Could this be?

Murder of Miloradovich

“Christ had 12 apostles, but even among them there was a traitor,” Nikita Panin said to Pavel Pestel. Nikita Panin is one of the conspirators who killed Paul I, Pavel Pestel is one of the leaders of the Decembrists. “We were few,” said Panin, “as well as the chances that we would be discovered. There are several thousand of you." In fact, there were significantly more conspirators who killed Pavel than Panin said, but, of course, there were fewer of them than the Decembrists. The key difference was something else. The murderers of Pavel did not hesitate in their intentions, which cannot be said about those who went or did not go to Senate Square.

The Decembrists went to Senate Square without clear plan action

Confusion and vacillation reigned among the Decembrists. During the period of interregnum, which the rebels tried to take advantage of, many of their supporters broke away from them. The plan to break the oath to Nikolai Pavlovich was threatened with failure. During the period that Konstantin Pavlovich formally reigned in Russia, several dozen denunciations were written against the Decembrists. And they wrote them former members secret societies. Some of the guards, who knew about the impending performance, informed their commanders about this. Finally, the plan to enter the Senate Square was not approved by all the leaders of the Decembrists. Ryleev hesitated, Prince Sergei Trubetskoy doubted his strength and capabilities. He was elected dictator to lead the uprising directly. But the prince himself refused this mission twice. The rebels had to take Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress, disarm the garrison and arrest the royal family. However, when it came to speaking, the Decembrists did not even begin to implement this plan. The action itself was reduced to the exit to the square, the uprising of two regiments and the murder of Governor-General Mikhail Miloradovich and Colonel Nikolai Styurler. Both fell at the hands of the Decembrist Peter Kakhovsky, who, apparently, was going to kill Nicholas I as well, but did not dare to shoot at the new tsar. This indecisiveness towards the monarch also distinguished other Decembrists. Not everyone supported the plan to arrest the royal family. The spontaneity and unpreparedness of the performance predetermined the fate of its participants. The Decembrists simply had no chance of influencing what was happening or disrupting the oath to Nicholas I.

Decembrists in power

Pavel Pestel

Another very vague story. What were the Decembrists going to do if their plan was implemented? Absolutely unknown. There were two fundamental documents: "Constitution" by Nikita Muravyov and "Russian Truth" by Pavel Pestel. Both documents are largely utopian and contradict each other. So, Pestel proposed to turn Russia into a unitary republic. Muravyov advocated a constitutional monarchy and a federal division of the country. Pestel planned to transfer legislature People's Council, numbering 500 people, and the executive - the Sovereign Duma, consisting of five people elected by the People's Council. In fact, a unicameral parliament and a five-member government. Muravyov stood for a bicameral parliament, and suggested that the executive power be left to the Emperor. This is far from full list contradictions.

Pestel offered to kill the royal family, Ryleev wanted to keep her throne

Ants and Pestel looked differently at smaller things than the state system. Thus, there was no unity on the issue of serfdom. Both planned to cancel it, both had little idea how best to do it. Muravyov's project was closer to the one that, as a result, Alexander II brought to life. Serfdom was abolished, but the land allotments of the landowners were retained by the owners in in full. Pestel planned to withdraw half of the private land allotments into public property. This land was supposed to be a guarantee that Russia would be delivered from hunger and poverty. Who exactly was supposed to work on this earth? Pestel left this question unanswered.

5 hanged Decembrists, the only ones who were executed during the reign of Nicholas

Another thing is important, the Decembrists had no reform plan. There were two projects around which controversy did not subside. It could be said that the Southern Society, led by Pestel, supported Russkaya Pravda, and the Northern, Ryleevsky, supported the Muravyov Constitution. But that's just not the case. Among the southerners were supporters of the Constitution, among the northerners - "Russian Truth". All these contradictions laid the ground for a new civil war, in the event of the Decembrists coming to power. We are not talking about peaceful transformations here. Most likely, in the event of their victory, Russia would have received the following scenario: a struggle for power begins between the leaders of the Decembrists. The key figure in this struggle would be Pestel. He alone, of all the Decembrists, had the ambitions of a political leader, somewhat resembling dictatorial ones. But not all members of the society supported him. Pestel was unpopular. Apparently, Sergei Trubetskoy was elected dictator precisely as an alternative. According to the principle "if only it was not Pestel." But the prince himself did not want to lead the performance. He, like Ryleev and Muravyov, was a supporter of a bloodless coup and a constitutional monarchy. It is unlikely that he would fight for power himself. Most likely, the conflict would have next view: on the one hand, Pestel and his people, on the other, moderate Decembrists and one of the members Imperial Family as a protege.

Pestel's victory

Sergei Trubetskoy after exile

Everything is pretty simple here. If successful, Russkaya Pravda would become for Russia what it was for Russia after the 1917 Revolution. Soviet Union the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin. A guide to action. The royal family would no doubt have been killed in order to eliminate any competition. Russia would become a Republic. But Pestel would hardly have tolerated "willfulness" from the Veche and the Duma. And if the government and the parliament had disobeyed the "father of the Revolution", then he would most likely have abolished them and would have taken control of the state under his personal control. Essentially, this is the way to military dictatorship. Dictators, however, are of two types. Some are fanatical, like Lenin, others are cynical, like Stalin. What type would Russia have come to with Pestel? Interest Ask. Most likely the second option.

Victory for the supporters of the Constitutional Monarchy

Nicholas I in front of the Life Guards in the courtyard of the Winter Palace

If the supporters of the Constitutional Monarchy had taken over Pestel, then Russia would have come to a new dilemma. For such a regime of government, a legitimate monarch is needed. And such could be only one of the brothers of Alexander I. It is noteworthy that the Decembrists themselves did not decide which one of them. They planned to break the oath to Nicholas, unpopular among the military, but does this mean that they wanted to see Constantine on the throne, who did not want to see himself on this throne. Finally, there was still the most younger brother- Mikhail Pavlovich, who, perhaps, would agree to accept the Constitution along with the crown. Here, too, there is one subtlety. Muravyov's constitution envisaged a transition from a constitutional monarchy to a republic. During interrogation, he testified that this would have been done if the king had refused to accept the basic law. Then, according to the plan of Trubetskoy and Ryleev, the Romanovs would have been sent abroad. And here we come to reverse side Problems.

The Decembrists tried to take advantage of the interregnum

The tsar, even arrested by the Decembrists, is a strong figure. And having ascended the throne, he could easily break the promise to adopt the Constitution. There were precedents. Anna Ioannovna, it seems, initially agreed to accept the Conditions, which were something similar to the basic law, and then tore them up and ruled Russia for ten years as an autocrat. Little is needed for this: the support of the guard and two or three army regiments. And such a tsar would no longer need the Decembrists. Outcome: Constantine, Nicholas or Michael, relying on loyal regiments, restores the fullness of his power and sits down to rule the country as an autocrat. And Muraviev, Trubetskoy and Ryleev go to Siberia. Or to the gallows.

In politics, as in all public life not to go forward means to be thrown back.

Lenin Vladimir Ilyich

The uprising of the Decembrists Senate Square took place on December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg. It was one of the first well-organized uprisings in Russian Empire. It was directed against the strengthening of the power of the autocracy, as well as against the enslavement of ordinary people. The revolutionaries promoted an important political thesis of that era - the abolition of serfdom.

Background of the 1825 uprising

Even during the life of Alexander 1, revolutionary movements in Russia were actively working to create conditions that would limit the power of the autocrat. This movement was quite massive and was preparing to carry out coup d'état. The imminent death of Emperor Alexander 1 forced the conspirators to become more active and begin their speech ahead of schedule.

This was facilitated by the complex political situation within the Empire. As you know, Alexander 1 did not have children, which means that the difficulty with the heir was inevitable. Historians talk about secret document, according to which the elder brother of the murdered ruler, Konstantin Pavlovich, had long ago renounced the throne. There was only one heir - Nikolai. The problem was that as early as November 27, 1825, the population of the country took an oath to Constantine, who formally became emperor from that day, although he himself did not take any authority to govern the country. Thus, situations arose in the Russian Empire when there was no actual ruler. As a result, the Decembrists became more active, who realized that they would no longer have such an opportunity. That is why the Decembrist uprising of 1825 happened on Senate Square, in the capital of the country. The day for this was also significant - December 14, 1825, the day when the whole country was to swear allegiance to the new ruler, Nicholas.

What was the plan of the Decembrist uprising?

The ideological inspirers of the Decembrist uprising were the following people:

• Alexander Muravyov - the creator of the union
• Sergei Trubetskoy
• Nikita Muraviev
• Ivan Yakushin
• Pavel Pestel
• Kondraty Ryleev
• Nikolay Kakhovsky

There were other active members of secret societies who took Active participation along the way of the coup, but precisely said people were the leaders of the movement. Overall plan their actions on December 14, 1825 was as follows - to interfere with the armed forces of Russia, as well as the authorities state power, represented by the Senate, take an oath of allegiance to Emperor Nicholas. For these purposes, it was planned to do the following: to capture the Winter Palace and the entire royal family. This would place power in the hands of the rebels. Sergei Trubetskoy was appointed head of the operation.

In the future, secret societies planned to create a new government, adopt the country's constitution and proclaim democracy in Russia. In fact, it was about creating a republic, from which all royal family should have been sent. Some Decembrists in their plans went even further and offered to kill everyone who is related to the ruling dynasty.

Decembrist uprising of 1825, December 14

The Decembrist uprising began in the early morning of December 14. However, initially everything did not go as they planned and the leaders secret movements I had to improvise. It all started with the fact that Kakhovsky, who had previously confirmed that he was ready to enter Nikolai's chambers early in the morning and kill him, refused to do so. After the first local failure, the second one followed. This time, Yakubovich, who was supposed to send troops to storm the Winter Palace, also refused to do so.

