Causes of the Russo-Japanese War
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European Great Powers Struggle for Influence in China and Korea
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Confrontation between Russia and Japan Far East
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Japanese government militarism
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Russian economic expansion in Manchuria
Events leading up to the Russo-Japanese War
- 1874 - Japan captured Formosa (Taiwan), but under pressure from England was forced to leave the island
- 1870s - the beginning of the struggle between China and Japan for influence in Korea
- 1885 - Japanese-Chinese treaty on the presence of foreign troops in Korea
- 1885 - In Russia, the question arose of building a railway to the Far East for the rapid transfer, if necessary, of troops
- 1891 - Start of construction by Russia of the Siberian railway
- November 18, 1892 - Russian Finance Minister Witte submitted a memorandum to the Tsar about the development of the Far East and Siberia
- 1894 - People's uprising in Korea. China and Japan sent their troops to suppress it
- 1894, July 25 - The start of the Sino-Japanese War over Korea. Soon China was defeated
- 1895 April 17 - Treaty of Simonsek signed between China and Japan with very difficult conditions for China
- 1895, spring - Plan of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia Lobanov-Rostovsky on cooperation with Japan in the division of China
- 1895, April 16 - Change in Russia's plans for Japan in connection with the statement of Germany and France to limit Japanese conquests
- 1895, April 23 - The demand of Russia, France and Germany to Japan about the latter's refusal from the Liaodong Peninsula
- 1895, May 10 - Japan returned the Liaodong Peninsula to China
- 1896, May 22 - Russia and China concluded a defensive alliance against Japan
- 1897, August 27 -
- 1897, November 14 - Germany seized by force the Kiao-Chao Bay in East China on the shores of the Yellow Sea, in which Russia had an anchorage
- 1897, December - The Russian squadron was relocated to Port Arthur
- January 1898 - England proposed to Russia the division of China and the Ottoman Empire. Russia rejected the offer
- 1898, March 6 - China leased Kiao Chao Bay to Germany for 99 years
- 1898, March 27 - Russia leased from China the lands of the Kwatung region (a region in southern Manchuria, on the Kwantung Peninsula in the southwestern tip of the Liaodong Peninsula) and two ice-free ports on the southeastern tip of the Liaodong Peninsula Port Arthur (Lyushun) and Dalniy (Dalian) )
- April 13, 1898 - Russo-Japanese treaty on the recognition of Japan's interests in Korea
- 1899, April - an agreement was reached on the delimitation of the spheres of railway communication in China between Russia, England and Germany
Thus, by the end of the 1990s, the division of a significant part of China into spheres of influence was completed. England retained under its influence the richest part of China - the Yang Tse Valley. Russia acquired Manchuria and, to some extent, other areas of walled China, Germany - Shandong, France - Yuyanan. Japan regained its dominant influence in Korea in 1898
- 1900, May - the beginning of the popular uprising in China, called the boxing uprising
- 1900, July - Boxers attacked CER facilities, Russia sent troops into Manchuria
- 1900 August - International armed forces under the command of the Russian General Linevich crushed the uprising
- 1900, August 25 - Russian Foreign Minister Lamsdorf announced that Russia would withdraw troops from Manchuria when order was restored there
- 1900, October 16 - Anglo-German agreement on the territorial integrity of China. The territory of Manchuria was not included in the treaty
- 1900, November 9 - a Russian protectorate is established over the Chinese governor-general of Manchuria
- 1901, February - protest of Japan, England, USA against Russian influence in Manchuria
Manchuria - a region in northeast China, about 939,280 km², the main city of Mukden
- November 3, 1901 - the construction of the Great Siberian Railway (Transsib) was completed
- 1902, April 8 - Russian-Chinese agreement on the evacuation of Russian troops from Manchuria
- 1902, late summer - Japan offered Russia to recognize the Japanese protectorate over Korea in exchange for Japan's recognition of Russia's freedom of action in Manchuria in the sense of protecting Russians there railways. Russia refused
“At this time, Nicholas II began to provide big influence a court group led by Bezobrazov, who urged the tsar not to leave Manchuria contrary to the agreement concluded with China; moreover, not content with Manchuria, the tsar was incited to penetrate into Korea, in which, since 1898, Russia had actually tolerated the predominant influence of Japan. The Bezobrazovskaya clique acquired a private forest concession in Korea. The territory of the concession covered the basins of two rivers: the Yalu and Tumyn, and stretched for 800 kilometers along the Sino-Korean and Russian-Korean borders from the Gulf of Korea to the Sea of Japan, occupying the entire border zone. Formally, the concession was acquired by a private joint-stock company. In fact, behind him was the tsarist government, which, under the guise of forest guards, brought troops into the concession. Trying to penetrate into Korea, it delayed the evacuation of Manchuria, although the deadlines established by the agreement on April 8, 1902 had already passed.
- 1903, August - the resumption of negotiations between Russia and Japan on Korea and Manchuria. The Japanese demanded that the object of the Russian-Japanese agreement should be the position of Russia and Japan not only in Korea, but also in Manchuria. The Russians demanded that Japan recognize Manchuria as an area "in all respects outside the sphere of its interests"
- 1903, December 23 - Japanese government in terms reminiscent of an ultimatum, she said that she "feels compelled to ask the imperial Russian government to reconsider its proposal in this sense." The Russian government made concessions.
