. It turns out that the eastern Belarusians paid the price of genocide against the Belarusian people for gaining the status of a Belarusian republic. I think this exchange is a SCAM.

Belarusians who lived in Western Belarus in Poland, though they did not have their own republic, but at least remained Belarusians. And the USSR gave a different alternative: refuse to be Belarusians in order to live in a supposedly Belarusian republic.

According to Belarusian encyclopedias, under the "Polish yoke" from 1920 to 1939. Western Belarusians (together with Belarusian Jews) lost 11 people shot for riots (maybe a little more, but this number clearly does not exceed 20). And what was happening at that time in Eastern Belarus? Every day, a thousand people were killed in the pre-war years - 1937, 1938, 1939. Prisons are overcrowded with eastern Belarusians, NKVD veterans today tell the central publications that they slept only 3 hours a day, the rest of the time dumping the corpses of tens of thousands of people on trucks. For which they received double salaries and awards that they are not afraid to show today - surrounded by flowers from grateful children, whose relatives they killed with their own hands.

In 1940, veterans of the war against Nazism were mass-executed in the USSR - Polish, Belarusian, Ukrainian, Jewish - soldiers and officers of the Polish Army, the first in World War II to take the blow of the Nazis. On October 26, 1940, Beria issued an order to reward NKVD workers for successful execution special assignment with a monthly salary. The list included 143 names. State security officers, guards, watchmen, drivers. Many of them are still alive today, taking part in the celebrations on the occasion of the anniversary of the Victory.

Here is what a veteran of the Great Patriotic War, Belarusian and our compatriot Mitrofan Syromyatnikov, senior in the corps of the Kharkov internal prison of the NKVD, says in the newspaper Arguments and Facts: “We were not managed to work, we slept only three hours.” He shares his memories that he and his colleagues dug graves, loaded corpses onto cars, wrapped the heads of the dead with overcoats so that they would not bleed.

The veteran of the NKVD was engaged in the fact that in the forest lands belonging to the Kharkov NKVD, he dug large holes in such a way that covered trucks could drive into them in reverse. For more than one year, the corpses of those shot in the basements of the NKVD were brought here. However, says a veteran of the NKVD and the Great Patriotic War, if earlier the daily “load” was up to a dozen corpses, then at the end of April 1940 they began to bring almost full bodies of corpses of Belarusians and Ukrainians from the territory seized from Poland.

Against the background of such memoirs, it is simply impossible to compare Poland and the USSR. Moreover, a wild picture is being created: some veterans of the war against Nazism (who will become them only from June 22, 1941) massively destroy other veterans of the war against Nazism (who were veterans from September 1, 1939). In my head, such a nightmare just does not fit.

RESULTS OF THE "RELEASE"

Recently, in one of the BT broadcasts, the presenter said: “The main value of the people is their language, so the population in Western Belarus was outraged by the policy of the Pilsudchi, who forbade Belarusians to speak Belarusian and forced them to speak Polish. That is why in 1939 the people rejoiced, rejoicing at the Red Army, which brought to our people of Western Belarus not only reunification with Eastern Belarus, but also the right to their own language.”

Wonderful words, but for some reason the presenter said all this not in Belarusian, but in Russian. Is it possible that a certain pilsudchik is standing next to him and at gunpoint forbids him to address the Belarusians in their Belarusian language on the national TV of Belarus? And if not pilsudchik, then who then?

Alas, all these references to concern for the freedom of the Belarusian language in Western Belarus are simply caricatures against the backdrop of the most odious Russification of this region in the post-war decades. They changed the awl for soap - Polonization for Russification - and at the same time they completely lost their own language.

In 1939, in Grodno, Brest, Lida, Kobrin, Pruzhany, Pinsk, Oshmyany, Novogrudok, Volkovysk, Slonim, etc. - only Belarusian speech sounded, and only occasionally - Polish. Today, only one foreign Russian speech is heard there, not a word in Belarusian.

Here is the SUMMARY of this "liberation" of 1939. No language, no nation. In my opinion, if Western Belarus remained to this day, albeit as part of Poland, but outside the bloody policy of Russification of the USSR, which exterminated our nationally significant part of the population, our national identity and our language, then today Western Belarus would be for us, Belarusians , a reference point in WHAT IS BELARUS. Alas, only our Bialystok region, which has passed from Poland since 1945, has remained a meager island of such national self-identification. Where Belarusians do not speak Russian at all, as everywhere in Belarus, but their Belarusian language. And although post-war Poland did not create autonomy for Belarusians there, it was only there, outside the USSR, that Belarusians were able to preserve their national identity - which they lost while staying in the USSR.

Personally, I do not see any difference in who exactly does not allow Belarusians to speak their language: Pilsudchik or Stalinist. However, we unanimously condemn the first, and agree with the second, allowing ourselves to be deprived of national language. If, in a broad sense, we talk about the transition of Belarusians to the Russian language as a “necessity” caused by globalization and all sorts of things, then I believe that it would be better if we all began to speak Polish then. This is, in any case, the Slavic language (the closest to Belarusian) - and not a language in which more than half of the Tatar and Finnish vocabulary. Plus, Poland is still a European country, not an Asian power, and we, as Europeans, are always much closer mentally, culturally, genetically and historically.

There is no doubt that the accession of Western Belarus to the BSSR strengthened the position of our statehood, even if Stalin was completely illusory in the USSR at that time. However, the price of this was genocide, the extermination of the best part of the Society in Western Belarus, complete Russification, the refusal of the population from the Belarusian language as the main language of the territory. So our nation of Belarusians has lost more than it has found - in historical terms. In any case, today Western Belarus would remain for us a model of how a real Belarus should be. This, alas, has been lost, and we see the complete degradation of the Belarusian nation, which switched to the Russian language in communication with children, keeping it only in communication with their elderly grandparents.

And, of course, we should not forget that under the pretext of the reunification of Western and Eastern Belarus (and Ukraine), the Second World War was started. This, of course, is not the fault of the Belarusians, since they did not arrange this. But this should be remembered by our propagandists, who present this reunification as a kind of “good deed of the USSR” cut off from the whole world history. Alas, this is not at all the case: the beginning of World War II was initiated by the Pact between the USSR and the Reich in August 1939, in which the Nazis agreed with “Moscow’s just desire to return the territories of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine from Poland.” That's what started World War II.

This war claimed about 100 million human lives. Started because of us. Therefore, the price of our reunification is World War II itself. It's horrifying, but it's a fact.

"REUNION" OF THE FINNO-KARELIAN PEOPLE

In my opinion, the policy of the USSR in this "liberation campaign" cannot be considered in isolation from another similar "reunification" - the Finns and Karelians. The question of the liquidation of Finland was resolved in secret negotiations between the Kremlin and the Nazis - in a series of questions about Poland and the Baltic countries. As in the case of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, Moscow decided to do everything under the pretext of "REUNION" of the fraternal parts of one people.

For this purpose, the Karelian autonomy from the RSFSR was transformed into the Finno-Karelian SSR (and the number of Soviet union republics grew from scratch). This F-C SSR continued to exist throughout the Second World War - until the prospect of capturing Finland left the Kremlin. In Karelia, the workflow was translated into Finnish, and the Soviet party and state nomenclature- almost all Russian (its own local Karelian was destroyed during the ethnic repressions of 1937-38). A "Finnish government in exile" was created, lists of about 50 thousand functionaries and public figures of Finland were prepared, subject to arrest and repression. Why did the entire Soviet-Finnish war stand for them near Leningrad 60 empty trains - for their transportation to the Gulag.

All this - under the pretext of the reunification of the Finno-Karelian people, including posters were prepared, as for us, on which a Finn kisses a Red Army Karelian who liberated him from the "bourgeois yoke". I suppose, against the background of the kiss, it was necessary to draw a train waiting for the Finn with the inscription "GULAG": kissed the "reunifier" - and forward to Siberia ...