It was too late to retreat. In the early morning, the Decembrists sent their agitators to the barracks of all metropolitan divisions, who called on the soldiers to go to Senate Square and oppose the autocracy in Russia. As a result, it was possible to bring to the area:

• 800 soldiers of the Moscow regiment
• 2350 sailors of the Guards crew

By the time the rebels were taken to the square, the senators had already taken the oath to the new emperor. It happened at 7 o'clock in the morning. Such haste was necessary, since Nicholas was warned that a major performance was expected, directed against him in order to disrupt the oath.

The Decembrist uprising on the senatorial square began with the fact that the troops opposed the candidacy of the emperor, believing that Constantine had more rights to the throne. Mikhail Miloradovich personally came out to the rebels. This is an illustrious man, General Russian army. He urged the soldiers to leave the square and return to the barracks. He personally showed a manifesto in which Constantine renounced the throne, which means that the current emperor has all the rights to the throne. At this time, one of the Decembrists, Kokhovsky, approached Miloradovich and fired at him. On the same day the general died.

After these events, the horse guards were sent to the Decembrists, commanded by Alexei Orlov. Twice this commander unsuccessfully tried to suppress the rebellion. The situation was aggravated by the fact that ordinary residents came to the Senate Square, who shared the views of the rebels. In total, the total number of Decembrists numbered several tens of thousands. Real madness was going on in the center of the capital. The tsarist troops hastily prepared carriages for the evacuation of Nicholas and his family to Tsarskoye Selo.

Emperor Nicholas hurried his generals to resolve the issue before nightfall. He was afraid that the uprising of the Decembrists on the Senate Square would be picked up by the mob and other cities. Such mass character could cost him the throne. As a result, artillery was brought to the Senate Square. Trying to avoid mass casualties, General Suhozanet gave the order to fire blanks. This gave no results. Then personally the emperor of the Russian Empire gave the order to shoot with live and buckshot. However, at the initial stage, this only aggravated the situation, as the rebels returned fire. After that, a massive blow was inflicted on the square, which sowed panic and forced the revolutionaries to flee.

Aftermath of the 1825 uprising

By the night of December 14, the excitement was over. Many of the rebellion activists were killed. Senate Square itself was littered with corpses. State archives provide the following data on those who died that day on both sides:

• Generals - 1
• Staff officers - 1
• Officers of various ranks - 17
• Soldiers of the Life Guards - 282
• Ordinary soldiers – 39
• Women - 79
• Children - 150
• Ordinary people - 903

The total number of victims is simply enormous. Never before has Russia seen such mass movements. In total, the Decembrist uprising of 1805, which took place on Senate Square, cost the lives of 1271 people.

In addition, on the night of December 14, 1825, Nikolai issues a decree on the arrest of the most active participants in the movement. As a result, 710 people were imprisoned. Initially, everyone was taken to the Winter Palace, where the emperor personally conducted an investigation into this case.

The Decembrist uprising of 1825 was the first major popular movement. Its failures lay in the fact that it was largely spontaneous. The organization of the uprising was weak, and the involvement of the masses in it practically did not exist. As a result, only the small number of Decembrists threw the Emperor into short time put down the rebellion. However, this was the first signal that there is an active movement against the authorities in the country.

December 14, 1825. This is the day of the Decembrist uprising in St. Petersburg on Senate Square, the first open speech with arms in hand against autocracy and serfdom. The Decembrists are often called "the first-born of Russian freedom."

On December 14, the officers-members of the secret society were still in the barracks after dark and were agitating among the soldiers.

Alexander Bestuzhev delivered a heated speech to the soldiers of the Moscow Regiment. “I spoke strongly, they listened to me eagerly,” he later recalled. The soldiers refused the oath to the new king and decided to go to the Senate Square. Regimental commander Baron Frederiks of the Moscow Regiment wanted to prevent the insurgent soldiers from leaving the barracks - and fell with a severed head under the blow of the saber of officer Shchepin-Rostovsky. Colonel Khvoshchinsky, who wanted to stop the soldiers, was also wounded. With fluttering regimental banner, taking live ammunition and loading guns, the soldiers of the Moscow regiment were the first to come to Senate Square. At the head of these revolutionary troops, the first in the history of Russia, was the staff captain of the Life Guards dragoon regiment Alexander Bestuzhev. Together with him at the head of the regiment were his brother, the staff captain of the Life Guards of the Moscow regiment Mikhail Bestuzhev and the staff captain of the same regiment Dmitry Shchepin-Rostovsky.

The regiment lined up in battle formation in the form of a square near the monument to Peter 1. The square (combat quadrangle) was a proven and justified combat formation, providing both defense and attack on the enemy from four sides. It was 2 o'clock in the morning. The Governor-General of St. Petersburg Miloradovich galloped up to the rebels, began to persuade the soldiers to disperse, swore that the oath to Nicholas was correct, took out the sword presented to him by Tsarevich Konstantin with the inscription: “To my friend Miloradovich”, reminded of the battles of 1812. The moment was very dangerous: the regiment was still alone, the other regiments had not yet come up, the hero of 1812, Miloradovich, was widely popular and knew how to talk with the soldiers. The uprising that had just begun was in great danger. Miloradovich could greatly shake the soldiers and succeed. It was necessary at all costs to interrupt his agitation, remove him from the square. But, despite the demands of the Decembrists, Miloradovich did not leave and continued persuasion. Then the chief of staff of the rebels, the Decembrist Obolensky, turned his horse with a bayonet, wounding the count in the thigh, and the bullet, fired at the same moment by Kakhovsky, mortally wounded the general. The danger looming over the uprising was repelled.

The delegation chosen to address the Senate - Ryleev and Pushchin - went early in the morning to Trubetskoy, who had previously called on Ryleev himself. It turned out that the Senate had already sworn in and the senators had left. It turned out that the rebel troops had gathered in front of the empty Senate. Thus, the first goal of the uprising was not achieved. It was a hard failure. Another conceived link broke away from the plan. Now the capture of the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress was coming.

What exactly did Ryleev and Pushchin talk about in this last date with Trubetskoy - it is not known, but, obviously, they agreed on some kind of new plan of action and, having then come to the square, they brought with them the confidence that Trubetskoy would now come there, to the square, and take command. Everyone was impatient, waiting for Trubetskoy.

But there was no dictator. Trubetskoy betrayed the uprising. A situation was developing on the square that required decisive action, but Trubetskoy did not dare to take them. He sat, tormented, in the office General Staff, went out, looked around the corner, how many troops had gathered in the square, hid again. Ryleev looked for him everywhere, but could not find him. Who could have guessed that the dictator of the uprising was in the tsarist General Staff? The members of the secret society, who elected Trubetskoy as a dictator and trusted him, could not understand the reasons for his absence and thought that he was being delayed by some reasons important for the uprising. Trubetskoy's fragile noble revolutionary spirit was easily broken when the hour for decisive action came.

The leader, who betrayed the cause of the revolution at the most decisive moment, is, of course, to some extent (but only to some extent!) the spokesman for the class limitations of the revolutionary spirit of the nobility. But still, the failure of the elected dictator to appear on the square to the troops during the hours of the uprising is an unprecedented event in the history of the revolutionary movement. By this, the dictator betrayed both the idea of ​​an uprising, and his comrades in a secret society, and the troops that followed them. This failure to appear played a significant role in the defeat of the uprising.

The rebels waited a long time. Soldier's guns fired "themselves." Several attacks, undertaken on the orders of Nicholas by the horse guards on the square of the rebels, were repulsed by rapid rifle fire. The protective chain, isolated from the square of the rebels, disarmed the tsarist policemen. The same was done by the "mob" who were on the square (the broadsword of one disarmed gendarme was handed over to the brother of A. S. Pushkin, Lev Sergeevich, who came to the square and joined the rebels).

Behind the fence under construction St. Isaac's Cathedral there were dwellings of construction workers, for whom a lot of firewood was procured for the winter. The village was popularly called "Isaac's village", from there a lot of stones and logs flew to the king and his retinue 1).

We see that the troops were not the only living force of the uprising on December 14: there was another participant in the events on Senate Square that day - huge crowds of people.

The words of Herzen are well known - "the Decembrists on Senate Square did not have enough people." These words must be understood not in the sense that there were no people on the square at all, there were people, but in the sense that the Decembrists were unable to rely on the people, to make them an active force in the uprising.

During the entire interregnum, the streets of St. Petersburg were busier than usual. This was especially noticeable on Sunday, December 13, when there was a rumor about a new oath, a new emperor and the abdication of Constantine. On the day of the uprising, it was still dark, people began to gather here and there at the gates of the barracks of the guards regiments, attracted by rumors about the impending oath, and possibly by widespread rumors about some benefits and relief for the people, which will now be announced at the oath. These rumors undoubtedly came from the direct agitation of the Decembrists. Shortly before the uprising, Nikolai Bestuzhev and his comrades traveled around the military guards at the barracks at night and told the sentries that serfdom would soon be abolished and the term of soldier's service would be reduced. The soldiers eagerly listened to the Decembrists.

The impression of a contemporary about how “empty” it was at that moment in other parts of St. Petersburg is curious: “The further I moved away from the Admiralty, the less I met the people; it seemed that everyone ran to the square, leaving their houses empty. An eyewitness, whose last name remained unknown, said: “All of Petersburg flocked to the square, and the first Admiralty part contained up to 150 thousand people, acquaintances and strangers, friends and enemies forgot their personalities and gathered in circles, talked about the subject that struck their eyes » 2)

It should be noted the striking unanimity of the primary sources, speaking of a huge crowd of people.

The “common people”, the “black bone” prevailed - artisans, workers, craftsmen, peasants who came to the bars in the capital, men released for quitrent, “people working and commoners”, there were merchants, petty officials, students of secondary schools, cadet corps, apprentices... Two "rings" of the people were formed. The first consisted of those who came early, it surrounded the square of the rebels. The second was formed from those who came later - their gendarmes were no longer allowed into the square to the rebels, and the “late” people crowded behind the tsarist troops who surrounded the rebellious square. Of these who came "later" and formed a second ring that surrounded the government troops. Noticing this, Nikolai, as can be seen from his diary, realized the danger of this environment. It threatened with great complications.