- January 13, 1904 - Japan stepped up its demands. Russia was about to give in again, but hesitated to formulate
Course of the Russo-Japanese War. Briefly
- February 6, 1904 - Japan tore apart diplomatic relations with Russia
- February 8, 1904 - Japanese fleet attacked the Russians on the raids of Port Atrur. Beginning of the Russo-Japanese War
- March 31, 1904 - When entering the sea from Port Atrur, the battleship Petropavlovsk ran into mines and sank. 650 people died, including the famous shipbuilder and scientist Admiral Makarov and the famous battle painter Vereshchagin
- 1904, April 6 - formation of 1 and 2 Pacific squadrons
- 1904, May 1 - the defeat of a detachment under the command of M. Zasulich numbering about 18 thousand people from the Japanese in the battle on the Yalu River. Japanese invasion of Manchuria begins
- 1904, May 5 - Japanese landing on the Liaongdong Peninsula
- 1904, May 10 - interrupted railway communication between Manchuria and Port Arthur
- 1904, May 29 - the distant port is occupied by the Japanese
- 1904, August 9 - the beginning of the defense of Port Arthur
- 1904, August 24 - Battle of Liaoyang. Russian troops retreated to Mukden
- 1904, October 5 - battle near the Shahe River
- January 2, 1905 - Port Arthur surrendered
- 1905, January - beginning
- 1905, January 25 - attempted Russian counter-offensive, the battle of Sandepu, lasted 4 days
- 1905, late February-early March - the battle of Mukden
- 1905, May 28 - In the Tsushima Strait (between the Korean Peninsula and the islands of the Japanese archipelago Iki, Kyushu and the southwestern tip of Honshu), the Japanese squadron defeated the Russian 2nd squadron of the Russian fleet under the command of Vice Admiral Rozhdestvensky
- 1905, July 7 - beginning Japanese invasion to Sakhalin
- 1905, July 29 - Sakhalin captured by the Japanese
- 1905, August 9 - in Portsmouth (USA), with the mediation of US President Roosevelt, peace negotiations between Russia and Japan began.
- 1905, September 5 - Portsmouth Peace
Its Article No. 2 read: "The Russian Imperial Government, recognizing Japan's prevailing political, military and economic interests in Korea, undertakes not to interfere with those measures of leadership, patronage and supervision, which the Imperial Japanese Government might deem necessary to take in Korea." According to Article 5, Russia ceded to Japan the lease rights to the Liaodong Peninsula with Port Arthur and Dalniy, and under Article 6 - the South Manchurian Railway from Port Arthur to Kuan Chen Tzu station, somewhat south of Harbin. Thus, South Manchuria turned out to be the sphere of influence of Japan. Russia yielded to Japan southern part Sakhalin. According to Article 12, Japan imposed on Russia the conclusion of a fishing convention: “Russia undertakes to enter into an agreement with Japan in the form of granting Japanese citizens the rights to fish along the coast of Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan, Okhotsk and Bering. It is agreed that such an obligation will not affect the rights already owned by Russian or foreign nationals in these parts. Article 7 of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty stated: "Russia and Japan undertake to operate the railways belonging to them in Manchuria exclusively for commercial and industrial purposes, and in no way for strategic purposes"
Results of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905
"Military observer, head of the German general staff Count Schlieffen, who carefully studied the experience of the war, noted that Russia could easily continue the war; her resources were barely touched, and she could put up if not new fleet then a new army, and was able to succeed. It was only better to mobilize the forces of the country. But tsarism was not up to this task. “It was not the Russian people,” Lenin wrote, “but the Russian autocracy that started this colonial war, which turned into a war between the old and the new bourgeois world. Not the Russian people, but the autocracy came to a shameful defeat. “It was not Russia that was defeated by the Japanese, not the Russian army, but our order,” the famous Russian admitted in his memoirs. statesman S. Yu. Witte” (“History of Diplomacy. Volume 2”)
Even at the language level in this country there is a difference in the name of husband and wife. It is believed that the Japanese man lives outside the house and the woman lives in the house, which is reflected in the phrases "the man is outside, the woman is inside." But in last years The relationship between a man and a woman among the Japanese has undergone major changes.
As it was before
Since ancient times, a man in Japan has been assigned more social functions than a woman. A Japanese man is involved in a huge society - in professional groups, to the clans in which he seeks best place in the hierarchy. A woman's place is in the house. But this alignment of things did not at all mean patriarchy, which is common, for example, in China. In many families, property was inherited through the female line. And if the man was the head of the city, the region, or at least the enterprise, then the woman was the head of the house.
Between a man and a woman in Japan for many centuries there was a clear division of spheres of influence. He is the master of the world, she is the mistress of the house. There was no question of any division of responsibility for each other's spheres. The wife did not have the right to interfere in the affairs of her husband, and the husband had almost no say in the house and even in the distribution of finances. And even more so, it was not appropriate for a man to do household chores - clean up, cook or do laundry.
Marriage in Japan has long been divided into two types - arranged marriage and love marriage. The first marriage was concluded by relatives of the newlyweds, the second marriage could take place only if the man and woman categorically refused to accept the choice of their parents. Up until the 1950s, arranged marriages in Japan outnumbered love marriages by about three to one.
How has it become now
The processes of active involvement of women in public life have also affected Japan. Only the development of equality between the sexes has a very original script quite unlike the European one.
AT more this development has affected the family and marriage, the sphere of personal relationships. The career field is undergoing much slower change.
The woman got the opportunity to work and achieve prominent positions in companies. However, in order to build a career, the Japanese woman still needs much more effort than the Japanese. For example, there is no system social guarantees for women during pregnancy and after childbirth. Maternity leave is capable of seriously damaging a woman's career, and she will never be accepted after a long break to the same position. Having given birth, a woman will have to start her career almost from scratch, even if she does it within the same company.
This social injustice has led to a significant increase in perceived loneliness. Not only in Europe and Russia, people began to avoid official marriage and prefer to live without a partner. The new relationship between a man and a woman in Japan has the same trait: the desire for loneliness and a single lifestyle. Men are not interested in marrying a careerist, because they cannot work at home. And a woman does not want to promise a man to take care of a house and a child if she is not sure that she wants to give up a successfully built career for this.
But having received relative independence from the opinion of the clan, the Japanese and Japanese women began to marry for love more often. Since the 1950s, the number of love marriages has increased significantly, and in the 1990s there were already five times as many as arranged marriages. When considering the issue of an arranged marriage, the relatives and parents of the bride and groom became more attention pay attention to the opinions of potential spouses. If a man and a woman categorically do not like each other, or one of them is in love with the other, such a marriage is no longer concluded, and they have the right to choose with whom they build a family.
If the views on relations between a man and a woman continue to change from traditional to liberal, then Japan will have everything that is already in Europe and the United States. The marriage age will increase, the number of children in the family will decrease, and the birth rate will decrease. Indeed, before deciding to marry, many women will try to build a career and secure a future for themselves.