But “reunification No. 2” (following the example of the “Polish”) did not work out: the Red Army, attacking Finland in the winter of 1939, met fierce resistance and suffered monstrous losses - mainly due to the mess and inability to fight in a war, the meaning of which is Soviet the soldier did not understand. And on the political "front" the USSR was in for a rout. At first, the USSR was expelled in disgrace from the League of Nations for attacking Finland (which was no different from the attack on Poland and was also explained by propaganda as “reunification”), and then England announced that it was sending its troops to Finland to protect it. It was not part of Stalin's plans to get involved in hostilities against England at that time, so the war had to be temporarily stopped. A year later, Moscow planned a new war with Finland - and this time, as it seemed, nothing could save the Finns. But unexpectedly, Hitler came out against it, who rejected all Molotov's arguments that, they say, according to the Pact, the USSR is free to solve the "Finnish question".

Finland did not want to fight and stubbornly refused Hitler's attempts to persuade her to a joint attack on the USSR, therefore, on June 22, 1941, she officially declared her neutrality. However, on June 24, following their pre-war plans new war with Finland, the USSR, for absolutely no reason and without military meaning (and without declaring war on the Finns), decided to subject the territory of this country to a massive bombardment, which it did on June 25-26, killing a lot of civilians and destroying many hundreds of houses. The Finns had no choice but to respond by admitting that they were once again at war with the USSR. And by the way, the United States did not recognize Finland as an ally of Germany until the end of the war - since it was the USSR that again dragged the Finns into the war - according to its again notorious plans to “reunite” the Finns with the Karelians under its rule. (The reader can learn more about all these details in the book by Mark Solonin "June 25. Stupidity or aggression?", M., "EKSMO", 2008.)

So it is interesting that the Finns did not at all abandon the idea of ​​“reunification of the Finno-Karelian ethnos”, but they saw Moscow in this process not as a “reunifier”, but as an ENEMY of reunification. The order No. 1 of the Supreme Commander of the Finnish Army, Marshal Mannerheim, signed after June 25, 1941, stated:

“You know the enemy. You know the constancy of his goals aimed at the destruction of our dwellings, our faith and our Fatherland and the enslavement of our people. The same enemy and the same threat are now at our borders. … Companions! Follow me for the last time, now that the people of Karelia are rising again and a new dawn is dawning for Finland.”

Of course, the Finns longed for reunification with the Karelians, but they were not going to pay a monstrous price for this - becoming victims of Stalinism. The most interesting thing is that both sides - both the Finns and Moscow - only benefited from the unsuccessful "liberation" of Finland in 1939-40. If it took place, then Karelia would already be legally part of F-C SSR and with the collapse of the USSR in 1991 (in which the main tone would have been set not so much by the Baltic countries as by the Finns) - the RSFSR-RF would have remained without Karelia. And today - all the same with Karelia.

And the Finns have not lost anything, except for "an unsatisfied desire to reunite with the Karelians." Finland is a prosperous, well-organized country with a Civil Society and huge social protection of the population, with an average salary of $4,000 and pensions for veterans of the Soviet-Finnish war of $1,500. If the Finns went to the creation of the FK SSR, then they would not have had any of this. Including Finland happily avoided (which cannot be said about Karelia in the USSR) Russification, preserved its language and culture. And recently the State Duma of the Russian Federation refused to even have its own Latin alphabet for Karelians (although it more fully conveys Finnish sounds): they say that Cyril and Methodius created their own Cyrillic alphabet for the Finns. Compared to Finland, Karelia seems to be the edge of desolation, the people are Russified, poor, deprived of rights and drunk, and the mafia owns everything. A similar degradation would have awaited the Finns in the USSR.

The example of Finland shows that "reunification" is good, but it is impossible to go for it at ANY COST. And in a deep historical sense, this is akin to how Moscow “gathered Russian lands” during the Horde - under the Horde, taking half of their tribute to the Horde for itself - for the “works of a reunifier”. Moscow historians present this as an “unconditional blessing”, “reunification of the Russian lands” and “creation of a centralized Russian state with its capital in Moscow” (as part of the Horde), and for the “reunified lands” themselves, this seemed primarily a “reunification” with the Horde. Similarly, the "collective" policy of the USSR in 1939-41 was not a "reunification" of some parts of the peoples (Finno-Karelian, Belarusian, Ukrainian - or in general "not separated" peoples of the Baltic countries, and the people of Moldova became, on the contrary, cut off from the consanguineous of the Romanian people), but by REUNIONING YOUR EMPIRE, in fact, by recreating the old Horde with the horde-communist ideology. This is what was reunited as its supposedly “historical parts”, and not at all the ethnic groups of the republics ...

Vadim ROSTOV "Analytical newspaper "Secret Research"