The main mood of this huge mass, which, according to contemporaries, numbered tens of thousands of people, was sympathy for the rebels.

Nikolai doubted his success, "seeing that the matter was becoming very important, and not yet foreseeing how it would end." He ordered to prepare crews for members of the royal family with the intention of "exporting" them under the "cover of cavalry guards to Tsarskoye Selo. Nicholas considered the Winter Palace an unreliable place and foresaw the possibility of a strong expansion of the uprising in the capital. The order to guard the palace to sappers spoke of the same thing: obviously, while guarding the Winter Tsar, even some hastily erected fortifications for batteries seemed to appear. Nicholas expressed these sentiments even more clearly, writing that in the event of bloodshed under the windows of the palace, "our fate would be more than doubtful." And later, Nikolai told his brother Mikhail many times: “The most amazing thing in this story is that we weren’t shot with you then.” There is little optimism in these words general position. It must be admitted that in this case the historian must fully agree with Nicholas.

Under these conditions, Nicholas resorted to sending Metropolitan Seraphim and Metropolitan Eugene of Kyiv to negotiate with the rebels. Both were already in the Winter Palace for a thanksgiving service on the occasion of the oath to Nicholas. But the prayer service had to be postponed: there was no time for the prayer service. The idea of ​​sending metropolitans to negotiate with the rebels occurred to Nicholas as a way to explain the legitimacy of the oath to him, and not to Konstantin, through clergy, authoritative in matters of the oath, "archpastors." It seemed, who better to know about the correctness of the oath than the metropolitans? The decision to grasp at this straw was strengthened by alarming news from Nikolai: he was informed that the life grenadiers and the guards marine crew were leaving the barracks to join the "rebels". If the metropolitans had managed to persuade the rebels to disperse, then the new regiments that came to the aid of the rebels would have already found the main core of the uprising broken and they themselves could run out of steam.

The sight of the approaching spiritual delegation was quite impressive. Patterned green and crimson velvet vestments in the background white snow, the sparkle of diamonds and gold on panagias, high mitres and raised crosses, two accompanying deacons in magnificent, sparkling brocade surplices, put on for a solemn court service - all this should have attracted the attention of the soldiers.

But in response to the metropolitan’s speech about the legality of the required oath and the horrors of shedding fraternal blood, the “rebellious” soldiers began to shout to him from the ranks, according to the authoritative testimony of deacon Prokhor Ivanov: “What kind of metropolitan are you when you swore allegiance to two emperors in two weeks ... You are a traitor , you are a deserter, Nikolaev Kaluga?. We do not believe you, go away! .. This is not your business: we know what we are doing ... "

Suddenly, the metropolitans rushed to the left at a run, hid in a gap in the fence of St. Isaac's Cathedral, hired simple cabs (while, on the right, closer to the Neva, they were issued by a palace carriage) and returned to the Winter Palace by a detour. Why did this sudden flight of the clergy happen? Huge reinforcements approached the rebels. On the right, on the ice of the Neva, a detachment of the insurgent life-grenadier rose, making his way with a weapon in his hands through the troops of the tsar's encirclement. On the other hand, rows of sailors entered the square - the guards marine crew. It was biggest event in the camp of the uprising: his forces immediately increased by more than four times.

“The guards crew, en route to Petrovsky Square, was met by the Life Guards of the Moscow Regiment with exclamations of “hurray!”

Thus, the order of the arrival of the insurgent regiments on the square was as follows: the first came the Life Guards Moscow Regiment with the Decembrist Alexander Bestuzhev and his brother Mikhail Bestuzhev at the head. Behind him (much later) - a detachment of the Life Grenadier - the 1st Fusilier Company of the Decembrist Sutgof with his commander at the head; further, the guards marine crew under the command of the Decembrist captain-lieutenant Nikolai Bestuzhev (the elder brother of Alexander and Mikhail) and the Decembrist lieutenant Arbuzov. Following the guards crew, the last participants in the uprising entered the square - the rest, the most significant part of the life grenadiers, led by the Decembrist lieutenant Panov. Sutgof's company joined the square, and the sailors lined up from the Galernaya side with another military formation - the "attack column". The life grenadiers who arrived later under the command of Panov formed a separate, third on Senate Square, formation - the second “attack column”, located on the left flank of the rebels, closer to the Neva. About three thousand rebellious soldiers gathered on the square with 30 officers-Decembrists-combat commanders. All the rebel troops were armed and with live ammunition.

The rebels had no artillery. All the rebels were foot soldiers.

An hour before the end of the uprising, the Decembrists chose a new "dictator" - Prince Obolensky, the chief of staff of the uprising. He tried three times to convene a military council, but it was too late: Nicholas managed to take the initiative into his own hands and concentrate four times large military forces on the square against the rebels, and his troops included cavalry and artillery, which the Decembrists did not have. Nicholas had 36 artillery pieces at his disposal. The rebels, as already mentioned, were surrounded by government troops on all sides.

The short winter day was drawing to a close. “The piercing wind chilled the blood in the veins of the soldiers and officers who stood in the open for so long,” the Decembrists later recalled. The early Petersburg twilight was setting in. It was already 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and it was getting noticeably darker. Nicholas was afraid of the onset of darkness. In the dark, the people gathered in the square would have behaved more actively. From the ranks of the troops that stood on the side of the emperor, defections began to the rebels. Delegates from some of the regiments that stood on the side of Nicholas were already making their way to the Decembrists and asked them to "hold out until the evening." Most of all, Nikolai was afraid, as he later wrote in his diary, that "the excitement would not be communicated to the mob." Nikolai gave the order to shoot grapeshot. The command was given, but no shot was fired. The gunner who lit the fuse did not put it into the cannon. “Own, your honor,” he quietly answered the officer who pounced on him. Officer Bakunin snatched the fuse from the soldier's hands and fired himself. The first volley of grapeshot was fired above the soldiers' ranks - precisely at the "mob" that dotted the roof of the Senate and neighboring houses. The rebels responded to the first volley with buckshot with rifle fire, but then, under a hail of buckshot, the ranks trembled, hesitated - a flight began, the wounded and the dead fell. “During the intervals of shots, one could hear how the blood flowed along the pavement, melting the snow, then itself, the alley, froze,” the Decembrist Nikolai Bestuzhev later wrote. The tsar's cannons fired at the crowd running along the Promenade des Anglais and Galernaya. Crowds of rebellious soldiers rushed to the Neva ice in order to move to Vasilyevsky Island. Mikhail Bestuzhev tried on the ice of Nova to re-form the soldiers in battle order and go on the offensive. The troops lined up. But the cores hit the ice - the ice broke, many drowned. Bestuzhev's attempt failed,

By nightfall it was all over. The tsar and his slanderers in every possible way underestimated the number of those killed, they talked about 80 corpses, sometimes about a hundred or two. But the number of victims was much more significant - buckshot on close range mowed down people. By order of the police, the blood was covered with clean snow, and the dead were hastily removed. There were patrols everywhere. Bonfires were burning in the square, the police sent home with an order that all the gates be locked. Petersburg looked like a city conquered by enemies.

The most trustworthy is the document of S. N. Korsakov, an official of the Ministry of Justice in the statistical department, published by P. Ya. Cain. There are eleven headings in the document. We learn from them that on the day of December 14, “people were killed”: “generals-1, staff officers - 1, chief officers of different regiments - 17, lower ranks Life Guards of the Moscow Regiment - 93, Grenadier - 69, [marine] crew of the Guards - 103, Cavalry - 17, in tailcoats and overcoats - 39, female - 9, minors - 19, mob - 903. The total number of those killed was 1271 people » 3).

At this time, the Decembrists gathered at Ryleev's apartment. This was their last meeting. They agreed only on how to behave during interrogations ... The despair of the participants knew no bounds: the death of the uprising was obvious. Ryleev took the word from the Decembrist N. N. Orzhitsky that he would immediately go to Ukraine to warn the Southern Society that "Trubetskoy and Yakubovich have changed"

Notes:

1) According to the latest archival data received by G. S. Gabaev, the construction of St. Isaac's Cathedral took large area than shown in schematic map(see, s, 110) and narrowed the field of action of the troops,

2) Teleshov I. Ya: December 14, 1825 in St. Petersburg. - Red Archive, 1925, vol. 6 (13), p. 287; An eyewitness account of December 14. - In the book: Collection of old papers stored in the Museum of P.I. Shchukin, M 1899, part 5, p. 244.

3) Kann P. Ya. On the number of victims on December 14, 1825 g, - History USSR, 1970, No. 6, p. 115
Nechkina M.V. Decembrists. M., "Science" 1984

Decembrist plans.

Prior to this, Ryleev's apartment was designed next plan actions. On December 14, on the day of the swearing-in, revolutionary troops under the command of members of a secret society will enter the square. Colonel Prince Sergei Trubetskoy was chosen as the dictator of the uprising. Troops refusing to swear allegiance must go to Senate Square. Why precisely on the Senate? Because the Senate is located here, here the senators on the morning of December 14 will swear allegiance to the new emperor. By force of arms, if they do not want good, it is necessary to prevent the senators from taking the oath, force them to declare the government deposed and issue a revolutionary Manifesto to the Russian people. This is one of the most important documents of Decembrism, explaining the purpose of the uprising. The Senate, thus, by the will of the revolution, was included in the plan of action of the insurgents.

The revolutionary Manifesto announced the "destruction of the former government" and the establishment of a Provisional Revolutionary Government. The abolition of serfdom and the equalization of all citizens before the law were announced; freedom of the press, religion, occupation, the introduction of a public jury trial, the introduction of universal military service were announced. All government officials had to give way to elected officials.