And yet, Japan has its own special flavor and its own culture, which can affect what will be the relationship between a man and a woman in the future. For example, it is hard to imagine an egalitarian family becoming popular in this country, as is the case in Europe. An egalitarian family is one in which there is no clear division of functions between a man and a woman. A woman can earn a living while a man takes care of the house and children, then they change roles. Leadership in the kitchen, in bed, or in providing for the family passes from husband to wife, then back. Most likely, Japan will continue the situation that is now in families where both spouses work. The wife will, in addition to work, take care of the house, and the man will remain “large garbage in the house,” as one of the hieroglyphs designates him, hinting that a man should not do anything in the house, getting in the way and getting under the feet of a bustling wife.
We greatly value our relations with Japan, the Japanese people, this is our neighbor. We have difficult story but very good prospects. The business of the two countries demonstrates mutual interest in the implementation of large, useful projects. There are many things that unite us
Sergei Lavrov
Russian Foreign Minister
The first Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship (Shimodsky Treaty) was signed February 7, 1855 document was the result of an outstanding diplomatic mission Vice Admiral Evfimy Putyatin. The Japanese authorities then voluntarily (unlike the similar Japanese-American treaty imposed on Japan by force) established official contacts with the neighboring state. The Shimoda Treaty opened the way for the development of trade, consular, cultural and humanitarian ties between the two countries.
First border section
According to the Shimodsky treatise, the border between the countries passed through the islands of the Kuril chain Iturup and Urup, and Sakhalin remained undivided. In the Petersburg Treaty of 1875, in return for Russia's cession of rights to the entire island of Sakhalin, Japan received rights to all the Kuril Islands
Continuation
One of the most dramatic pages in bilateral relations is Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905.
It began with an unexpected Japanese attack on Russian ships in the Port Arthur raid on January 27 (old style), 1904. The war claimed about 1 million human lives and caused enormous material damage to both countries. Many of the thousands of Russian prisoners of war taken from Manchuria to Japan did not return to their homeland and were buried in Japanese soil. As a result of the war, despite the existence of treaties that determined the border line between the two countries, part of its territory, South Sakhalin, was taken away from Russia. The war ended with the Treaty of Portsmouth. It was signed between the Russian Empire and Japan on September 5, 1905 in Portsmouth (USA). With Russian side the agreement was signed by the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, Count Sergei Witte and Baron Roman Rosen (former Russian Ambassador to Japan, and by the time the agreement was signed - Ambassador to the United States), on the Japanese side, Foreign Minister Komura Jutaro and Ambassador to the United States Takahira Kogoro.
From the establishment of diplomatic relations to Khalkhin Gol
Diplomatic relations between the USSR and Japan were established at the level of embassies February 25, 1925. This event was preceded by the Japanese intervention in the Far East in 1918-1922, which covered the Primorsky, Amur, Trans-Baikal regions and Northern Sakhalin. Negotiations on the normalization of relations began in Beijing in May 1924 and ended on January 20, 1925 with the signing of a convention on the basic principles of relations, several declarations, protocols and notes regulating the interaction of the parties. The convention contained a number of significant concessions from the USSR in favor of Japan, which the Soviet side made in order to stabilize the situation in the Far East. In particular, Soviet government recognized the Portsmouth Peace Treaty of 1905, according to which part of Sakhalin south of the 50th parallel passed into the possession of Japan. For their part, the Japanese undertook to withdraw troops from the territory Northern Sakhalin, which then passed under the sovereignty of the USSR.
Dispatches of Richard Sorge
The Soviet government received information about Japan's plans for military operations in the area of Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River, largely thanks to the intelligence network created by Richard Sorge. Among the numerous messages sent by Sorge to Moscow was information about the impending German attack on the USSR in the summer of 1941, and also that Japan did not intend to attack, but would concentrate its efforts on Pacific theater military action. On October 18, 1941, Richard Sorge and members of his reconnaissance group were arrested by the Japanese police. Richard Sorge himself denied any involvement in Soviet intelligence and said that he worked in China and Japan for the Comintern. In May 1943, the trial of the Sorge reconnaissance group began. In September of the same year, the Soviet intelligence officer was sentenced to death. On November 7, 1944, he was hanged in Tokyo's Sugamo Prison and buried in the prison yard. The Soviet Union did not recognize Sorge as its agent for 20 years. Only on November 5, 1964, by the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he was awarded the title of Hero Soviet Union(posthumously). In 1967 the remains Soviet spy with military honors were reburied at the Tama Cemetery in Tokyo.
Continuation
May - September 1939 in the area of the Khalkhin-Gol River, the Soviet-Mongolian troops defeated the elite formations of the Japanese Kwantung Army who invaded the territory of the Mongolian People's Republic (MPR).
The hotbed of war in the Far East arose in the early 1930s. Initially, the object of Japanese aggressive aspirations was China, whose northeastern province (Manchuria) the Japanese occupied in the autumn of 1931. In the spring of 1932, Japanese troops reached the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway belonging to the USSR and came close to the Soviet borders. The puppet state of Manchukuo was proclaimed on the occupied territory, the entire administrative apparatus which was completely controlled by the Kwantung Army.
Summer 1935 a period of conflicts began on the Soviet-Manchurian border. It came to serious fighting clashes. In parallel with the escalation of tension on the border, the authorities of Manchukuo launched a tough campaign against Soviet institutions, which led to the urgent evacuation of Soviet citizens from Manchuria.
In 1936 The Japanese government approved the "Basic Principles national policy", which provided, along with the complete capture of China, the subsequent development of the offensive, in particular, on the territory of the MPR and the USSR. For successful implementation of its plans, Tokyo enlisted the support of Berlin by signing on November 25, 1936 the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact, which meant the beginning of a military-political alliance between Japan and Nazi Germany.
From January 1939 in the border area between the Mongolian People's Republic and Manchuria (which was never officially defined), Japanese-Manchu armed detachments began to periodically appear, which engaged in a shootout with the Mongolian border guards. In the spring, such incidents, accompanied by mutual protests, became more frequent, which eventually led to war.
The victory at Khalkhin Gol had an important military-political and international importance. In particular, these events had a serious impact on Japan's decision not to enter the war against the USSR on the side Nazi Germany. In April 1941, a neutrality pact was concluded between the USSR and Japan for a period of five years, the agreement was observed until August 1945.