The inclusion of Western Belarus in the BSSR The majority of the population of Western Belarus greeted the Soviet troops with bread and salt. Welcoming flower arches were built in villages and cities, rallies of thousands were organized, red flags were hung out, even the clothes of the local population were red. With the advance of the Red Army in the Western Belarusian cities and villages, the formation of a new system of power began. Already on September 19, the commander of the Belorussian Front, M. Kovalev, gave an order calling on the local population to create bodies of Soviet power. In all cities and districts, temporary administrations were organized from representatives of the Red Army and the local population. They were to exercise leadership of the territories until the convocation of the People's Assembly. Village committees were organized in the villages, the main task of which was to transfer the lands of the landowners and osadniks to the working peasantry. At the same time, it should be noted that if the city authorities were originally created with the assistance of the Red Army, then in the villages this happened “from below” - the partisan experience of the 1920s affected. In cities and towns, the Workers' Guard was organized, and in the villages - detachments of voluntary militia, which were supposed to become a reliable support for Soviet power in the field. The workers' guard enjoyed the support of the population. So, in Bialystok, 397 people joined it on the first day, in Kobrin - 120, etc. Relying on the support of the majority of the population, the provisional administrations and peasant committees carried out the first revolutionary transformations and established a new order. After the occupation of the western Belarusian regions by the Red Army in September 1939, the authorities faced the problem of conducting a coherent policy towards the local population. It had to start from scratch. The matter was somewhat complicated by the ambiguous attitude of the Soviet leadership and personally I.V. Stalin to the Communist Party and the Communist Youth Union of Western Belarus, who believed that they were "clogged" with provocateurs. By the decision of the Comintern in 1938, these fairly numerous and influential organizations in Western Belarusian society were dissolved. Already at the end of September 1939, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CP(b)B P.K. Ponomarenko asked I.V. Stalin's permission to create Komsomol organizations in the western regions of Belarus under the auspices of the Central Committee of the LKSMB. On the third day of the outbreak of hostilities, September 20, the organizational and instructor department of the Central Committee of the CP (b) B compiled lists of workers for the temporary departments of the western regions of the BSSR. On the fourth day, September 21, candidates for party positions were selected: secretaries of regional committees, district committees and city committees of the CP (b) B. interesting social composition selected workers: from students, locksmiths, electricians, literary workers to responsible party and Soviet workers - secretaries of regional committees, district committees, etc. Already at the end of September - October, a about 3 thousand party workers, including more than 1 thousand Komsomol members. The main task that was set before them was the organization of elections to the People's Assembly of Western Belarus. Newly arrived activists formed the backbone of district and precinct election commissions in all regions. It was the People's Assembly that had to decide the fate of the liberated lands. The authorities pursued the goal of ensuring a certain national and gender representativeness in the composition of the People's Assembly - at least 70% of Belarusian deputies and at least 30% of women. For the first time in the history of the BSSR, women received the right not only to choose, but also to be elected. Party activists from the eastern regions of the republic helped in the selection of the necessary and screening out unwanted candidates, checking them with the operational-Chekist groups of the NKVD. On October 1, 1939, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks adopted a resolution "Issues of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus", which consisted of 33 points, the first of which was instructed to convene the People's Assembly of Western Ukraine and the People's Assembly of Western Belarus. The People's Assembly of Western Ukraine was to be assembled in Lvov, Belarus - in Bialystok. An election campaign was launched to convene the People's Assembly. It took place with a large number of rallies and meetings. On October 22 - a month after the annexation of the lands - elections to the People's Assembly were held. All citizens over the age of 18 took part in them, regardless of nationality, educational qualification, property status and past activities. Women were given equal rights with men. Elections were held on the basis of universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot. 96.91% of the electors took part in them. 90.67% of those participating in the elections voted for people's deputies. The national composition of 926 deputies: 621 Belarusians, 127 Poles, 53 Ukrainians, 43 Russians, 72 Jews and 10 representatives of other nationalities. Thus, all nationalities living in Western Belarus were represented in the People's Assembly. The People's Assembly of Western Belarus was held on October 28-30, 1939 in Bialystok. 926 out of 926 elected deputies attended. Among them were: 563 peasants, 197 workers, 12 representatives of the intelligentsia, 29 employees, 25 artisans. The National Assembly was opened by the oldest of the deputies - a 68-year-old peasant from the village of Nosevichi, Volkovysk district, S.F. Strug. Deputy S.O. made a report on the form of state power. Pritytsky. According to his report, the People's Assembly adopted a declaration in which it was stated: “The Belarusian People's Assembly, expressing the indestructible will and desire of the peoples of Western Belarus, proclaims the establishment of Soviet power throughout Western Belarus. From that time on, all power on the territory of Western Belarus belongs to the workers of the city and the countryside, represented by the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. At the same time, declarations were unanimously adopted on the entry of Western Belarus into the Belarusian Soviet Union. Socialist Republic, on the nationalization of banks and large-scale industry, on the confiscation of landed estates. Also, the People's Assembly appealed to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the BSSR with a request to accept Western Belarus into the Soviet Union and the BSSR and reunite the Belarusian people in one socialist state. At the last meeting on October 30, the People's Assembly elected a plenipotentiary commission of 66 people to be sent to Moscow to convey its decision regarding the entry of Western Belarus into the USSR. The People's Assembly proclaimed September 17 the day of the liberation of the population of Western Belarus from the Polish bourgeoisie and landlords. At the fifth extraordinary session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on November 2, 1939, the law "On the inclusion of Western Belarus in the USSR and on its reunification with the BSSR" was adopted. The final legislative act on the reunification of the Belarusian people was the adoption by the III session of the Supreme Council of the BSSR on November 14, 1939 of the law on the restoration of the unity of the Belarusian people. At the end of 1939, five regions were created on the territory of Western Belarus: Baranovichi, Bialystok, Brest, Vileika, and Pinsk. The process of Sovietization of industry, agriculture, culture, and education began. Nationalization of industry took the central place in the economic transformations. It was carried out in accordance with the decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks of October 1, 1939 and officially approved at a meeting of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks on October 10, 1939. All enterprises of the woodworking, leather, textile, metalworking, chemical industries, as well as trading enterprises and public utilities, medical institutions, houses of owners of large joint-stock companies, including those abandoned by the owners. At the same time, all movable and immovable property of these enterprises was nationalized. Nationalization on the ground was carried out by commissions, which necessarily included a representative of the Provisional Administration, bodies local government and the corresponding drug commissariat. For ten months of 1940, 105 local industrial enterprises were put into operation in the western regions of the BSSR, the vast majority of which were new. In total, by the beginning of 1941, 392 industrial enterprises were already operating in the western regions, employing more than 40 thousand people. In the pre-war period, there were practically no small factories and plants left here, while the number of medium and even large factories and plants increased. Such measures contributed to the growth of production indicators: at the end of 1940, the total volume of industrial production in the western regions almost doubled that of 1938 and amounted to 27.6% of the industrial production of the republic. Changes have also affected agriculture. First of all, this is due to the redistribution of nationalized land and the allocation of land to the poor, farm laborers, and even part of the middle peasants. Collectivization also began. However, before the war, it was not mandatory, but recommendatory. By June 1941, 1,115 collective farms had been created, uniting 50,000 farms, which accounted for only 7% of their total number. 28 state farms and 101 machine and tractor stations were also organized. During the division of the confiscated land, the peasants were given 1 million hectares of land, 33.4 thousand cows, 14 thousand horses, 15.7 thousand pigs. The process of creating collective farms took place mainly on the basis of nationalized land and property. Such an increase in indicators would not have been possible without the help of both the eastern regions of the BSSR and the entire Soviet Union. Attempts were made to improve the medical care of the population, to raise its educational level. Already in the 1939-1940 academic year, many schools were transferred from Polish to Belarusian as the language of instruction, and tuition fees were abolished. In 1940, 5,643 secondary, seven-year and primary schools operated in the western regions of the BSSR, of which 4,278 Belarusian language learning. Until September 1939, there was not a single Belarusian school, and 129,800 school-age children remained completely outside the educational process. Moreover, most of them lived in a Belarusian-speaking village. The network of general educational institutions expanded, which made it possible to increase the number of students by 100,000; as a result, in the 1940-1941 academic year, there were 775,000 schoolchildren in five western regions. 170,000 people studied in schools for the semi-illiterate and illiterate. By November 1940, 220 libraries with a fund of 446,000 books began to operate, 5 drama theaters and 100 cinemas were opened. Unfortunately, as is often the case in history, positive phenomena coexist with negative ones. In the pre-war period, unreliable citizens were arrested and certain categories of the population were deported. According to the Belarusian historian A. Khatskevich, in the period from October 1939 to June 20, 1940, more than 125 thousand people were repressed in the western regions of the BSSR, of which 120 thousand were deported to Kazakhstan, Siberia and other places. This was primarily due to the fact that Western Belarus was viewed as a border and potentially - as a front-line territory in a future inevitable clash with Nazi Germany. In addition, a significant part of the deportees was indeed hostile to the Soviet government (primarily the landlords and other groups who lost part of their property during the nationalization). However, there were many innocent people among the victims. Conclusion: Thus, the reunification of the Belarusian people, which began on September 17, 1939, was the result of important victory Soviet diplomacy, which laid the foundation for the Great Victory of 1945. It was an act of historical justice that united the artificially divided Belarusian people into a single state entity - the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, which became another important step on the way to independence and sovereign development of our country. Confirmation of the historical justice of this step is the modern good-neighborly relations of the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Poland. Diplomatic relations between the two states were established on March 2, 1992. In 1993, the Belarusian Embassy was opened in Poland. Since 1992, the Polish diplomatic mission has been functioning in Minsk. The Republic of Poland is an important trade and economic partner of the Republic of Belarus, taking the 3rd place in 2008 among the countries outside the CIS with which foreign trade is carried out. At the same time, in 2008 the mutual trade turnover between the two countries increased by 44.9% and amounted to 2,963.6 million US dollars (with a positive balance for Belarus of 653.2 million dollars). It is also important that citizens of Polish nationality living on the territory of our republic are an integral and equal part of the multinational Belarusian people, endowed with all the rights necessary for the preservation and development of their national culture and identity, ties with the historical homeland. Conclusion I believe that the significance of reunification was of great importance for the history, culture and people of our country. The state borders of the republic acquired modern outlines and have remained practically unchanged since then; the territory of the BSSR increased significantly, its population increased by about 2 times and by the end of 1940 it was more than 10 million people. During the writing of the examination paper, there were some difficulties. Now it is quite difficult to find biographical information about Loginovig, Slavinsky, Korchik, Orekhovo. In all other respects, the work was interesting, informative and instructive. It was interesting to learn more about the historical past of our country. Literature 1. Was Poland innocent victim? // VIS "Blitsfront" - forums - [Electron. resource]. - Mode of access: http://www.blitzfront.com/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t2272.html 2. The entry of the Soviet Union into World War II. Documents and photographs of 1939 [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://vilavi.ru/prot/071205/071205.shtml 3. Gruzitski Yu.L. Economics of Zakhodnya Belarus near the warehouses of Poland (1921-1939) / Economic history of Belarus. - Minsk: Ekaperspektyva, 1993. - S. 188-201. 4. Zavislyak A. Extracts from the history of perfidy and naivety in politics. – M.: Slovo 1997. – 318 p. 5. How Belarus was liberated in 1939 // Tut.by News - Society - September 13, 2007 [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://news.tut.by/society/94346_print.html 6. Karpov V.N. foreign intelligence and the Munich Agreement // World of History. - 2001. - No. 1. / Politics / Library.by [Elec. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.portalus.ru/modules/politics/readme.php?subaction=showfull&id=1096459542&archive=1126494249&start_from=&ucat=9& 7. Kunyaev S. Gentry and we // Our Sovremennik. - 2002. - No. 5. [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://nash-sovremennik.ru/p.php?y=2002&n=5&id=2 8. Laskovich, V.P. Feat of the Communist Party of Western Belarus (KPZB) 1919-1939. : historical sketch/ V. P. Laskovich, V. V. Laskovich. - Brest: [b. and.], 2002. - 404 p. 9. Lebedev S.V., Stelmashuk G.V. Belarusian phenomenon [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.rusk.ru/st.php?idar=110216 10. Lynev R. Landscape after the battles. Once again about the "Katyn case". And not only about him // RF today. - 2005. - No. 10. [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.russia-today.ru/2005/no_10/10_reflections.htm 11. Liberation of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus // Economic Problems. - 1939. - No. 6. - P.3-9. 12. Polish war: Conversation with Professor Pavel Vechorkevich on the 66th anniversary of the Soviet aggression against Poland ("Rzeczpospolita", Poland). September 28, 2005 // InoSMI.Ru [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.inosmi.ru/translation/222599.html 13. Polskaya Pravda / Forumi proUA.com [Elec. resource]. - Access mode: http://forum.proua.com/lofiversion/index.php/t7064.html; 14. Syamashka Ya. Kraev's army in Belarus. - Minsk: Khata, 1994. - 416 p. 15. Tikhomirov M. The collapse of the Polish state // Problems of the economy. - 1939. - No. 6. - P. 10-19. 16. Churchill W. World War II: In 3 books. - M.: Military Publishing, 1991. - Book. 1. - T. I-II. - 592 p. 17. The Czechoslovak crisis of 1938 [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.hronos.km.ru/sobyt/1938cseh.html 18. Shved V., Strygin S. Memory of ancestors and politics [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://katyn.ru/index.php?go=Pages&in=view&id=152 19. Shved V., Strygin S. Forerunners of Auschwitz. [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://katyn.ru/index.php?go=Pages&in=view&id=216 20. Shved V., Strygin S. Secrets of Katyn [Electron. resource]. - Access mode: http://www.nashsovr.aihs.net/p.php?y=2007&n=4&id=11 21. Shiptenko S.A. Socio-economic situation in Western Belarus on the eve of liberation // New economy. - 2009. - No. 5-6. - P.136-147. 22. Schmitt K. Nomos of the Earth. - St. Petersburg: V. Dal, 2008. - 670 p. 23. Yalovenko O. Poland - a failed ally of Hitler? // IA "REGNUM", 18:25 10/12/2005 [Electronic. resource]. - Access mode: www.regnum.ru/news/527327.html 24. The meaning of the word " Polish campaign 1939 in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia.