It was decided that as soon as the rebel troops blocked the Senate, in which the senators were preparing for the oath, a revolutionary delegation consisting of Ryleev and Pushchin would enter the Senate and demand that the Senate not swear allegiance to the new Emperor Nicholas I, declare the tsarist government deposed and issue a revolutionary Manifesto to the Russian people. At the same time, the guards marine crew, the Izmailovsky regiment and the cavalry pioneer squadron were supposed to move on the Winter Palace in the morning, capture it and arrest the royal family.

Then convened Great Cathedral - constituent Assembly. It should have taken final decision on the forms of liquidation of serfdom, on the form of the state structure of Russia, to resolve the issue of land. If the Great Council decided by a majority vote that Russia would be a republic, a decision would be made on the fate of the royal family at the same time. Some of the Decembrists were of the opinion that it was possible to exile her abroad, some were inclined towards regicide. If the Great Council comes to the decision that Russia will be a constitutional monarchy, then a constitutional monarch was planned from the royal family.

The command of the troops during the capture of the Winter Palace was entrusted to the Decembrist Yakubovich.

It was also decided to capture the Peter and Paul Fortress, the main military stronghold of tsarism in St. Petersburg, and turn it into a revolutionary citadel of the Decembrist uprising.

In addition, Ryleev asked the Decembrist Kakhovsky to enter the Winter Palace early in the morning on December 14 and, as if making an independent terrorist act kill Nicholas. At first, he agreed, but then, having considered the situation, he did not want to be a lone terrorist, allegedly acting outside the plans of society, and early in the morning he refused this order.

An hour after Kakhovsky's refusal, Yakubovich came to Alexander Bestuzhev and refused to lead the sailors and Izmailovites to the Winter Palace. He was afraid that in the battle the sailors would kill Nicholas and his relatives and that instead of arresting the royal family, regicide would result. This Yakubovich did not want to take on and chose to refuse. In addition, Nicholas, having decided to get ahead of the enemy, at seven o'clock in the morning swore in the members of the Senate and the Synod, then they left the building.

Thus, the adopted plan of action was sharply violated, and the situation became more complicated. The conceived plan began to crumble even before dawn. But it was impossible to delay: dawn was coming.

In general, the plan of the uprising has to be judged hypothetically, because absolutely nothing of the above was done:

BUT ) the main conspirators (Ryleev, Trubetskoy) actually refused to participate in the uprising;

B) contrary to the plan, the rebels did not occupy palaces and fortresses, but stood still;

C) in fact, instead of the abolition of serfdom and the introduction of equal rights and freedoms, the rebels demanded only Emperor Konstantin Pavlovich and the constitution;

D) during the rebellion there were plenty of opportunities to arrest or kill the future Tsar Nicholas I, but no attempts were made to do this

Even before the late winter dawn on December 14, 1825, rumors began to circulate in St. Petersburg about some unusual events. People gathered in crowds and heatedly exchanged news. They said that in the very center of the capital, on Senate Square, there were soldiers in close formation and that they wanted to overthrow the tsar. Residents of St. Petersburg, forgetting about the business, immediately hurried to the Senate Square to see what was happening with their own eyes. This frosty day went down in the history of Russia as a daring attempt to put an end to the royal power.

On this day, according to Lenin, "Russia saw for the first time a revolutionary movement against tsarism."

On December 14, the officers - members of the secret society were still in the barracks at dusk and were campaigning among the soldiers. Alexander Bestuzhev spoke to the soldiers of the Moscow Regiment. From the oath to the new king, the soldiers refused and decided to go to the Senate Square. The regimental commander of the Moscow regiment, Baron Frederiks, wanted to prevent the insurgent soldiers from leaving the barracks - and fell with a severed head under the blow of the saber of officer Shchepin-Rostovsky. With the regimental banner fluttering, taking live ammunition and loading their guns, the soldiers of the Moscow regiment (about 800 people) were the first to come to Senate Square. At the head of these first revolutionary troops in the history of Russia was the staff captain of the Life Guards Dragoon Regiment Alexander Bestuzhev. Together with him at the head of the regiment were his brother, the staff captain of the Life Guards of the Moscow regiment Mikhail Bestuzhev and the staff captain of the same regiment Dmitry Shchepin-Rostovsky.

The regiment lined up in battle order in the form of a square (combat quadrangle) near the monument to Peter I. It was 11 o'clock in the morning.

The unrest in the city and the disobedience of the troops were reported to the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, Count Mikhail Andreevich Miloradovich. He was a hero of the war of 1812, distinguished himself in the Battle of Borodino, had a lot of high awards for other battles. Throughout the war, the count was never wounded and joked about this: “A bullet hasn’t been poured on me yet”.

Having learned about what was happening on Senate Square, Miloradovich, whom the soldiers knew well, loved and respected, volunteered to go and persuade the rebels to disperse peacefully. One of his comrades-in-arms began to explain to him what a terrible risk he was exposing himself to. The count, however, insisted on his own. Going to Senate Square, Miloradovich understood that he might be going to certain death, but in his decision he remained adamant, and answered all objections as follows: "What kind of governor-general is he who fails to shed his blood when blood should be shed." With these words, he jumped on his horse and galloped to the rebels.

The moment was very dangerous: the regiment was still alone, the other regiments had not yet approached, the hero of 1812 Miloradovich was widely popular and knew how to talk with the soldiers. The uprising that had just begun was in great danger. Miloradovich could greatly shake the soldiers and succeed. It was necessary, at all costs, to interrupt his agitation, to remove him from the square. But, despite the demands of the Decembrists, Miloradovich did not leave and continued persuasion. Then the chief of staff of the rebels, the Decembrist Obolensky, turned his horse with a bayonet, wounding the count in the thigh, and the bullet, fired at the same moment by Kakhovsky, mortally wounded the general. The danger looming over the uprising was repelled.

The delegation chosen to address the Senate - Ryleev and Pushchin - went to Trubetskoy early in the morning, who had previously visited Ryleev himself. It turned out that the Senate had already sworn in, and the senators dispersed. It turned out that the rebel troops had gathered in front of the empty Senate. Thus, the first goal of the uprising was not achieved. It was a hard failure. Off plan

Another conceived link broke off. Now the capture of the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress was coming.

What exactly Ryleyev and Pushchin were talking about during this last meeting with Trubetskoy is unknown, but, obviously, they agreed on some new plan of action, and, having then come to the square, they were sure that Trubetskoy would now come there, to the square, and take command. Everyone was impatiently waiting for Trubetskoy.

But there was no dictator. Trubetskoy betrayed the uprising. A situation was developing on the square that required decisive action, but Trubetskoy did not dare to take them. He sat, tormented, in the office of the General Staff, went out, peered around the corner, how many troops had gathered on the square, hid again. Ryleev looked for him everywhere, but could not find him. The members of the secret society, who elected Trubetskoy as a dictator and trusted him, could not understand the reasons for his absence and thought that he was being delayed by some reasons important for the uprising. Fragile aristocratic revolutionary Trubetskoy easily broke when the hour of decisive action came. The failure of the elected dictator to appear on the square to the troops during the hours of the uprising is an unprecedented event in the history of the revolutionary movement. By this, the dictator betrayed both the idea of ​​an uprising, and his comrades in a secret society, and the troops that followed them. This failure to appear played a significant role in the defeat of the uprising.

The rebels waited a long time. Several attacks, undertaken on the orders of Nicholas by the horse guards on the square of the rebels, were repulsed by rapid rifle fire. The protective chain, isolated from the square of the rebels, disarmed the tsarist policemen. The “mob” who were in the square also did the same.

Outside the fence of St. Isaac's Cathedral, which was under construction, there were dwellings of construction workers, for whom a lot of firewood was prepared for the winter. The village was popularly called the "Isaac's village", from there a lot of stones and logs flew to the king and his retinue.

We see that the troops were not the only living force of the uprising on December 14: there was another participant in the events on Senate Square that day - huge crowds of people.

Herzen's words are well-known - "the Decembrists on Senate Square did not have enough people." These words must be understood not in the sense that there were no people on the square at all - there was a people, but in the sense that the Decembrists were unable to rely on the people, to make them an active force in the uprising.

The impression of a contemporary about how “empty” it was at that moment in other parts of St. Petersburg is curious: “The farther I moved away from the Admiralty, the less people I met; it seemed that everyone had fled to the square, leaving their houses empty.” An eyewitness, whose last name remained unknown, said: “The whole of St. Petersburg flocked to the square, and the first Admiralty part contained 150 thousand people, acquaintances and strangers, friends and enemies forgot their personalities and gathered in circles, talked about the subject that struck their eyes ".

The “common people”, “black bone” prevailed - artisans, workers, artisans, peasants who came to the bars in the capital, there were merchants, petty officials, students of secondary schools, cadet corps, apprentices ... Two “rings” of the people were formed. The first consisted of those who came early, it surrounded the square of the rebels. The second was formed from those who came later - their gendarmes were no longer allowed into the square to the rebels, and the “late” people crowded behind the tsarist troops who surrounded the rebellious square. Of these who came "later" and formed a second ring that surrounded the government troops. Noticing this, Nikolai, as can be seen from his diary, realized the danger of this environment. It threatened with great complications. The main mood of this huge mass, which, according to contemporaries, numbered tens of thousands of people, was sympathy for the rebels.

Nikolai doubted his success, “seeing that the matter was becoming very important, and not yet foreseeing how it would end.” He ordered to prepare crews for members of the royal family with the intention of "escorting" them under the cover of cavalry guards to Tsarskoye Selo. Nicholas considered the Winter Palace an unreliable place and foresaw the possibility of a strong expansion of the uprising in the capital. In his diary, he wrote that "our fate would be more than doubtful." And later, Nikolai told his brother Mikhail many times: “The most amazing thing in this story is that you and I were not shot then.”