The question of ownership of the Kuril Islands
During Yalta Conference(February 1945) Stalin promised the allies to declare war on Japan two to three months after the end of hostilities in Europe, subject to the return of the USSR Kuril Islands and South Sakhalin. This was enshrined in the documents of the Yalta Conference.
Discovery of the Kuril Islands
The process of joining the Kuril Islands to Russia lasted several decades. The first (from the north) islands of the Kuril Islands were annexed to Russia in 1711, the last (southern) - in 1778. The first map ("drawing") of the Kuril Islands was made by the Cossack-navigator I. Kozyrevsky (1711). On the first and subsequent maps, the Kuril Islands were designated as a single geographical object without dividing them into the Greater and Lesser Kuril ridges. The accession of the Kuril Islands to Russia was carried out on behalf of the supreme power of Russia and in accordance with the norms international law that time. The indigenous inhabitants of the Kuril Islands, the Ainu, did not have their own statehood; before the arrival of the Russians, they considered themselves independent; no tribute was paid. For the entire almost 70-year period of the development of the Kuril Islands, the Russians never met the Japanese there. The first meeting of the Russians with the Japanese took place on June 19, 1778 in the town of Akkesi on about. Hokkaido, where the Japanese arrived to trade with the Ainu. At that time Fr. Hokkaido had not yet been completely conquered by the Japanese. The Japanese invasion of the southern Kuril Islands (Kunashir and Iturup) dates back to 1786-1787. It was then that the Japanese threatened the Russian trade workers who were there to leave the named islands. In 1798, a Japanese military detachment on Kunashir and Iturup destroyed all evidence that these islands belonged to Russia. (according to the materials of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation)
Continuation
May to early August 1945 part of the troops and equipment released from hostilities in the West were transferred to the Far East. August 9, 1945 diplomatic relations were interrupted, the USSR declared war on Japan. September 2, 1945 Japan signed the act of surrender.
After 1945 no diplomatic relations were established between Moscow and Tokyo. The Soviet Union did not have a peace treaty with Japan, since in 1951 did not join the San Francisco peace. This document, signed on September 8, 1951 by the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition and Japan, officially ended the Second World War, fixed the procedure for paying reparations to the allies and compensation to countries affected by Japanese aggression. The San Francisco Treaty recorded Japan's renunciation of all rights, titles and claims to the Kuril Islands and the southern part of Sakhalin Island. However, the treaty did not establish to which state the said territories would pass. Officially, the Japanese side did not recognize their entry into the USSR. And after 1951, with the support of the United States, the Japanese government began to challenge the right of the USSR to possess the islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Kunashir and Iturup, or, as they are called in Japan, "northern territories."
October 19, 1956 Moscow and Tokyo signed a declaration providing for the cessation of the state of war and the restoration of diplomatic and consular relations, and also pledged to continue negotiations on a peace treaty. The USSR agreed to transfer the islands of Habomai and Shikotan to Japan, but only after the conclusion of a peace treaty, and expressed its readiness to discuss other unresolved issues.
However in 1960 The Japanese government agreed to sign a new security pact with the United States, which provided for the maintenance of the American military presence on Japanese territory for another ten years. In response, the USSR canceled the obligations assumed by the 1956 declaration and stipulated the transfer of the Habomai and Shikotan islands by the fulfillment by Japan of two conditions - the signing of a peace treaty and the withdrawal of foreign (that is, American) troops from its territory.
Until the early 1990s the Soviet side did not mention the 1956 declaration, although Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka tried to return to its discussion during a visit to Moscow in 1973(the first Japanese-Soviet meeting on highest level). The situation began to change with the beginning of perestroika. During a visit to Japan by USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev in April 1991, the joint communiqué included a provision on the intention of the parties to continue negotiations on the normalization of relations and on a peaceful settlement, including territorial issues.
December 27, 1991 Japan recognized Russia as the successor state of the USSR. The main problem Russo-Japanese relations still remains a dispute over ownership southern islands Kuril ridge. Japan continues to insist on their return, referring to the Shimoda Treaty of 1855, and in Moscow they say that the ownership of the islands is based on the results of the Second World War and the sovereignty of the Russian Federation over them is beyond doubt (statement by the Russian Foreign Ministry dated February 7, 2015).
Contacts without a peace treaty
In October 1973 The first Soviet-Japanese summit meeting took place in Moscow. In a joint statement dated October 10, 1973, following the talks between Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka and General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev, it was noted that "the settlement of unresolved issues left over from the Second World War and the conclusion of a peace treaty will contribute to the establishment of truly good neighborly and friendly relations between both sides."
April 19, 1991 Following the visit of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev to Japan, a joint statement was signed, in which for the first time the Soviet side acknowledged the existence of a territorial problem in bilateral relations. The statement stated that "the peace treaty should become a document of the final post-war settlement including the resolution of the territorial problem."
October 11-13, 1993 Russian President Boris Yeltsin visited Japan. Then a package of 18 documents was signed, the key of which was the Tokyo Declaration. It emphasized the need to continue negotiations with a view to the speedy conclusion of a peace treaty "by resolving the territorial issue based on historical and legal facts and on the basis of developed documents, the principles of legality and justice."
November 11-13, 1998 during the official visit to the Russian Federation of Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, the Moscow Declaration was signed on the establishment of a constructive partnership between Russian Federation and Japan.
September 3-5, 2000 Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Japan. As a result of the visit, statements were made on the problem of a peace treaty and on the interaction of the two countries in international affairs.
November 2005 during his second visit, 17 bilateral documents were signed, including the Program of Action in the fight against terrorism.
May 2009 Vladimir Putin visited Tokyo as Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. Several agreements have been signed, including agreements on mutual legal assistance on criminal cases, on cooperation in peaceful use atomic energy, on cooperation and mutual assistance in customs affairs several commercial transactions have been concluded.
November 1, 2010 Russian President Dmitry Medvedev became the first Russian leader who visited the Kuril Islands. The Japanese side called this visit regrettable, which, in turn, caused a reaction from the Russian Foreign Ministry, according to which there can be no changes in the status of the Kuril Islands, the islands became part of the USSR following the Second World War, and the sovereignty of the Russian Federation over them is beyond doubt subject to.
April 29, 2013 Russian President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe held talks in Moscow (this was the first official visit of a Japanese head of government to Russia since 2003). A statement was adopted on the development of the Russian-Japanese partnership.