On the basis of an agreement on the division of spheres of influence between Germany and the USSR, in September 1939, Soviet troops occupied the territory of Western Belarus. On October 22, 1939, elections were held for the People's Assembly of Western Belarus, which worked on October 28-30 in Bialystok. It adopted a number of important decisions, including a declaration on the entry of Western Belarus into the BSSR and decisions on the nationalization of industry and the confiscation of landowners. On November 14, 1939, at the extraordinary Third Session of the Supreme Council of the BSSR, the Law on the admission of Western Belarus to the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic was adopted. With the adoption and publication of the Laws of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR on the inclusion of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus into the USSR with their reunification with the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR, the Stalinist Constitution of 1936 and the Constitutions of the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR of 1937, as the Basic Laws, as well as all other laws in force of the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR. Various transformations began in these territories, accompanied by mass repressions against "class-alien" and "enemies of Soviet power" and affected a significant number of ethnic Poles living in these territories. After the conclusion of the Sikorsky-Maisky Agreement on July 30, 1941, the territories of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, at that time occupied by Nazi Germany, received an indefinite status. The issue of territories discussed at the Tehran Conference was decided in favor of the USSR at the Yalta Conference and fixed at the Potsdam Conference. By the agreement of August 16, 1945 between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Republic of Poland “On the Soviet-Polish state border”, these territories (with slight derogations in favor of Poland - Bialystok and its environs, Przemysl and its environs) were assigned to the USSR. In the 1940s and 50s, minor border corrections took place. After the collapse of the USSR, the territories became part of the states of Ukraine and Belarus.

In 1939, the appetites of fascist Germany to seize more and more territories and the threat for the Soviet Union to be drawn into a war on two fronts forced the latter to conclude a non-aggression pact with Germany in August 1939. At the same time, a secret protocol was signed on the division of spheres of influence between Germany and the USSR (in particular, on the territory of Western Belarus) and, after the German invasion of Polish lands and the start of World War II, on September 17, 1939, Soviet troops entered the land of Western Belarus. By September 25, all this territory was completely liberated. The fact that the population of Western Belarus sought to unite with the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic is evidenced by the way the Soviet troops were met. The population of the liberated territory greeted the liberators with bread and salt. The liberation itself was largely carried out without military action and without bloodshed. After the unification and entry of the western lands into the BSSR, the government began to carry out western lands a number of activities aimed at bringing the economy and culture of the two components to a common denominator. However, the Great Patriotic War interrupted this broad economic and cultural development. The entire territory of Belarus this time was under occupation. In the fight against the occupiers, the experience of the struggle for independence, which was developed by the population of Western Belarus during its occupation by Poland, was undoubtedly used. The initial task after the reunification of Western Belarus with the BSSR was the formation of authorities. Already on September 19, 1939, i.e. even before the complete liberation of the territory of Western Belarus, an order appears from the commander of the troops Belorussian Front commander of the 2nd rank M. Kovalev, which provides for measures to normalize the life of the civilian population. Temporary controls at active assistance of the population took into account factories and plants, organized production, performed the functions of establishing the work of industrial enterprises, medical institutions, creating schools, other educational institutions, etc. The committees of workers’ control over the activities of entrepreneurs, created by the provisional administrations, ensured the supply of cities with food, regulated the prices of goods and products, fought speculation. small-land peasants were registered and protected property, livestock, grain. Provisional administrations and peasant committees were the bodies of the new government. Representatives of the poor, middle peasants, farm laborers were elected to the composition of the peasant committees. To maintain public order, a worker guard was created, in the villages - a voluntary peasant militia. Political parties, except for the communists, did not participate in the elections and did not dare to declare themselves. On October 28, the elected People's Assembly begins its work. The first documents adopted were the Declaration on State Power, the Declaration on the Incorporation of Western Belarus into the BSSR, the Declaration on the Confiscation of Landlords' Land, the Declaration on the Nationalization of Banks and Large-Scale Industry. the establishment of Soviet power throughout the entire territory of Western Belarus. ”At the present stage, within the framework of a single sovereign state, the Belarusian people are developing as a single nation, striving for the revival and prosperity of their national culture, and, undoubtedly, September 1939 played an important role in this.