Of course, the exit central square Petersburg almost three thousand soldiers forced Nicholas I and his entourage to endure a lot of unrest. But while the rebels did nothing, the emperor and his generals began to actively act. By order of Nicholas I, troops were urgently gathered to the Senate Square. First, the infantry and cavalry arrived in time, and then the artillerymen with cannons appeared.

Why did the Decembrists hesitate? They waited for other troops involved in the uprising to join them. And when reinforcements finally arrived, the soldiers had to make their way to Senate Square through the encirclement of the rebels closed by Nicholas I. "Inaction,─ N. Bestuzhev wrote later, ─ struck a stupor minds; the spirit has fallen, for the one who once stopped in this field is already half defeated ... ".

Under these conditions, Nicholas resorted to sending Metropolitan Seraphim and Metropolitan Eugene of Kyiv to negotiate with the rebels. The idea of ​​sending metropolitans to negotiate with the rebels occurred to Nicholas as a way to explain the legitimacy of the oath to him, and not to Konstantin, through clergy who were authoritative in matters of the oath. It seemed, who better to know about the correctness of the oath than the metropolitans? The decision to seize on this straw was strengthened by alarming news from Nikolai: he was informed that the life grenadiers and the guards marine crew were leaving the barracks to join the “rebels”. If the metropolitans had managed to persuade the rebels to disperse, then the new regiments that came to the aid of the rebels would have already found the main core of the uprising broken and they themselves could run out of steam.

But in response to the metropolitan’s speech about the legality of the required oath and the horrors of shedding fraternal blood, the “rebellious” soldiers began to shout to him from the ranks, according to the testimony of deacon Prokhor Ivanov: “What kind of metropolitan are you, when you swore allegiance to two emperors in two weeks ... We don’t believe you, go away!..” Suddenly, the metropolitans rushed to the left, hid in the gap in the fence of St. Isaac's Cathedral, hired simple cabs (while on the right, closer to the Neva, a palace carriage was waiting for them) and returned to the Winter Palace by a detour. Why did this sudden flight of the clergy happen? Two new regiments approached the rebels. On the right, on the ice of the Neva, the life-grenadier regiment (about 1250 people) was rising, making its way with weapons in hand through the troops of the tsar's encirclement. On the other hand, ranks of sailors entered the square - almost the entire guards marine crew - more than 1100 people, no less than 2350 people in total, i.e. forces arrived in total more than tripled compared with the initial mass of the rebellious Muscovites (about 800 people), and in general the number of rebels increased fourfold. All the rebel troops were armed and with live ammunition. All were foot soldiers. They didn't have artillery.

But the moment was lost. The gathering of all the rebel troops took place more than two hours after the start of the uprising. An hour before the end of the uprising, the Decembrists chose a new "dictator" - Prince Obolensky, the chief of staff of the uprising. He tried three times to convene a military council, but it was too late: Nikolai managed to take the initiative into his own hands. The encirclement of the rebels by government troops, more than four times the number of the rebels, had already been completed. According to Gabaev's calculations, 9 thousand infantry bayonets, 3 thousand cavalry sabers were assembled against 3 thousand rebel soldiers, in total, not counting the artillerymen called later (36 guns), at least 12 thousand people. Because of the city, another 7 thousand infantry bayonets and 22 cavalry squadrons were called in and stopped at the outposts as a reserve, i.e. 3 thousand sabers; in other words, another 10 thousand people were in reserve at the outposts.

The short winter day was drawing to a close. It was already 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and it was getting noticeably darker. Nicholas was afraid of the onset of darkness. In the dark, the people gathered in the square would have behaved more actively. Most of all, Nikolai was afraid, as he later wrote in his diary, that “the excitement would not be communicated to the mob.”

Nikolay ordered to shoot with buckshot.

The first volley of grapeshot was fired above the soldiers' ranks - precisely at the "mob" that dotted the roof of the Senate and neighboring houses. The rebels responded to the first volley with buckshot with rifle fire, but then, under a hail of buckshot, the ranks trembled, hesitated - a flight began, the wounded and killed fell. The tsar's cannons fired at the crowd running along the Promenade des Anglais and Galernaya. Crowds of rebellious soldiers rushed to the Neva ice to cross to Vasilyevsky Island. Mikhail Bestuzhev tried on the ice of the Neva to re-form the soldiers in battle formation and go on the offensive. The troops lined up. But the cores hit the ice - the ice broke, many drowned. Bestuzhev's attempt failed.

By nightfall it was all over. All the rebels began to be caught and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Eighty corpses were picked up on Senate Square. The police covered the blood with snow.

The tsar and his slanderers in every possible way underestimated the number of those killed - they talked about 80 corpses, sometimes about a hundred or two. But the number of victims was much more significant - buckshot mowed down people at close range. According to the document of the official of the statistical department of the Ministry of Justice S. N. Korsakov, we learn that on December 14, 1271 people were killed, of which 903 were “mob”, 19 were minors.

At this time, the Decembrists gathered at Ryleev's apartment. This was their last meeting. They agreed only on how to behave during interrogations. The despair of the participants knew no bounds: the death of the uprising was obvious.

The uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

The echo of Senate Square reached the southern regiments, where there were many members of a secret society among the officers. The news of the suppression of the uprising in St. Petersburg was brought to Vasilkov, where parts of the Second Army were stationed, nineteen-year-old Ippolit Muravyov-Apostol. He was a member of the Northern secret society, and his older brothers, Sergei and Matvey, of the Southern one. On the day of the uprising, December 14, he was in St. Petersburg, witnessed the reprisal of Nicholas I with the Decembrists, and immediately rode south to inform his brothers about what had happened.

When, by order of Taganrog, as a result of Maiboroda's denunciation, Pestel was arrested, at the same time an order was given to arrest Sergei and Matvey Muravyov-Apostol and Bestuzhev-Ryumin. They were searched for a long time and finally arrested in Trilesy, where one of the divisions of the Chernigov regiment was quartered.

In the morning, both were to be taken to Vasilkov, where the Chernigov regiment was stationed. They sat in the hut under guard, but the guard was weak, and comrades in the regiment called here by an alarming note took advantage of this. Using the sympathy of the soldiers, they removed the guards and released the prisoners.

On December 29, 1825, S. Muravyov-Apostol led the uprising of the Chernigov regiment and on the morning of December 30 entered Vasilkov. In front of the regiment lined up on December 31, Priest Daniil Keyser read the revolutionary Catechism compiled by S. Muravyov-Apostol and Bestuzhev-Ryumin, a most remarkable document of revolutionary ideology. It is written in questions and answers.

Here is a short passage from this Catechism, giving an idea of ​​his character:

Question. What kind of government is similar to the law of God?

Answer. One where there are no kings. God created us all equal and, descending to earth, chose the apostles from the common people, and not from nobles and kings.

Question. So God doesn't like kings?

Answer. Not! They are cursed the essence of him, like the oppressors of the people ...

Question. Why do they mention kings in churches?

Answer. From the wicked command of themselves, to deceive the people ...

The insurgent regiment moved to the village of Motovilovka. Waiting for the insurgent units to join, on January 1, 1826, Sergei Muravyov-Apostol announced a day in Motovilovka, then moved towards the White Church. On January 3, between Ustimovka and Kovalyovka, the rebels were met by government troops under the command of General Geismar. “The terrain turned out to be the most unfavorable for the infantry, who had to meet with the cavalry. We are moving forward. A cannon shot is heard, followed by a second, the ball flew overhead. We kept moving forward─ Matvey Muravyov-Apostol wrote in his memoirs. ─ Grapeshot opened fire, several of our people fell: killed, others wounded ... Then Sergei Ivanovich decided to stop unequal fight and save the soy team from imminent death and ordered to put the guns in the goats. The soldiers, obeying him, did not understand with what intention the chief stopped them. Sergei Ivanovich told them that he was guilty before them, that, having awakened in them the hope of success, he had deceived them. Sergey Ivanovich began to wave a white handkerchief to the gunners and then fell down, struck by buckshot. Their third brother, Hippolytus, who swore an oath "to win or die", shot himself after the battle.

The wounded S. Muravyov-Apostol and Bestuzhev-Ryumin, as well as all the rebellious soldiers, were arrested and sent to St. Petersburg. The resistance of Chernihiv was suppressed.

The arrest of the Decembrists. Interrogations. Judgment and judgment.

On the night of December 15, arrests began to be brought to the Winter Palace. Ryleev was one of the first to be brought and immediately sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress with a handwritten note from the tsar addressed to the commandant of the fortress, Adjutant General Sukin: “The sent Ryleev should be put in Alekseevsky ravelin, but without tying his hands, without any communication with others, give him paper for writing and what will be brought to me with his own hand, bring me daily” ...

On December 17, 1825, after six in the evening, many candles were lit in one of the rooms of the Winter Palace. Then six important chiefs and several secretaries entered. This is where the first interrogation took place. They dispersed at midnight, after which the minutes of the 1st meeting of the “Secret Committee for Research on a Malicious Society” were drawn up (a month later it was ordered not to be called “secret”; and then the “committee” was renamed “ commission of inquiry from some bureaucratic considerations about the difference between "committee" and "commission" that are hardly admissible to us).

During the interrogation, the door often opened and Nicholas I appeared on the threshold. He looked menacingly at the arrested man, interrupted Levashov and began to ask questions himself.

Levashev wrote.

Nicholas I knew many of the arrested generals and officers personally, and studied others during interrogation. And he spoke to each one in a different way. He was extremely suspicious, he was afraid of everything, he felt that there was not a single person devoted to him around him, conspiracies seemed to him everywhere, he was in an evil and vindictive mood. Going into all the details, Nicholas I tried to completely unravel the complex tangle of the organization of the uprising. Depending on the behavior of the arrested person, he acted either as a caress or as a threat.

Nicholas I usually made his conclusions regarding each Decembrist after the first interrogation. They were often reflected in the notes that the tsar wrote on scraps of paper and sent along with those arrested to the commandant of the Peter and Paul Fortress Sukin.