March 2014 Japan joined the sanctions imposed by the United States, Canada and the European Union against the Russian Federation in connection with the situation in Ukraine. Initially, the sanctions provided for the suspension of consultations on the easing of the visa regime and the freezing of negotiations on the possible conclusion of three agreements - on investment cooperation, on cooperation in space exploration and on the prevention of dangerous military activities. Subsequently, the list of Japanese sanctions was expanded, last time- September 24, 2014. There are currently 40 individuals, two companies that, according to Tokyo, "are involved in the destabilization of the situation in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea by Russia," as well as five banks.
February 2015 Shinzo Abe spoke in favor of developing diversified relations with Russia and continuing negotiations on a peace treaty between the two countries.
It has been 70 years since the end of the war, but there is still a situation between our countries with an unsigned peace treaty. To date, we have held ten meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin. And, taking these negotiations as a basis, I will continue to develop cooperation with Russia on different directions, including economy and culture, as well as continue persistent negotiations for a peace treaty
Shinzo Abe
Prime Minister of Japan
May 6, 2016 Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe paid a working visit to Russia and met with Vladimir Putin in Sochi. The Japanese side, following the results of the talks, announced " new approach"to solve the problem of a peace treaty and a plan to intensify economic cooperation with Russia. Moscow supported Tokyo's proposal to hold the cross years of Russia in Japan and Japan in Russia in 2018.
Relationships from first contacts to the end of World War II
Russia and Japan are neighbors, but contacts between them began to be established about three centuries ago. In 1702, in the village of Preobrazhenskoye near Moscow, a meeting took place between Peter I and Dembei, a Japanese from a shipwrecked off Kamchatka. His signature has been preserved in the Russian archive. In 1733, two more Japanese arrived in St. Petersburg - Soza and Gonza. A meeting was arranged for them with Tsarina Anna Ioannovna, and they were transferred to the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg, where regular Japanese language instruction was organized. In a decree dated April 17, 1732, the empress specifically emphasized "as regards the Japanese islands and commerce with Japan, to act ... with all those Japanese peoples - caress." In 1791, another Japanese, Daikokuya Kodaiu, was brought from a shipwrecked ship to St. Petersburg and received by Catherine II. Good relations to Kodai helped to tie direct threads of acquaintance with Japan. For his return in 1793, an expedition of Adam Laxman was sent to Japan. Diploma received by A. Laxman from Japanese authorities, became, in essence Starting point to start relations between Russia and Japan as two neighbors. In 1803, Emperor Alexander I sent an expedition of the envoy N.P. Rezanov and I. Kruzenshtern, who arrived in Japan in 1804. Although the mission of N.P. Rezanov did not bring the results expected by the Russian side, it gave impetus to the mutual study and rapprochement of the two countries. As a result of the expedition, on the basis of scientific and geographical research, a map of the Japanese coast was compiled, which was used by many sailors of the world.
The most important year for Russian-Japanese relations was 1855, when the mission of Vice Admiral E. V. Putyatin visited Japan. As a result of the negotiations, the first Russian-Japanese treaty (the Treaty of Shimoda) was signed, which was the result of the mission of E. V. Putyatin. The first article of the treaty read: "From now on, let there be permanent peace and sincere friendship between Russia and Japan." The treaty was ratified by Emperor Alexander II of Russia and the Japanese government in 1856.
The capitalist development of Japan in the last third of the 19th century accelerated significantly. The reforms of 1870-1890 pulled the country out of international isolation, attached it to the world economy, and contributed to major changes in social and political development. The economic potential of Japan has increased: the number of monopolies and banks has increased in the country, the network of railways has grown, and the productivity of agriculture has increased. The state, through subsidies, encouraged the development of industry, giving, however, preference to firms that worked to equip the army and navy. This led to the growth of Japan's military potential, and at the same time to the rapid development military industry However, the narrowness of the Japanese domestic market and the lack of a sufficient resource base made expansion to the Far East an objective foreign policy line. Thus, at the beginning of the 20th century, foreign policy expansion in Japan acquired paramount importance as a national strategy and a path to the modernization of society.
Korea became the first object of expansion on the mainland. "Conflicts on the Korean peninsula resulted in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, which ended in the defeat of the Chinese army and the signing of the Shimonoseki Peace Treaty of 1895."
Japan's war against China aggravated Japanese-Russian contradictions on the Korean Peninsula and in South Manchuria. Both states needed new spheres of influence, not wanting to cede them to each other. In 1896, Russia signed an agreement with China on a defensive alliance and on the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) through the territory of Manchuria. In 1897, the tsarist ministers, headed by the Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte, obtained from the Chinese ruler Li Hong-Zhang consent to the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula and the creation of a naval base in Port Arthur. This allowed Russia to have for its Pacific Fleet ice-free port on the Chinese coast. During the period of Russian-Chinese negotiations in 1901-1902, Russia secured its interests in Manchuria. Such an intensified policy of Russia in China could not but excite Japanese political circles and contribute to the aggravation of relations between states.
Russia and Japan openly went to war with each other. But unlike the "new" Japan, "tsarist Russia was poorly prepared for war, which was explained by the technical, economic, state and cultural backwardness of the country." The main obstacle to the conduct of the war was the unpreparedness of the Russian army. Neither the talks in St. Petersburg, nor the subsequent exchange of proposals by the foreign ministers in 1902-1903 could ease the tension between Japan and Russia. On January 27, 1904, an attack by destroyers on the Russian squadron, which was stationed on the outer roadstead in Port Arthur, followed. Thus began the Russo-Japanese War, which determined the nature of the relationship between these two sides throughout the 20th century.
At that time, in the revolutionary situation that had developed, the ruling classes of Russia began to hasten the tsarist government to conclude peace with Japan. “The Japanese government was also interested in ending the war. Too much great voltage forces led to the extreme depletion of all its resources. The country was the day before financial collapse and the first spoke of the need for peace, developing vigorous activity in this direction. Russia, like Japan, "was preparing for the conference, developing in advance the foundations of a future peace treaty and the formulation of its possible terms."