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^ Foreign policy of the USSR in 1939-1941. 1. In 1936, after the actual withdrawal of Germany from the Treaty of Versailles, the beginning of the open rearmament of Germany and the creation of a military-political union of the Axis countries (Germany, Italy and Japan) by countries that were not part of the Hitler bloc, began negotiations on the creation of a system of collective security. Especially these negotiations intensified after the occupation of Austria and Czechoslovakia by Germany in 1938-1939. In the spring of 1939 began quadripartite negotiations between the USSR, England, France and Poland on the creation of a defensive alliance in the event of the growth of Hitler's aggression. However The USSR refused these negotiations, insofar as England and France did not give guarantees of their military actions in the event of an attack on Poland (as expected, in 1939 these countries declared war on Germany only "on paper", the USSR was afraid of this). 2. Immediately after the breakdown of negotiations on the restoration of the Entente in August 1939, Soviet-German negotiations about mutual security. August 23, 1939 in Moscow was signed Non-aggression pact with Germany and secret appendices to it ("Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact"). By this Pact and annexes: - USSR and Germany pledged not to attack each other for5 years - until 1944; - an agreement was reached on participation of the USSR in the war against Poland together with Germany;- has been approved a plan for the division of Poland between the USSR and Germany;- was found delimitation of spheres of influence between Germany and the USSR - Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Eastern Poland and Romania fell into the Soviet sphere of influence. 3. September 1, 1939 began the German attack on Poland from the fuse. ^ 17 September 1939 G. The Red Army launched an offensive against Poland from the east. In October, Poland was completely defeated and divided between Germany and the USSR - Germany took back Danzig Corridor, USSR - Western Ukraine and Belarus. During the period Soviet occupation Poland happened tragedy of Katyn. AT 1940 G. near22 thousands of captured Polish officers and officials, in which Stalin saw the future basis of resistance to the Soviet presence were secretly shot and buried in the forest near Katyn and in other places. This fact was denied by the Soviet leadership for more than 50 years and was only recognized in 1990.^ 4. Between the USSR and Germany a big common border, which has been legally "Treaty of Friendship and Border", signed on September 28, 1939. This agreement also provided for military-technical cooperation between the USSR and Germany, visits to the USSR by German specialists, deliveries by Germany to the USSR accessories military equipment(subsequently in most cases turned out to be of poor quality) and Soviet food supplies to Germany. In the mass media of the USSR, criticism of fascism was stopped. After the normalization of Soviet-German relations in 1939, ^ the USSR did not interfere in Germany's policy of seizing European countries and did not try to prevent Hitler's aggression in Europe. Germany, in turn, did not interfere in the policy pursued by the USSR in relation to the countries that entered the Soviet zone of influence. 5. The first of the countries that underwent Soviet expansion was Finland - an independent state since 1917 and a former colony of the Russian Empire. 1.5 months after the end of the war with Poland, on November 30, 1939, the Soviet-Finnish war 1939 - 1940 years, gone down in history as well as "winter war" The goals of the USSR in this war were:- the overthrow of the Finnish national government of Ryti-Mannerheim;- establishment in Finland Soviet power and authorities Finnish communists;- incorporation of Finland into the USSR as new union republic.

"Foreign policy of the USSR in 1939–1941: relations with Germany"

Introduction

This paper will consider such an aspect of the foreign policy of the USSR in 1939–1941 as relations with Germany. This period is discussed a lot and gives rise to many historiographic disputes due to the strong politicization of historical science, the classification and falsification of documents. There are many points of view regarding the political motives of the USSR and Germany during this period, the clash of which led to a grave consequence - the war of 1941-1945. So this topic, despite constant study, is still relevant.

The paper will collect the results of the analysis of historical studies of such scientists as S.Z. Sluch, L.A. Bezymensky, M.I. Meltyukhov, many others, as well as historical documents (texts of agreements, telegrams, records of conversations, etc.) collected in the Reader on Modern History and the collection of documents “The Year of the Crisis 1938–1939. Documents and materials. The most useful for this work was the study of M.I. Meltyukhov "Stalin's missed chance. The Soviet Union and the Struggle for Europe: 1939–1941” and a collection of documents Year of Crisis 1938–1939. Documents and materials. Based on the actual data, the author will try to form his point of view on the events of the period under study.

The author considers the main goal to find out how the German attack was expected for the USSR. Along the way, he will try to solve the following tasks: to identify a single consistent course of the USSR throughout the specified period, to understand the motives of its activities, to identify a single course for Germany and also to understand its motives.

The work consists of three chapters, considering two main (according to the author) periods in the foreign policy of the USSR - before and after the conclusion of the non-aggression pact with Germany - and, in fact, the signing of the document itself and its significance. The first chapter also gives a brief overview of the events of the end of 1938, since without it it would be difficult to assess the international situation in 1939.

Blitzkrieg in Poland

The lightning defeat of the Polish army was an extremely unpleasant surprise for the Soviet leadership, which at first did not intend to conduct military operations in Poland. W. Shearer in his work “The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich” stated: “ The government in the Kremlin, like the governments of other countries, was stunned by the speed with which the German armies swept across Poland.". It really is.

September 8, when the German tank divisions reached the outskirts of Warsaw, Ribbentrop sent an "urgent, top secret" message to Schulenburg in Moscow stating that the success of operations in Poland exceeded "all expectations" and that under the circumstances Germany would like to know about "in military intentions of the Soviet government". The next day, V. Molotov replied that “ Russia will use armed forces in the coming days ... Poland was falling apart, and as a result, the Soviet Union had a need to come to the aid of Ukrainians and Belarusians».

September 12, Hitler in a conversation with the commander in chief ground forces Colonel General Brauchitsch said: The Russians obviously don't want to come forward... The Russians believe that the Poles will agree to make peace". However, despite the facts, Professor R. Zhyugzhda unreasonably believed that the Polish “ the campaign of the Red Army was a surprise for Germany, caused her concern: he cut off the Reich from Romanian oil, did not give the opportunity to gain a foothold in Galicia».

Hitler wanted to force the Soviet Union to officially enter the war. A. Orlov noted: “ Immediately after the entry into the war of England and France, Ribbentrop persistently suggested that the USSR send its troops to Poland.».

What is the reason for this persistence? If the Soviet government had then acted on Hitler's essentially provocative prompt and immediately brought its troops into Poland, this could have led to grave military-political consequences for us. Then, as Russian military historians rightly point out, “ there were no guarantees that England and France would not declare war on the USSR if the Red Army crossed the Soviet-Polish border". If this happened, the Western democracies would declare the USSR the same aggressor as Germany, which would have seriously increased its chances of making peace with England and France and quickly freeing all the forces of the Wehrmacht to fulfill the main task of the Nazi leadership - the conquest living space in the east. Even the well-known critic of the Soviet leadership, headed by Stalin, L. Bezymensky admitted: the USSR " would find himself isolated in a future clash with Germany. However, the Soviet Union was quite cautious».

Under pressure from A. Yakovlev and the anti-Soviet leaders he led, in 1989 the Supreme Soviet of the USSR condemned secret protocols on the spheres of influence of Germany and the Soviet Union. However, V. Sidak, in his publications in Pravda and other publications, including scientific ones, proved that the documents presented to the deputies by the Yakovlev Commission were fakes. This is especially evident after he published for the first time in Pravda on June 16, 2011, full-scale images of the original Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and those fakes that repeatedly appeared under this name in the foreign and Russian press. Serious evidence that there were no "secret protocols" was also cited by G. Perevozchikov-Khmury in " Soviet Russia».