In total, Nicholas I wrote about one hundred and fifty notes during the investigation. They give out a callous and cruel nature, between the lines one could read future sentences to the Decembrists ─ royal revenge for participating in the uprising and for their bold, resolute, uncompromising behavior during interrogations ...

Although the behavior of the Decembrists during the investigation was different. Many of them did not show revolutionary fortitude, lost ground under their feet, repented, wept, betrayed their comrades. But there were also cases of personal heroism, refusal to testify and extradite the conspirators. Lunin, Yakushin, Andreevich 2nd, Pyotr Borisov, Usovsky, Yu. Lyublinsky and others were among those who were persistent and behaved with dignity. Pestel first answered all questions in complete denial: “Not belonging to the society mentioned here and knowing nothing about its existence, all the less can I say what its true goal is to strive for and what measures it assumed to achieve it. oh,” he answered, for example, when asked about the goals of the secret society. Later issued by many, he was forced to give detailed answers.

But at the same time, the investigation files of the Decembrists contain numerous repentant appeals to the tsar and members of the commission, tearful letters from repentant "criminals", and oaths to earn forgiveness. Why did so many members of society fail to stand firm? The answer seemed clear. There was no revolutionary class behind the participants in the uprising of December 14 imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Outside the prison walls, they felt no support, and many lost heart. Cases of suicide also occurred in the prison (for example, the Decembrist Bulatov smashed his head against the wall of the prison cell). shackling “in iron” was a form of physical torture (other forms, apparently, were not used), but moral torture was no less severe ─ intimidation, reassurance, influence on the family, threats of the death penalty, etc.

The tsarist authorities were interested in a wide notification of the noble society about the supposedly “deep repentance” of the prisoners, who admitted that the speech praising mercy was wrong. royal power. By the way, for this purpose, one document was widely distributed through the police and the provincial administration, which was a combination of three letters ─ Ryleev's suicide letter to his wife, the letter of the Decembrist Obolensky to his father and Yakubovich's penitential letter, also to his father. All three letters were distributed by the government in an official way: this is clearly evidenced by a special “file” of the office of the St. Petersburg civil governor, in which these letters of repentance are neatly filed with official reports on the investigation and trial, excerpts from Senate statements, etc.

The investigation into the case of the Decembrists dragged on for six months. 579 people were brought to justice, 126 were convicted. 121 people were brought to trial. Among them were many fearless heroes who were sealed in battles with Napoleon, the heroes of Austerlitz, Preussisch-Eylau, Borodin, Kulm, Leipzig. They all selflessly loved their homeland and wanted to see her happy. These were mostly young people. Many of them were not even twenty years old when they joined the secret society. "Children of 1812" - generals, colonels, captains, lieutenants, ensigns of the brilliant guards regiments - they wholeheartedly sought to overthrow the autocracy and liberate the Russian people from the shameful yoke of serfdom.

In fact, there was no trial. The parody of the court took place at closed doors, in deep secret. The summoned Decembrists were hastily offered to testify their signatures under the testimony during the investigation, after which they read a pre-compiled verdict and called the next "discharge". “Have we been judged? ─ the Decembrists later asked. ─ We didn't even know that it was a trial...”

All convicts were divided into eleven categories. But after Nicholas I commuted his sentence, although this mitigation was quite insignificant. These 121 were exiled to hard labor in Siberia and - with demotion to the rank and file - to the Caucasus to fight against the mountaineers. Some of the Decembrists (Trubetskoy, Volkonsky, Nikita Muravyov, etc.) were voluntarily followed to hard labor by their wives - young, barely married aristocrats: princesses, baronesses, generals, in total - 12. Three of them died in Siberia. The rest returned with their husbands after 30 years, having buried more than 20 of their children in Siberian soil. The feat of these women, the Decembrists, is sung in the poems of N.A. Nekrasov and the Frenchman A. de Vigny.

The Decembrists were amnestied by the new Tsar Alexander II in 1856. By that time, only 40 out of 100 convicts survived in Siberia. The rest died in hard labor and in exile.

Five people were placed outside the ranks, hanged. Who are these five? Pavel Ivanovich Pestel was born in 1793 in the Lutheran noble family. His father, Ivan Borisovich, occupied major government positions, since 1806 he served as the Siberian governor-general. P.I. Pestel received a good education, studied in Dresden, then in Corps of Pages In Petersburg. From 1811 he served in guards units, held the rank of colonel. He was a member of the Union of Salvation and the Union of Welfare, was the organizer and head Southern Society.

Sergei Ivanovich Muravyov-Apostol was born in 1795 into an old noble family. He spent his childhood in Hamburg and Paris. Since 1810 he served in the army, participated in the war with Napoleon, had the rank of lieutenant colonel. Since 1822 - the commander of the battalion of the Chernihiv infantry regiment. One of the most active members of the Union of Salvation and the Union of Welfare, leader of the Southern Society, organizer of the uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

Mikhail Pavlovich Bestuzhev-Ryumin was born in 1801 into a wealthy noble family. Got good home education. From 1818 he served in the guard, in 1824 he rose to the rank of second lieutenant. One of the leaders of the Southern Society, the organizer and leader of the uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

Kondraty Fyodorovich Ryleev was born in 1795 into a noble family. Graduated Cadet Corps, in 1814 he began to serve as an ensign, participated in foreign trips. In 1818 he retired with the rank of second lieutenant. He worked in the St. Petersburg Chamber of the Criminal Court and the Russian American Trade Company. He wrote poetry and published in magazines. Member of the Northern Society, since 1824 he acted as its leader. One of the most active participants in the uprising, an ardent supporter of the murder of the emperor and his entire family.

Pyotr Grigorievich Kakhovsky was born in 1799 into a noble family. He graduated from the boarding school at Moscow University, in 1816 he began serving in the guard. In 1821 he was dismissed due to illness. Traveled extensively in Europe. Member of the Northern Society, an active participant in the events on the Senate Square.

Could the Decembrists win? This question, first posed by Herzen, is still being discussed today, and even today some historians (following Herzen) answer it positively, believing that the Decembrists "were not alone" and could rely on "a number of persons and figures" from the nobility and even the government . However, it is difficult to agree with such a version: the totality of all the "for" and "against" it forces us to admit that the Decembrist uprising was doomed to defeat.

The point is not only that the rebels were small in number, acted passively and scattered, and some of them (Trubetskoy, Yakubovich, Volkonsky) even evaded any action, and not that the Decembrists on Senate Square, as Herzen emphasized, "did not there were enough people" - in the sense of not presence, but interaction. The main thing is that at that time in Russia the autocratic-feudal system had not yet exhausted itself, the conditions for its violent overthrow had not yet matured, revolutionary situation, and the people for a long time remained immune to the ideas of the revolution. Therefore, the Decembrists, with all their connections with people from the nobility and the government itself, could not count on any broad support on a national scale, they represented an insignificant handful of their class. It is estimated that all officers and generals - members of secret societies, as well as participants in the Decembrist uprisings who were not part of the society, then accounted for only 0.6% of total number officers and generals of the Russian army (169 out of 26,424). All the nobles in Russia were almost a quarter of a million. This means that at that time a more rational means of transforming Russia than an armed uprising was evolutionary path- pressure on the government from those noble and military circles to which the Decembrists belonged.

Nevertheless, the historical merit of the Decembrists is undeniable. They entered the history of Russia as the pioneers of the liberation struggle against autocracy and serfdom. Their rebellion, for all its weaknesses, was an act of international significance. It struck at European reaction, at the system of the Holy Alliance, the stronghold of which was tsarism. In Russia itself, the Decembrists awakened the freedom-loving spirit of the nation. Their names and destinies remained in the memory, and ideas - in the arsenal of the next generations of freedom fighters. The prophecy of the Decembrist poet A.I. Odoevsky:

Our mournful work will not be lost,

A spark will ignite a flame.

The failure of the Decembrists, the brutal reprisal against them caused a deep spiritual crisis in Pushkin, led to the tragic thoughts of the poet over the fate of Russia and human history. In an effort to comprehend the reasons for the failure of Decembrism, Pushkin turns to sociology and history, contrasts the purely political approach to reality with an interest in broader "human" - ethical - values.

Literature about Decembrists. The literature about the Decembrists is colossal: 12,000 titles, i.e., more than about any other phenomenon of Russian pre-revolutionary history, except for the war of 1812.

The most outstanding in pre-revolutionary literature about the Decembrists is the work of V.I. Semevsky, where the views, programs and plans of the Decembrists are thoroughly studied as a pan-European phenomenon, although foreign influence on their ideology is somewhat exaggerated.

Soviet historians studied all aspects of Decembrism: its origin (S.N. Chernov, S.S. Landa), ideology (B.E. Syroechkovsky, V.V. Pugachev), Northern society (N.M. Druzhinin, / 99 / K.D. Aksenov) and Southern (Yu.G. Oksman, S.M. Fayershtein), Decembrist uprising (A.E. Presnyakov, I.V. Gunpowder), reprisals against them (P.E. Shchegolev, V. A. Fedorov). Published whole line biographical works, the best of which are the books of N.M. Druzhinin about Nikita Muravyov and N.Ya. Eidelman about Lunin. The largest generalizing work belongs to Acad. M.V. Nechkina. Along with its advantages (the broadest coverage of the topic, a colossal source base, amazing scrupulousness, a vivid form of presentation), there are also disadvantages inherent in the Soviet historiography of Decembrism in in general, the main Thus, sticking out the revolutionary spirit of the Decembrists and hushing up weaknesses that are unacceptable for a revolutionary (for example, the unstable behavior of many of them during the investigation and trial).