As a result, according to the concluded peace treaty, Japan received a dominant position in Korea and South Manchuria, which was subsequently used by Japanese imperialism to attack China and the Russian Far East. The Treaty of Portsmouth deprived Russia of access to the Pacific Ocean. The loss of South Sakhalin threatened Vladivostok's ties with Kamchatka and Chukotka. These ties could be broken by the Japanese at any time. The Russo-Japanese War ended with the defeat of tsarism due to the economic, political and military backwardness of Russia. In Japan's victory big role played the help provided to her by such major capitalist powers as the United States and Great Britain.
“After the Russo-Japanese War, the influx of Japanese to South Sakhalin and the Kuriles increased dramatically. This was due to the development of fishing concessions, which Petersburg granted to Japan in Kamchatka. By 1913, between 4,000 and 6,000 people permanently lived on the islands. In 1914-1918, the Kuril Islands and South Sakhalin experienced economic growth. World War I deprived Europe of the Baltic fish. Concerning rapidly began to develop the production of cod, herring, flounder; new wave engaged in whale fishing. In 1920-1930, a large fish processing complex was created in the Kuriles and Sakhalin in the zone of the Sea of Okhotsk, which turned into a highly organized conveyor. On the islands, modern fish canning plants arose, which, in turn, were controlled by the largest concerns Mitsui and Mitsubishi.
In addition to them, there was a timber processing plant in Kunashir, several whale plants. By agreement with the USSR, arctic foxes and foxes were brought to the central Kuriles. A new wave of fur farming began, animal nurseries, wildlife sanctuaries, and farms appeared. By 1939, there were already 133 settlements 50-100 houses. The rapid economic growth of the islands at the beginning of the 20th century contributed to an increase in Japanese interest in them. South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands were increasingly drawn into the Japanese economy, giving it tangible profits. There was no doubt that the economic development islands attracted an increasing number of workers, which led to an increase in the population in this region. Despite this, the Japanese government believed that Russia, by its concessions in the Portsmouth Peace Treaty, did not fully compensate for the losses it suffered in the war. “It planned to cut off Russia from Pacific Ocean, seize the rich expanses of Siberia and the Far East, finally appropriate the island of Sakhalin.
After the establishment of Soviet power in Russia in 1917, the country found itself in political isolation. In the 1920s, the USSR managed to conclude a number of agreements with foreign states, thereby eliminating political isolation. Since the USSR was not only a close neighbor, but also a profitable market for the sale of goods, having concluded the Fisheries Convention in 1925, Japan, fearing to lag behind the leading powers of the world, also opened the way for economic expansion in the USSR.
The Japanese government was preparing an invasion of Kamchatka. But already in 1922, the Red Army managed to liberate the territories of the Far East occupied by the Japanese, and in May 1925, with the help of peace talks return Northern Sakhalin.
But, despite the foreign policy settlement of relations, already in 1927 the Japanese developed a plan to seize the Far East, the partial implementation of which was the occupation of Manchuria in 1931-1933. This was due to the fact that in 1928-1931 the civilian cabinet was replaced by a military one in the country, and the process of militarization of the country began.
As a result of internal reforms, the military and economic power of the Soviet Union increased, and the battles near Khasan Lake and the Khalkhin Gol River proved this. By the beginning of World War II, the foreign policy situation began to change.
Territorial acquisitions in the West of the USSR in 1940 could not but induce I. V. Stalin, from the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, to begin to resolve the issue of the disputed territories not only of Sakhalin, but also of the Kuril Islands.
Signed during the Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam conferences the documents directly showed the vagueness of a number of formulations regarding the intentions of the allies to transfer the required territories to the USSR, in particular the Kuril ridge. Having enlisted the support of the allies in resolving the issue of relations with Japan, Stalin, along with the pluses (access to the Pacific Ocean, the possibility of creating naval bases on the Kuril Islands, strengthening the Far Eastern borders) received a big minus - constant spoiled relations with one of the strongest states in the world. This led to new difficulties in relations between the USSR and Japan.
Thus, over its almost 250-year history Russian-Japanese relations have undergone significant changes. Starting as friendly at the very early XVIII century, by August 1945 they had acquired a hostile character. Attempts to conquer Sakhalin and the northern Kuriles by the Japanese led to a cooling of relations and made " territorial question» the main unresolved problem in relations between the two countries.
Soviet-Japanese relations in 1945-1991
Japan, having restored its forces after the surrender, began to make demands on the territories of the Kuril Islands and South Sakhalin occupied by the USSR, based on the Portsmouth Peace Treaty. “In 1948-1950, the cabinet of Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida developed a package of documents on the territorial issue, which he submitted to Washington,” from which the answer followed that the defeated Japan could not claim anything.
Seeing the growing dissatisfaction of Japan with the post-war distribution of territories, the San Francisco Peace Conference was held in 1951, which resulted in the signing of a peace treaty. It was the last major international document directly related to World War II. According to it, Japan renounced claims to Sakhalin Island.
In the autumn of 1954, a change took place in Japan. political forces, and already in January 1955, Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama indicated that “Japan should invite the USSR to normalize relations with it. In accordance with this, on June 3, 1955, official negotiations between Japan and the USSR began at the USSR Embassy in London, designed to end the state of war, conclude a peace treaty and restore diplomatic and trade relations. Despite the fact that attempts to force the USSR to make territorial concessions did not have any international legal grounds, the Japanese delegation in London continued to seek satisfaction of its claims. Moreover, in the Japanese draft treaty, presented on August 16, 1955, the provision was again put forward for the transfer of South Sakhalin and all the Kuril Islands to Japan. On September 21, 1955, N. S. Khrushchev declared that "Habomai and Shikotan are so close to the Japanese islands that the interests of Japan must be taken into account." As subsequent events showed, the Japanese side did not want or could not, under pressure from the United States, properly appreciate the "generous gesture" of N. S. Khrushchev, who believed that the cession of the territories already belonging to the USSR envisaged by him would induce the Japanese to conclude a peace treaty on these conditions. But the position of the Japanese side was adamant. As a result, having not found a compromise solution, on March 20, 1956, the negotiations were interrupted for an indefinite period.
On April 22, 1960, the USSR announced that the territorial issue between the USSR and Japan had been resolved as a result of World War II by "relevant international agreements that must be respected." Thus, the position of the Soviet side was completely reduced to denying the existence of a territorial problem between states.