But if we assume that the “secret protocols” did exist, then in this case, as much as possible, only those who neglect the most complex historical reality can scourge the Soviet leadership from the standpoint of some abstract ideal.

On September 8, 1939, the US ambassador to Poland reported to Washington: The Polish government leaves Poland ... and goes through Romania ... to France". How should I have done Soviet leadership when the government of Poland fled, and the Germans approached Brest and Lvov? Let them occupy Western Belarus, Western Ukraine, the Baltic states and start a war against us by attacking Minsk and Leningrad?

On September 14, 1999, the anti-Russian "Memorial" considered our defense of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine "a tragedy for their inhabitants" and called on the Russian leadership to "publicly call this a crime." But in 1939 the former English prime minister Lloyd George wrote to the Polish ambassador in London: The USSR occupied territories that are not Polish and that were taken by force by Poland after the First World War ... It would be an act of madness to put the Russian advance on a par with the German advance". Churchill foresaw a military clash between Germany and the USSR. Therefore, speaking on the radio on October 1, 1939, he actually justified the entry of Soviet troops into Poland: “ To protect Russia from the Nazi threat, it was clearly necessary that the Russian armies stand on this line.».

Meanwhile, A. Yakovlev in December 1989 stated that the Soviet Union entered the Second World War not in the 41st year, but in September 39th. This false idea was picked up by other anti-Soviet people. So, A. Nekrich writes in his book “1941, June 22”: “ During the first period of the war, the Soviet Union had an unfinished military-political alliance with Germany. It should be considered incomplete, since there was no formal military alliance". In his opinion, the Soviet troops actually fought on the side of Germany: “P Olsha fell, its territories were divided between Germany and the USSR. ... Thus, the Soviet Union entered World War II on September 17, 1939, and not on June 22, 1941, as is commonly believed ...» Here it is, a typical falsification of history.

Western Ukraine and Western Belarus welcome the liberators

Let's go back to the early autumn of 1939. By September 17 German troops defeated the main groups of the Polish army, which lost 66,300 killed and 133,700 wounded in battle. On September 17, units of the Red Army entered Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. The Soviet government outlined in a note handed to the Polish ambassador in Moscow W. Grzybowski the reasons for this step:

« The Polish-German war revealed the internal failure of the Polish state. During ten days of military operations, Poland lost all its industrial areas and cultural centers. Warsaw as the capital of Poland no longer exists. The Polish government has collapsed and shows no signs of life. It means that Polish state and his government virtually ceased to exist. Thus, the treaties concluded between the USSR and Poland ceased to be valid. Left to itself and left without leadership, Poland has become a convenient field for all sorts of accidents and surprises that could pose a threat to the USSR. Therefore, having hitherto been neutral, the Soviet government can no longer be neutral about these facts. The Soviet government also cannot be indifferent to the fact that the consanguineous Ukrainians and Byelorussians living on the territory of Poland, left to the mercy of fate, remain defenseless. In view of this situation, the Soviet government ordered the High Command of the Red Army to order the troops to cross the border and take under their protection the lives and property of the population of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus».

On September 17-18, the Polish Supreme Commander Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly ordered his troops: “ Do not engage in battles with the Soviets, resist only in the event of attempts on their part to disarm our units that have come into contact with the Soviet troops. Continue fighting against the Germans. Surrounded cities must fight. In the event that Soviet troops approach, negotiate with them in order to achieve the withdrawal of our garrisons to Romania and Hungary". The main part of the Polish troops surrendered in whole formations. From September 17 to October 2, 1939, 452,536 people were disarmed, including 18,729 officers. In short-term battles against the Soviet troops, parts of the Polish army and gendarmerie lost 3,500 killed and 20,000 wounded. Our army lost 1,475 men irretrievably during this period.

The arrival of Soviet troops not only prevented, but in a number of cases stopped the massacre of people of Polish nationality that was flaring up. On September 20, in his report, the head of the Political Directorate of the Red Army L. Mehlis noted that the Polish officers " how afraid of fire Ukrainian peasants and the population, which became more active with the advent of the Red Army and cracked down on Polish officers. It got to the point that in Burshtyn, Polish officers, sent by the corps to the school and guarded by an insignificant guard, asked to increase the number of soldiers guarding them as prisoners in order to avoid possible reprisals against them by the population».

V. Berezhkov, now living in the United States, recalled in the book “Next to Stalin”: “ As a witness to the events that took place in the autumn of 1939, I cannot forget the atmosphere that prevailed in those days in Western Belarus and Western Ukraine. We were greeted with flowers, bread and salt, treated with fruit and milk. In small private cafes Soviet officers fed for free. Those were real feelings. The Red Army was seen as a defense against the Nazi terror. Something similar happened in the Baltics". In 1999, the peoples of Belarus and Ukraine celebrated the 60th anniversary of their reunification as a great holiday.

On October 22, 1939, elections were held for the People's Assemblies of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine. 92.83% of the population of Western Ukraine took part in the voting, of which 90.93% voted for the nominated candidates. In Western Belarus, 96.71% of the population participated in the elections. Of these, 90.67% voted for candidates who supported Soviet power. On October 27, the People's Assembly of Western Ukraine unanimously adopted a declaration on the establishment of Soviet power and on joining the Soviet Union. On October 29, the People's Assembly of Western Belarus made the same decision. The fifth, extraordinary session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on November 1 adopted a resolution on the inclusion of Western Ukraine into the Ukrainian SSR, and on November 2 - on the inclusion of Western Belarus into the Byelorussian SSR.

Y. Afanasiev appreciated " the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939; the parade of Soviet and German troops in Brest in the autumn of that year; the occupation of the Baltic States, Western Ukraine, Western Belarus and Bessarabia in 1940; Stalin's congratulations to Hitler on each of his victories in Europe, up until June 1941; toasts in honor of the Fuhrer in the Kremlin ... as the actual participation of the USSR until mid-1941 in the war on the side of Germany against the Western allies". But we have to repeat once again that the USSR was forced to conclude an agreement with Germany. There were no "joint military actions" of German and Soviet troops in Poland.

The question of the “victory parade” in Brest, which was “received” by General Guderian and brigade commander Krivoshein, also remains speculative. For the Red Army, the "parade" was a "diplomatic" move to avoid undesirable consequences. The same goal, according to Nezavisimaya newspaper"," pursued the toasts and congratulations of Stalin to Hitler. The fact is that Hitler intended to capture most of the Baltic states. On September 25, 1939, he signed secret directive No. 4, which provided for " in East Prussia to keep in combat readiness forces sufficient for the rapid capture of Lithuania even in the event of armed resistance". Inclusion in Nazi Europe did not bode well the Baltic peoples. The head of the SS G. Himmler in 1942 put forward the task of "total Germanization" of the Baltic States for 20 years.

In the autumn of 1939, the USSR concluded treaties on mutual assistance with Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and, on their basis, sent its troops to these states. This strengthened the security of our northwestern borders and significantly helped in preparing for the repulse of Hitlerite aggression.

At present, the West is hysterically shouting about the criminal occupation of the three Baltic republics by the USSR in 1940. In fact, the masses of the people there swept away the pro-German governments, established Soviet power and decided to join the USSR. Y. Yemelyanov writes about this convincingly - on the basis of historical documents - in the article "Occupation or Revolution?" On July 26, 1940, The Times of London noted that " the unanimous decision to join Soviet Russia" of the Baltic peoples "reflects ... not pressure from Moscow, but a sincere recognition that such an exit is a better alternative than inclusion in the new Nazi Europe».

Liberation of Bessarabia

K. Kolikov, bad knowledgeable of history, announced that the USSR attacked Bessarabia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia. He did not attack them. Bessarabia never belonged to Romania. Taking advantage of our then weakness, Romania captured it in 1918, but in 1940 the USSR returned Bessarabia to itself, restoring historical justice. But B. Sokolov for some reason (apparently, in a sleepy state) decided that we " should apologize to Romania for aggression and occupation».