More modern (although not so detailed) reviewed the movement of the Decembrists V.A. Fedorov in the book "Decembrists and their time" (M., 1992). Recently, we have seen a tendency to revise the traditionally Soviet view of Decembrism, but it is unproductive, judging by the fact that its enthusiasts tend to consider not internal, Russian, but external, as the main ones in the origin of Decembrism, European factors.

Little is written about the Decembrists abroad. The best works converge in the main with the Russian liberal concept [A. Mazur (USA), P.O "Mara (Ireland)], less often - from the Soviet [B. Yosifova (Bulgaria), B. Mucha (Poland)]. A creatively original book by A. Mori (France) "The Decembrist Conspiracy" with detailed analysis and strong and weaknesses 14 December 1825 uprisings

Significance of the rebellion.

Speaking about the significance of the Decembrist uprising, V.O. Klyuchevsky noted: “The Decembrists are important not as a conspiracy, not as a secret society, this is a moral and social symptom that revealed ailments to society, which it did not suspect in itself; this is a whole mood that has engulfed wide circles, and not just 121 people found guilty and convicted of several degrees of guilt.

The Decembrists were the first Russian noble revolutionaries who openly opposed the autocracy. The defeat of the Decembrists further increased the contradiction between the authorities and the noble intelligentsia. The performance of the Decembrists was not understood by the peasantry, and their defeat was perceived as a fair punishment for the nobles, who allegedly prevented the abolition of captivity. So far, the peasants pinned their hopes for liberation on the good tsar-priest. The rejection of the Decembrist movement by the masses, a significant part of the nobility, helped the struggle of tsarism against liberal and revolutionary trends, and carried out a reactionary policy.

The Decembrists had a certain chance to accelerate the development of the country along the path of creating a Western-style statehood. The defeat of the Decembrists and expulsion from the active political life best, honest, the most devoted people Russia was a national tragedy.

The Decembrist uprising was part of the international revolutionary process that engulfed Europe in the 1920s. 19th century Speaking against tsarism, which had become the gendarme of Europe, the Decembrists thereby dealt a blow to the principles of the Holy Alliance in this international importance movement of the Decembrists.

The main program provisions are the elimination of autocracy, serfdom, class system, the introduction of the republic and others - reflected the urgent needs of the time.

Adopted and developed by new generations of Russian revolutionaries, they retained their significance at all stages of the liberation movement.

The contribution of the Decembrists to the development of advanced Russian culture is significant. Their ideas had a huge impact on the work of A.S. Pushkin, A.S. Griboyedov, A.I. Polezhaev. Among the Decembrists themselves were outstanding writers and poets, scientists and artists, major military figures. Exiled to hard labor and into exile, they did not change their convictions, were aware of socio-political events both in Russia and abroad, they made a major contribution to the development of culture and education of the peoples of Siberia.

Thus, the Decembrists for the first time made an attempt to change the social and political system Russia. Their ideas and activities have significant influence not only for development public thought, but also for the entire further course of Russian history.

Attitude of people to the uprising.

AT Soviet time the Decembrist theme was a kind of outlet for historical science. Since Lenin called the Decembrists the first Russian revolutionaries who awakened Herzen, one could write a lot about them, as well as about the author of "The Past and Thoughts", and relatively objectively - let's recall at least the wonderful books and lectures of Natan Eidelman. The Decembrists have become romantic heroes, champions of freedom and guardians of the people's welfare, although, according to Lenin's definition, they were terribly far from the people. On their example, generations of the Soviet intelligentsia were brought up, as before - the generations of the Russian intelligentsia.

AT new Russia the attitude towards the Decembrists, at least among the elite and the intelligentsia serving it, underwent a dramatic evolution. As our country developed, the Decembrists turned from heroes into enemies of Russia. And the next round anniversary of the uprising (185th anniversary) remained almost unnoticed. From social events only a modest picket of "Right Cause" on Pushkin Square in St. Petersburg. But the Decembrists are, after all, revolutionaries.

The 180th anniversary has also been left behind...

In St. Petersburg - however, not on the very day of the anniversary, but on Friday - near the metro station "Gorkovskaya" a rally organized by the "Russian Imperial Movement" will be held under completely different slogans: "Decembrists - bloody servants of the West", "Decembrists - traitors to the Motherland”, “Dogs - dog death”. The Russian imperial militia, the Eurasian Youth Union and other Orthodox-patriotic organizations are invited to participate in the event. The coordinator of the Movement, Stanislav Vorobyov, considers the December 14 uprising an "anti-Russian coup." According to him, “on that day, the Masons-conspirators deceived some parts of the guard into the Senate Square. And only the courage of Nikolai Pavlovich and the Russian soldiers prevented a new bloody turmoil.

Count Fyodor Rostopchin commented on the events of December 14, 1825 on Senate Square in the following way: "In the era French Revolution shoemakers and rag-makers wanted to become counts and princes; our counts and princes wanted to become rag-pickers and shoemakers." The Decembrists demanded democratic freedoms, elective power, the abolition of serfdom and recruitment, the establishment of a constitutional monarchy or a republic. We agree that these aspirations are consonant with the requirements of the modern Russian opposition. And it is no coincidence that pro-government-minded publicists today they want to make of the Decembrists either foreign agents, or conspirators who were trying to arrange another palace coup.

Summarizing, it should be noted that the Decembrists not only conceived, but also organized the first in the history of Russia action against the autocracy with weapons in their hands. They performed it openly, on the square of the Russian capital, in front of the assembled people. They acted in the name of crushing the obsolete feudal system and the movement of their homeland forward along the path community development. The ideas in whose name they rebelled - the overthrow of the autocracy and the elimination of serfdom and its remnants - turned out to be vital and long years gathered under the banner revolutionary struggle subsequent generations.

It is difficult to add something to the words of people involved in the Decembrist movement long time sometimes devoting a lifetime to it. Each person has the right to his own assessment, his own understanding. For me, the Decembrist movement is, first of all, a utopian movement. For the first time, the rebels did not have any personal goals, did not seek personal gain. They acted for the good of the state, they were not afraid, in the end, to die for their homeland. These are real patriots. They can serve as a worthy example to follow in our time, especially since now there is an opinion about the lack of patriotism among young people. I would like to believe that in the future in our state everything will be fine and, most importantly, fair, and there will never again be a reason for new movements for the truth, which was the movement of noble revolutionaries - the Decembrists.

Decembrist revolt

Prerequisites

The conspirators decided to take advantage of the difficult legal situation that had developed around the rights to the throne after the death of Alexander I. On the one hand, there was a secret document confirming the long-standing renunciation of the throne by the brother, Konstantin Pavlovich, who followed the childless Alexander in seniority, which gave an advantage to the next brother, extremely unpopular among the highest military-bureaucratic elite Nikolai Pavlovich. On the other hand, even before the opening of this document, Nikolai Pavlovich, under pressure from the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, Count M.A. Miloradovich, hastened to renounce his rights to the throne in favor of Konstantin Pavlovich.

On November 27, the population was sworn in to Constantine. Formally, a new emperor appeared in Russia, several coins with his image were even minted. But Constantine did not accept the throne, but he did not formally renounce it as emperor. An ambiguous and extremely tense situation of the interregnum was created. Nicholas decided to declare himself emperor. On December 14, the second oath was appointed - "re-oath". The moment that the Decembrists were waiting for came - a change of power. The members of the secret society decided to speak, especially since the minister already had a lot of denunciations on the table and arrests could soon begin.

The state of uncertainty lasted for a very long time. After the repeated refusal of Konstantin Pavlovich from the throne, the Senate, as a result of a long night meeting on December 13-14, 1825, recognized legal rights to the throne of Nikolai Pavlovich.

Conspiracy plans. The Southern and Northern Societies were negotiating to coordinate and established contacts with the Polish Patriotic Society and the Society of United Slavs. The Decembrists planned to kill the tsar at a military review, seize power with the help of the guards and realize their goals. The performance was scheduled for the summer of 1826. However, on November 19, 1825, Alexander I suddenly died in Taganrog. Alexander had no children. But back in 1823, Konstantin secretly abdicated the throne, which now, according to the law, passed to the next oldest brother, Nikolai. Not knowing about the abdication of Constantine, the Senate, the guards and the army swore allegiance to him on November 27. After clarifying the situation, they appointed an oath to Nikolai, who, because of his personal qualities (pettiness, martyrdom, vindictiveness, etc.), was not loved in the guard. Under these conditions, the Decembrists had the opportunity to take advantage of the sudden death of the tsar, the fluctuations in power that found themselves in an interregnum, as well as the hostility of the guard to the heir to the throne. It was also taken into account that some of the highest dignitaries took a wait-and-see attitude towards Nicholas and were ready to support active actions directed against him. In addition, it became known that the Winter Palace knew about the conspiracy and soon the arrests of members of a secret society could begin, which in fact ceased to be secret.

In the current situation, the Decembrists planned to raise the guards regiments, gather them on Senate Square and force the Senate to issue a “Manifesto to the Russian People” with “good” or under the threat of arms, which proclaimed the destruction of the autocracy, the abolition of serfdom, the establishment of the Provisional Government, political freedoms, etc. Part of the rebels was supposed to capture the Winter Palace and arrest the royal family, it was planned to capture the Peter and Paul Fortress. In addition, P.G. Kakhovsky took upon himself the task of killing Nikolai before the start of the speech, but did not dare to complete it. Prince S.P. was elected the leader of the uprising (“dictator”). Trubetskoy.

Rebellion plan

The Decembrists decided to prevent the troops and the Senate from taking the oath to the new tsar. The insurgent troops were to occupy the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress, the royal family was planned to be arrested and, under certain circumstances, killed. A dictator, Prince Sergei Trubetskoy, was elected to lead the uprising.

After that, it was planned to require the Senate to publish a popular manifesto, which would proclaim the "destruction of the former government" and the establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Government. It was supposed to make Count Speransky and Admiral Mordvinov its members (later they became members of the court over the Decembrists).