The conclusion in 1960 of a military alliance between Japan and the United States forced the USSR to refuse to sign a peace treaty and, accordingly, to transfer to Japan 2 islands of the Kuril chain: the Habomai Islands and the Shikotan Islands, since the Soviet government realized that these islands could become direct military bases not only for Japan, but also the largest power in the world - the United States. This would weaken the Far Eastern borders of the USSR.
Thus, the real chance of restoring peaceful relations and resolving the territorial issue by Japan was missed. Politics post-war years in the Far East did not lead to any results and did not leave prerequisites for further cooperation between the USSR and Japan. There was a clear need to conclude a peace treaty with a clear arrangement of boundaries.
A new stage in international relations between Russia and Japan as a whole was associated with the name of MS Gorbachev. The USSR began to actively lose ground in Europe, which resulted in the annulment of the Warsaw Pact, the withdrawal Soviet troops from Germany, consent to the reunification of 2 German states. The "beginning" of perestroika in the USSR was also marked by major personnel changes in the allied Foreign Ministry. In 1985, E. Shevardnadze was appointed to the place of the representative of the hard line of foreign policy, A. A. Gromyko. As early as January 1986, he visited Japan, where he held consultations with Japanese Foreign Minister S. Abe. A number of issues were discussed at the meeting, although E. A. Shevardnadze did not recognize the existence of a territorial problem. However, a communiqué was concluded, which contained the basic principles of the terms of the peace treaty. Thus, the consultations, although they did not include a discussion of the territorial problem, had great importance for both countries, since they meant the resumption of direct political dialogue between the USSR and Japan.
“For the final resolution of territorial and other problems in the relationship between the USSR and Japan, the official visit of the President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev to Japan took place from April 16 to April 19, 1991. 6 rounds of meetings were held with Prime Minister T. Kaifu to develop a common position on controversial issues. A joint Soviet-Japanese statement was signed on April 18, 1991, which stated that thorough and in-depth negotiations had been held on a whole range of issues, including the problem of territorial demarcation of the islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Kunashir and Iturup. In addition, it was stipulated that all the positive will be used, starting from 1956, when Japan and the USSR jointly declared the end of the state of war and the restoration of diplomatic relations.
That is, with a change in ideology and a change foreign policy the Soviet side officially recognized the existence of a territorial issue in relations between the USSR and Japan. The disputed territories were clearly defined: the islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Iturup and Kunashir. However, nothing was said about the return of the islands of Habomai and Shikotan to Japan after the conclusion of the peace treaty.
In addition, at a meeting in Tokyo, the Soviet side proposed expanding cultural connections population as two states. On the Soviet initiative, visa-free entry to the South Kuriles for Japanese citizens was established.
The Soviet-Japanese statement ended the tough confrontation on the territorial issue between Japan and the USSR, putting mutual relations to new starting positions. This fact was also confirmed by the visit "from October 11 to October 17, 1991, to the USSR by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan T. Nakayama, after which a permanent organizational structure was created to discuss the territorial problem."
Despite this, the Japanese side, unable to achieve its demands on the "northern territories", blocked the provision of economic and financial assistance from Japan in the form of investments in the Soviet economy.
Thus, Russian-Japanese, and then Soviet-Japanese, relations throughout the 20th century changed very much. Two wars undermined mutual trust, but in spite of this, Soviet leadership was ready to meet Japan halfway in solving the “territorial issue”, but at one time Japan did not appreciate this step and the “territorial issue” again remained unresolved, moving on to a new, already Russian, leadership in the 21st century.
A new stage in international relations between Russia and Japan as a whole was associated with the name of M.S. Gorbachev. The USSR began to actively lose ground in Europe, which resulted in the annulment Warsaw Pact, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Germany, the consent to the reunification of 2 German states The "beginning" of perestroika in the USSR was also marked by major personnel changes in the allied Foreign Ministry. In 1985, A.A. Gromyko was appointed by E. Shevardnadze. Already in January 1986, he visited Japan, where he held consultations with Japanese Foreign Minister S. AbeKurily: islands in an ocean of problems. M., 1998, p.283. A number of issues were discussed at the meeting, although E.A. Shevardnadze did not acknowledge the existence of a territorial problem. However, a communiqué was concluded, which contained the basic principles of the terms of the peace treaty. Thus, the consultations, although they did not include a discussion of the territorial problem, were of great importance for both countries, since they meant the resumption of a direct political dialogue between the USSR and Japan.
“The discussion on the peace treaty was continued at the regular consultative meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and Japan in Moscow in May 1986. The talks, as in Tokyo in January, were led by E. Shevardnadze and S. Abe.” Ibid., p. Thus, the consultations that were held in Tokyo and Moscow testified that the USSR, in fact, recognized the existence of the territorial problem, but the Soviet leadership as a whole was not yet ready for such recognition.
But already “in December 1988, during the next visit of E. Shevardnadze to Japan, the USSR officially agreed to discuss territorial problems” Ibid. p. frontiers, which was directly related to the development of the economic, political and cultural spheres of life in both states.
For the final resolution of territorial and other problems in the relationship between the USSR and Japan, an official visit was made by the President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev to Japan from 16 to 19 April 1991. 6 rounds of meetings were held with Prime Minister T. Kaifu to develop a common position on controversial issues. A joint Soviet-Japanese statement was signed on April 18, 1991, which stated that thorough and in-depth negotiations had been held on a whole range of issues, including the problem of territorial demarcation of the islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Kunashir and Iturup. In addition, it was stipulated that all the positive will be used, starting from 1956, when Japan and the USSR jointly declared the end of the state of war and the restoration of diplomatic relations. ”The Kuriles: islands in the ocean of problems. M., 1998, p.287.
That is, with a change in ideology and a change in foreign policy, the Soviet side officially recognized the existence of a territorial issue in relations between the USSR and Japan. The disputed territories were clearly defined: the islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Iturup and Kunashir. However, nothing was said about the return of the islands of Habomai and Shikotan to Japan after the conclusion of the peace treaty.
In addition, at a meeting in Tokyo, the Soviet side proposed expanding cultural ties between the population as two states. On the Soviet initiative, visa-free entry to the South Kuriles for Japanese citizens was established.