In October 1939, Churchill told the Soviet plenipotentiary Maisky: From the point of view of correctly understood interests of England, the fact that the whole east and south-east of Europe are outside the war zone is not negative, but positive value. For the most part, Britain has no reason to object to the actions of the USSR in the Baltics. Of course, some of the sentimental figures may shed a tear about the Russian protectorate over Estonia or Latvia, but this should not be taken seriously.". He acknowledged: In favor of the Soviets, it must be said that it was vital for the Soviet Union to move the starting positions of the German armies as far as possible to the west so that the Russians would get time and could gather forces from all over their colossal empire. If their policy was coldly calculating, it was also at that moment highly realistic.».

Failed Compromise

The Soviet-Finnish border was only 32 kilometers from Leningrad. Our government offered the Finns to move the border away from this city. L. Garth reasoned: “P The Russians wanted to provide better cover for the land approaches to Leningrad by pushing the Finnish border back Karelian Isthmus so that Leningrad was out of danger of shelling by heavy artillery. This change in the border did not affect the main defensive structures of the Mannerheim Line ... In exchange for all these territorial changes, the Soviet Union offered to cede to Finland the areas of Rebola and Porayorpi. This exchange, even in accordance with the Finnish "White Book", gave Finland an additional territory of 2134 square meters. miles as compensation for the cession of territories to Russia with total area 1066 sq. miles.

An objective study of these demands shows that they were drawn up on a rational basis in order to ensure the greater security of Russian territory without causing any serious damage to the security of Finland. Of course, all this would prevent Germany from using Finland as a springboard for an attack on Russia. However, Russia did not receive any advantage to attack Finland. In fact, the areas that Russia offered to cede to Finland would expand the borders of the latter in the narrowest part of its territory. However, the Finns rejected this proposal as well.».

After that, the Soviet government decided to achieve a more secure border for Leningrad by military means. It is hardly true that V. Rookie’s idea that there is a war with Finland “ was not objective necessity. It was a personal whim of Stalin, caused by reasons that are still unclear". The ardent “democrat” S. Lipkin asked an absurd question: “ Why, shortly before the greatest war, we failed to defeat the small army of Finland?“If we didn’t defeat her, then why did she give the Karelian Isthmus and the city of Vyborg to the Soviet Union? Another thing is that this victory in the war with the Finns was far from being as brilliant as the Soviet command was counting on.

The top political leadership of the USSR at first misjudged the military potential of Finland. Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army, Marshal of the Soviet Union B. Shaposhnikov, summoned to the Military Council to discuss the planned war against Finland, presented a plan that took into account real possibilities Finnish army and a sober assessment of the difficulties of breaking through its fortified areas. " And in accordance with this, - later Marshal of the Soviet Union A. Vasilevsky recalled, - he assumed the concentration of large forces and means necessary for the decisive success of this operation. When Shaposhnikov named all these planned General Staff forces and means that had to be concentrated before the start of this operation, then Stalin ridiculed him. It was said something like that, they say, in order to cope with this very ... Finland, you demand such huge forces and funds. On such a scale, there is no need for them.».

Our army launched an offensive with insufficient forces and means, suffered heavy losses and only a month later approached the Mannerheim line. When the question of the further conduct of the war was discussed at the Military Council, “ Shaposhnikov reported essentially the same plan that he had reported a month ago.". He was accepted. The newly launched operation was crowned with complete success, the Mannerheim line was quickly broken through.

In the headquarters of the commander of the Finnish troops, Marshal Mannerheim, there was a representative of Gamelin, General Clement-Grandcourt. According to a member of the French military mission, Captain P. Stelen, the main task French representatives was to "keep Finland in a state of war with all his might." On March 19, 1940, Daladier declared in Parliament that for France " The Moscow Peace Treaty is a tragic and shameful event. For Russia, this is a great victory.».

On March 8, 1940, Hitler wrote to Mussolini about the Soviet-Finnish war: “ Taking into account the possibilities of maneuver and supply, no force in the world could have achieved such results in a frost of 30-40 degrees, which the Russians achieved already at the very beginning of the war.". It is interesting how Hitler on April 12, 1942 explained the failure german blitzkrieg: "AT the whole war with Finland in 1940, as well as the entry of the Russians into Poland with obsolete tanks and weapons and soldiers out of uniform, is nothing but a grand disinformation campaign, since Russia at one time had weapons that made it along with Germany and Japan a world power". An interesting zigzag in the thoughts of the Fuhrer. What explains it?

Doctor historical sciences A. Orlov considers the Soviet-Finnish war " in a certain sense "unnecessary", generated by the political miscalculations of both countries". But much more miscalculations were made by the Finnish rulers, who then pursued a short-sighted foreign policy.

The oath of the Finnish officer included such solemn words: " Just as I believe in one God, I believe in Great Finland and its great future". A prominent public figure in Finland, Väine Voinomaa, wrote to his son about how Tanner, chairman of the Social Democrats faction in the Finnish parliament, said on June 19, 1941: “ The very existence of Russia is already unjustified, and it must be liquidated», « Peter will be wiped off the face of the earth." Finnish borders, according to President Ryti, will be established along the Svir to Lake Onega and from there to the White Sea, "Stalin's canal remains on the Finnish side". Such aggressive plans were supported by a considerable part of the Finnish population.

July 10, 1941 Commander-in-Chief of the Finnish Armed Forces K. Mannerheim, former general tsarist Russia, ordered them "about liberate the lands of the Karelians". After difficult battles with the Finns on October 1, 1941, our troops were forced to leave Petrozavodsk. In a US note on November 11, 1941, the Finnish government stated: Finland is striving to neutralize and occupy the offensive positions of the enemy, including those lying beyond the 1939 borders. It would have been imperative for Finland and in the interest of the effectiveness of her defense to take such measures already in 1939 during the first phase of the war, if only her forces were sufficient for this.».

By the way, we point out: out of 20,000 Russian population of Petrozavodsk, captured by the Finns in 1941, 19,000 were in a concentration camp, where they were fed "horse corpses two days ago." Isn't this what B. Sokolov meant when he called on us " apologize to Finland"? In vain does he think that Finland's position might have been completely different in 1941. Maybe even neutral.". We must not forget that the Finnish government dreamed of creating a great Finland.

« Indeed, did the victory in the Finnish campaign strengthen the security of the USSR in general and Leningrad in particular? - B. Sokolov argued. - There is only one answer: no, it did not strengthen, but, on the contrary, weakened". He tries to find arguments in favor of this conclusion: " In June 1941, Finnish troops, together with the Nazis, attacked the Soviet Union and already on August 31 captured the infamous village of Mainila. In some two or three months, the Finns reached the former border on the Karelian Isthmus and even crossed it, which, however, did not cause the fall of Leningrad».

But this author, captured by the anti-Soviet miasma, did not try to answer very important questions. And what would happen if the Finnish troops launched an offensive from the former border? Where would they be in two or three months? Berezhkov correctly posed the question: What would happen if the border with Finland passed where it passed before the spring of 1940. Another question: would Leningrad have survived? It means that there was something in it, so it cannot be said that we only lost, discredited ourselves».

Noting that as a result of the victory over the Finns of the USSR, “the improved its strategic position in the northwest and north, created the prerequisites for ensuring the security of Leningrad and the Murmansk railway ”, A. Orlov considered that“ territorial gains of 1939-1940 turned into major political losses". But it can be unmistakably stated that they were more than covered by the fact that German troops attacked us from positions 300-400 kilometers away from the old borders. In November 1941 they approached Moscow. Where would they be if the Soviet Union had not moved the border to the west?