The deputies had to approve a new basic law - the constitution. If the Senate did not agree to promulgate the people's manifesto, it was decided to force it to do so. The manifesto contained several points: the establishment of a provisional revolutionary government, the abolition of serfdom, the equality of all before the law, democratic freedoms (press, confession, labor), the introduction of a jury, the introduction of compulsory military service for all classes, the election of officials, the abolition of the poll tax.

After that, the National Council (Constituent Assembly) was to be convened, which was supposed to decide on the form of government - a constitutional monarchy or a republic. In the second case, the royal family would have to be sent abroad. In particular, Ryleev suggested sending Nikolai to Fort Ross. However, then the plan of the "radicals" (Pestel and Ryleev) involved the murder of Nikolai Pavlovich and, possibly, Tsarevich Alexander. [source not specified 579 days]

The course of the uprising. From the early morning of December 14, officers-members of the "Northern Society" campaigned among the soldiers and sailors, urging them not to swear allegiance to Nicholas, but to support Konstantin and "his wife" Constitution "". They managed to withdraw part of the Moscow, Grenadier Regiment and the Guards Naval Crew to Senate Square (about 3.5 thousand people in total). But by this time, the senators had already sworn allegiance to Nicholas and dispersed. Trubetskoy, observing the implementation of all parts of the plan, saw that he was completely frustrated and, convinced of the doom of a military action, did not appear on the square. This, in turn, caused confusion and slowness of action.

Nicholas surrounded the area with troops loyal to him (12 thousand people, 4 guns). But the rebels repulsed the attacks of the cavalry, and the Governor-General Miloradovich, who was trying to persuade the rebels to surrender their weapons, was mortally wounded by Kakhovsky. After that, artillery was brought into action. The speech was suppressed, and mass arrests began in the evening.

Uprising in Ukraine. In the South, they learned about the events in the capital belatedly. On December 29, the Chernigov regiment led by S. Muravyov-Apostol rebelled, but it was not possible to raise the entire army. On January 3, the regiment was defeated by government troops.

In details

Ryleyev asked Kakhovsky early in the morning of December 14 to enter the Winter Palace and kill Nikolai. Kakhovsky initially agreed, but then refused. An hour after the refusal, Yakubovich refused to lead the sailors of the Guards crew and the Izmailovsky Regiment to the Winter Palace.

On December 14, the officers - members of the secret society were still in the barracks at dusk and were campaigning among the soldiers. By 11 am on December 14, 1825, the Moscow Guards Regiment entered the Senate Square. By 11 am on December 14, 1825, 30 Decembrist officers brought about 3,020 people to Senate Square: soldiers of the Moscow and Grenadier regiments and sailors of the Guards naval crew.

However, a few days before this, Nikolai had been warned about the intentions of secret societies by the Chief of the General Staff I. I. Dibich and the Decembrist Ya. I. Rostovtsev (the latter considered the uprising against the tsar incompatible with noble honor). Senators already at 7 o'clock in the morning took the oath to Nicholas and proclaimed him emperor. Trubetskoy, who was appointed dictator, did not appear. The rebel regiments continued to stand on Senate Square until the conspirators could come to a unified decision on the appointment of a new leader.

Infliction of a mortal wound on M. A. Miloradovich on December 14, 1825. Engraving from a drawing by G. A. Miloradovich

Hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, the St. Petersburg military governor-general, Count Mikhail Miloradovich, appearing on horseback in front of the soldiers lined up in a square, “said that he himself willingly wanted Konstantin to be emperor, but what to do if he refused: he assured them, that he himself saw a new renunciation, and persuaded him to believe him. E. Obolensky, leaving the ranks of the rebels, urged Miloradovich to leave, but seeing that he did not pay attention to this, he easily wounded him with a bayonet in the side. At the same time, Kakhovsky fired a pistol at the governor-general (the wounded Miloradovich was taken to the barracks, where he died the same day). The soldiers unsuccessfully tried to bring to obedience Colonel Stürler and Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich. Then the rebels twice repulsed the attack of the horse guards led by Alexei Orlov.

A large crowd of residents of St. Petersburg gathered on the square and the main mood of this huge mass, which, according to contemporaries, numbered tens of thousands of people, was sympathy for the rebels. They threw logs and stones at Nicholas and his retinue. Two “rings” of the people formed - the first consisted of those who came earlier, it surrounded the square of the rebels, and the second ring was formed from those who came later - their gendarmes were no longer allowed into the square to the rebels, and they stood behind the government troops that surrounded the rebellious square. Nikolai, as can be seen from his diary, understood the danger of this environment, which threatened with great complications. He doubted his success, "seeing that the matter was becoming very important, and not yet foreseeing how it would end." It was decided to prepare carriages for members of the royal family for a possible flight to Tsarskoye Selo. Later, Nikolai told his brother Mikhail many times: “The most amazing thing in this story is that we weren’t shot with you then.” [source not specified 579 days]

Nicholas sent Metropolitan Seraphim and Metropolitan Eugene of Kyiv to convince the soldiers. But in response, according to the testimony of Deacon Prokhor Ivanov, the soldiers began to shout to the metropolitans: “What kind of metropolitan are you when you swore allegiance to two emperors in two weeks ... We don’t believe you, go away! ..” The metropolitans interrupted the soldiers’ persuasion when the Life Guards appeared on the square Grenadier Regiment and Guards crew, under the command of Nikolai Bestuzhev and Decembrist Lieutenant Arbuzov.

But the gathering of all the rebel troops took place only more than two hours after the start of the uprising. An hour before the end of the uprising, the Decembrists chose a new "dictator" - Prince Obolensky. But Nikolai managed to take the initiative into his own hands and the encirclement of the rebels by government troops, more than four times the number of the rebels, was already completed. In total, 30 Decembrist officers brought about 3,000 soldiers to the square. According to Gabaev's estimates, 9,000 infantry bayonets, 3,000 cavalry sabers were assembled against the rebel soldiers, in total, not counting the artillerymen called later (36 guns), at least 12,000 people. Because of the city, another 7,000 infantry bayonets and 22 squadrons of cavalry, that is, 3,000 sabers, were called in and stopped at the outposts as a reserve, that is, in total, another 10 thousand people were in reserve at the outposts.

Nikolai was afraid of the onset of darkness, since most of all he feared that "the excitement would not be communicated to the mob", which could be active in the dark. Guards artillery under the command of General I. Sukhozanet appeared from the side of Admiralteisky Boulevard. A volley of blank charges was fired at the square, which had no effect. Then Nikolai ordered to shoot with buckshot. The first volley was fired above the ranks of the rebellious soldiers - on the "mob" on the roof of the Senate building and the roofs of neighboring houses. The rebels responded to the first volley with buckshot with rifle fire, but then, under a hail of buckshot, the flight began. According to V. I. Shteingel: “It could have been limited to this already, but Sukhozanet fired a few more shots along the narrow Galerny Lane and across the Neva to the Academy of Arts, where more of the curious crowd fled!”. Crowds of rebellious soldiers rushed to the Neva ice to cross to Vasilyevsky Island. Mikhail Bestuzhev tried on the ice of the Neva to again form soldiers into battle formation and go on the offensive against the Peter and Paul Fortress. The troops lined up, but were fired from cannons with cannonballs. The cores hit the ice and it split, many drowned.

Arrest and trial

Main article: Trial of the Decembrists

By nightfall, the uprising was over. Hundreds of corpses remained on the square and streets. Based on the papers of the official of the III Department M. M. Popov, N. K. Schilder wrote: After the cessation of artillery fire, Emperor Nikolai Pavlovich ordered the chief police chief, General Shulgin, that the corpses be removed by morning. Unfortunately, the performers ordered the most inhumane way. On the night on the Neva, from St. Isaac's Bridge to the Academy of Arts and further to the side of Vasilyevsky Island, many holes were made, into which not only corpses were lowered, but, as they claimed, many wounded, deprived of the opportunity to escape from the fate that awaited them. Those of the wounded who managed to escape hid their injuries, being afraid to open themselves to doctors, and died without medical help.

371 soldiers of the Moscow Regiment, 277 of the Grenadiers and 62 sailors of the Naval Crew were immediately arrested and sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. The arrested Decembrists were brought to the Winter Palace. Emperor Nicholas himself acted as an investigator.

Decree December 17, 1825 established a Commission for research on malicious societies, chaired by Minister of War Alexander Tatishchev. On May 30, 1826, the commission of inquiry submitted to Emperor Nicholas I a report compiled by D. N. Bludov. The Manifesto of June 1, 1826 established the Supreme Criminal Court of the three state estates: the State Council, the Senate and the Synod, with the addition of "several persons from the highest military and civil officials." A total of 579 people were involved in the investigation. On July 13, 1826, Kondraty Ryleev, Pavel Pestel, Sergei Muravyov-Apostol, Mikhail Bestuzhev-Ryumin, and Pyotr Kakhovsky were hanged on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress. 121 Decembrists were exiled to Siberia for hard labor or a settlement.

Reasons for the defeat of the Decembrist uprising

Narrow social base, focus on military revolution and conspiracy.

Insufficient secrecy, as a result of which the government knew about the plans of the conspirators.

Lack of necessary unity and coordination of actions;

The unpreparedness of most of the educated society, the nobility for the elimination of autocracy and serfdom;

Cultural and political backwardness of the peasantry and the rank and file of the army.

Historical meaning

Having suffered a defeat in the socio-political struggle, the Decembrists won a spiritual and moral victory, showed an example of true service to their fatherland and people, and contributed to the formation of a new moral personality.

The experience of the Decembrists' movement became a subject for reflection by the fighters against autocracy and serfdom that followed them, and influenced the entire course of the Russian liberation movement.

The Decembrist movement had a huge impact for the development of Russian culture.

However, based on the specific historical situation, the defeat of the Decembrists weakened the intellectual potential of Russian society, provoked an increase in government reaction, delayed, according to P.Ya. Chaadaev, development of Russia for 50 years.