L. Bezymensky, condemning the policy of the Soviet government in 1939 and 1940, said: “ Stalin, it seemed, could triumph. But the price of the reprieve was terrible. After June 22, 1941, the Wehrmacht divisions quickly passed through the regions of Western Belarus, Western Ukraine and the Baltic States, which the Red Army did not have time to master and adapt to defense».

And would it be better for our country if he had not achieved this “delay”? If the German armed forces in 1939 launched an offensive against the Soviet troops from positions near Leningrad, Minsk and not far from Kyiv? This inevitable and cardinal important question Bezymensky preferred not to touch. And without an answer to it, the arguments and assessments of the professor lose their evidence.

Colonel General V. Cherevatov correctly concluded: “ Even before the start of hostilities against the USSR, Hitler lost to I.V. Stalin gave the two most important strategic operations - the battle for Space and the battle for Time, which doomed himself to defeat already in 1941».

Sitting War

England and France declared war on Germany, which attacked Poland. Observers called it either "sitting" or "strange" war. It actually became, in its essence, an unambiguous attempt to continue the failed policy of "appeasement" of the aggressor. The German command announced that from September 1939 to May 1940, the German army lost Western front only 196 people were killed, 356 people were wounded, 144 people were missing, as well as 11 aircraft. This development of events confirmed the correctness of the assessment Soviet government positions of England and France, which, wanting to avoid real war with Germany, they wanted to push it against Soviet Union.

During the Soviet-Finnish War, the Western European states. To this end, it was decided to form an expeditionary corps of 150,000 people to be sent to Finland, as well as to bombard the Soviet oil fields in Baku, Maykop, and Grozny. On March 12, 1940, Prime Minister Daladier announced that France had supplied Finland with 145 aircraft, 496 guns, 5,000 machine guns, 400,000 rifles and 20 million rounds of ammunition. Chamberlain reported on March 19 in the British Parliament that 101 aircraft, 114 guns, 185,000 shells, 200 anti-tank guns, 100 Vickers machine guns, 50,000 gas shells, 15,700 bombs, a lot of uniforms and equipment were sent from England to Finland. 11600 arrived in Finland foreign volunteers. Among them, there were 8,680 Swedes, 944 Danes, 693 Norwegians, 364 American Finns and 346 Hungarians.

The French headquarters developed a plan of military operations against the USSR, which provided for the landing of an Anglo-French assault force in Pechenga (Petsamo) and air strikes on important objects on Soviet territory. AT memo Chief of the General Staff of the French Navy, Admiral Darlan, to Prime Minister E. Daladier, the need for such an operation was justified as follows: “In Thousands of political exiles are being held in the Murmansk region and in Karelia, and the inhabitants of the concentration camps there are ready to rise up against the oppressors. Karelia could eventually become a place where anti-Stalinist forces at home could unite».

The deputy chief of the French Air Force General Staff, General Bergerie, said in December 1939 that the Anglo-French allies would launch an attack on the Soviet Union not only in the north, in Finland, but also in the south, in Transcaucasia. " General Weigan commands troops in Syria and Lebanon. His forces will advance in general direction on Baku in order to deprive the USSR of the oil produced here. From here, Weygand's troops will advance towards the allies advancing on Moscow from Scandinavia and Finland.».

« I was surprised and flattered, - P. Stelen wrote in his memoirs, - that I was confidentially acquainted with an operation of such a large scale. The idea of ​​the operation was expressed on the map with two curved arrows: the first from Finland, the second from Syria. The pointed tips of these arrows were connected in the area east of Moscow". These projectors, amazing in their stupidity, distracted the British and French from the most important thing - the real strengthening of their defense.

Alexander OGNEV.

Front-line soldier, professor, honored worker of science.

The territory of the USSR was truly vast. Despite the impressive scale of Soviet possessions, in 1939 the current leadership of the country sent forces to annex the regions of Western Ukraine, some of them after complete German defeat was part of Poland.

First of all, Stalin was interested in these territories as new possessions of a mighty power. Not less than an important factor for him there was also security from the western frontiers.

Taking advantage of the favorable moment after the defeat by the Germans, the Red Army occupied part of Eastern Poland without much difficulty, as well as almost the entire territory of Galicia. There were no particular difficulties, since after the defeat Polish troops did not particularly try to defend themselves, retreating to the Romanian or Hungarian borders. Therefore, there were practically no serious fights. On the part of the Soviet authorities, all actions related to the occupation of the lands of Western Ukraine were interpreted as a "sacred duty" to help fraternal peoples who inhabited Poland at that time. Although the entry into the land of Poland Soviet power was not entirely accepted. Among the local population there was both warm support and complete hostility.

An exodus was noted among Polish officers and government officials. Not wanting to put up with the "occupation" policy, they fled to the West. But the bulk of the population hoped for the support of the Soviet government, so many residents of the defeated Poland took a wait and see attitude. Especially during that period, Soviet troops supported the socially unprotected segments of the population. And on the part of the USSR, all actions were taken to “beautifully” present their coming to power. Loud slogans about social justice brought their results, making it easy to set up local residents in their own ideological way. But according to modern historians, Soviet authority did not take into account that at that time Western Ukraine was a completely alien region for the USSR in terms of social and ideological aspects.

The role of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in the annexation of Western Ukrainian lands

Many historians today attribute a decisive role in the distribution of lands in Western Ukraine to the Germans. Thus, after the conclusion of the Pact, the Ukrainian lands, which were part of Poland, in the autumn of 1939 successfully became part of the mighty Soviet state. Already on September 28, the treaty concluded between Germany and the USSR completely erased the Polish lands from the map.

In addition to non-aggression obligations between the USSR and Germany, the pact included a separate protocol, which clearly spelled out territorial arrangement states. According to the agreement most of lands that were part of Poland was to become part of the Soviet Union. Then, having annexed the territory, the Soviet Union significantly expanded its territorial boundaries in westbound by 250 - 350 km, respectively, increasing the population in the western regions of Ukraine, which were subsequently assigned to the Soviet Union. To date, these territories are already part of Belarus and Ukraine.

Western Ukraine and Western Belarus within the borders of October 3, 1939 on the political and administrative map of the USSR of March 3, 1940

Accession of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus to the USSR(Reunification of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus with the Ukrainian SSR and BSSR) - the admission of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus to the USSR with the adoption of the Extraordinary V session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the Law of the USSR "On the inclusion of Western Ukraine in the USSR with its reunification with the Ukrainian SSR" (November 1, 1939) and the Law of the USSR "On the inclusion of Western Belarus in the Union of the SSR with its reunification with the Byelorussian SSR" (November 2, 1939) on the basis of petitions from the Plenipotentiary Commissions of the People's Assembly of Western Ukraine and People's Assembly of Western Belarus. The decision to submit applications was stipulated in the Declaration "On the entry of Western Ukraine into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic", adopted by the People's Assembly of Western Ukraine in Lvov on October 27, 1939 and the Declaration "On the entry of Western Belarus into the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic", adopted by the People's Assembly Western Belarus in Bialystok on October 29, 1939, respectively.

On November 12, 1939, the third Extraordinary Session of the Supreme Council of the BSSR decided: "Accept Western Belarus into the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic and thereby reunite the Belarusian people in a single Belarusian state."

On November 14, 1939, the third Extraordinary Session of the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR decided: “Accept Western Ukraine into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and thereby reunite the great Ukrainian people in the united Ukrainian state".

Notes

see also

Literature

Makarchuk V.S. State-territorial status of Western Ukrainian lands during the Second World War. - M .: Fund " historical memory”, 2010. 520 p. ISBN 978-5-9990-0009-5

Categories:

• Political geography
• Territorial changes during World War II
• History of Belarus
• 1939 in the USSR
• History of Ukraine 1917-1991

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