Thus, the Soviet-Japanese statement ended the tough confrontation on the territorial issue between Japan and the USSR, placing mutual relations on new starting positions. This fact was also confirmed by the visit to the USSR of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan T. Nakayama, which took place “from October 11 to October 17, 1991, after which a permanent organizational structure to discuss the territorial problem "Kurils: islands in the ocean of problems. M., 1998, p.336..
Despite this, the Japanese side, unable to achieve its demands for the "northern territories", blocked the provision of economic and financial assistance from Japan in the form of investments in the Soviet economy.
In 1991, the collapse of the USSR took place, Russia, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union, inherited unresolved problems of Soviet-Japanese relations. After coming to power B.N. Yeltsin in 1991, a document was finally formed and approved, which indicated the main approaches to controversial issues - a five-stage plan for solving the territorial problem between Russia and Japan. His first "B.N. Yeltsin made public as early as January 17, 1990 in Tokyo during a visit to Japan as leader of the Russian democratic opposition.
The plan included the following provisions:
The first stage covered 1990 - 1991 and included official recognition the Soviet side of the existence of the territorial problem.
The second stage was designed for the next 3-5 years. This is an organization in the South Kuriles of a free enterprise zone with favorable conditions for the business of the Japanese side.
The third stage included the demilitarization of the South Kuriles.
The fourth stage fell at the beginning of the 2000s and involved the signing of a peace treaty between the USSR and Japan.
In addition, the 5th promising point was included in the captivity, which provided for the participation in solving the problem of the next generation of politicians who were not bound by the prejudices of modernity. They were supposed to find custom solution problems that satisfied both parties” ibid. p.316-319.
Thus, the document looked contradictory. On the one hand, B.N. Yeltsin recognized the presence of a territorial problem in relations between the two countries, on the other hand, he attributed the time for the final solution of the problem to the time when the next generation of politicians appeared.
Further Russian-Japanese relations are a series of mutual visits of Japanese and Russian representatives with the aim of further development all areas of relationships.
“The meeting of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin and Prime Minister of Japan K. Mayazawa in New York on January 31, 1992 seems to be the most important. The result of the negotiations between them was the demand of the Japanese side for an immediate resolution of the territorial problem "The Kuriles: islands in the ocean of problems. M., 1998, p.336., Which was the answer to the 5-stage plan for solving the territorial problem published by Yeltsin
From March 19 to March 22, 1992, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation A. Kozyrev made a trip to Japan, where the solution of the territorial problem was announced on the basis of the joint declaration of 1956.
Seeing the unwillingness of the Russian representatives to make concessions, the Japanese government makes an invitation to come to Tokyo directly to the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin.
In July 1992, at a meeting in Moscow with Sato, Chairman of the Japanese-Russian Trade Association, B. Yeltsin announced that he would not consider the territorial issue without developing economic relations. Ibid., p.336.
As a result, on the eve of the talks in Tokyo, the President of Russia took a tough stance on the territorial problem, tying it to solving economic bloc questions.
On July 8, 1993, a meeting took place between B.N. Yeltsin and Mayazawa in Tokyo, where some issues of Russian-Japanese relations were developed, which were discussed at the next meeting in Tokyo between Yeltsin and Mayazawa from October 11 to 13, 1993. As a result, the Tokyo Declaration was concluded, which did not contain significant progress in the approach to the territorial issue of the Kuriles: islands in the ocean of problems. M., 1998, p.350, but the Tokyo Declaration has become the only main and mutually recognized document regulating Russian-Japanese relations.
The complicated internal political situation in Russia, connected with the armed conflict in Chechnya, pushed the problems between Russia and Japan into the background in subsequent years. That is, in Russian-Japanese relations there has been a clear weakening in mutual efforts to resolve the territorial problem.
But already in 1996, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, E. M. Primakov, made a proposal to further develop a joint economic sphere of activity without concluding a peace treaty, to which the Japanese government agreed Golovin V. The unfinished duel of the hero and the samurai // New time. 1997, No. 1/2, pp. 31-35 .. But due to the resignation of E.M. Primakov, further development of proposals was frozen until 1998. Economic sphere relationships were just as important. One of the problems in this area is fishing. “Japan insisted on the right of Japanese fishermen to freely extract fish and seafood in the territorial waters of the South Kuriles on the grounds that the islands should be betrayed to her. Illegal mass fishing by the Japanese in these areas, causing great damage to Russia, began in 1990, despite protests Russian government. In 1993, Moscow demanded that Tokyo stop poaching, warning that it would be forced to resort to more drastic measures. However, there was no response from Japan: predatory fishing continued. In 1994, during the visit of O. Soskovets, and then in 1995 A. Kozyrev to Japan, a proposal was made by the Russian side on the possibility of free fishing in the territorial waters of the South Kuriles on the terms of appropriate monetary compensation, which the Japanese government refused.
In March 1995, negotiations were held in Moscow on this issue. The Japanese side agreed to the payment of compensation, trying to avoid its direct linkage with the fishery in a particular South Kuril water area, offering to bring the agreement to the level of public organizations. "Makarov A. "Problems of Russian-Japanese Relations" // International Affairs. 1995, No. 10, p.46.
This meant that, by introducing the agreement reached beyond the framework of intergovernmental documents, Japan pursued the goal of not recognizing Russia's rights in the Far East region.
The problem of Japanese prisoners of war, who were captured as a result of Soviet-Japanese War 1945 the Soviet army. “In 1956, all prisoners of war returned to their homeland, where they had problems receiving benefits due to the lack of documents on work in Soviet camps. In the early 1990s, lists of prisoners of war were drawn up, and 4,000 Japanese received certificates according to which they were able to receive benefits ”Ibid. p. 46 ..
From April 18 to April 19, 1998, a summit was held in Cavannah, where the Russian side was represented by the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin, the Japanese delegation was headed by the Prime Minister of Japan R. Hashimoto. At the summit, a plan for further cooperation was fixed. Firstly, the development of energy resources in Siberia and the Far East, transport, in particular, the modernization of the system for ensuring freight traffic on the Trans-Siberian. There was a discussion about connecting the Kovykta gas field near Irkutsk. Secondly, Japan agreed to B. Yeltsin's proposal to the G8 countries on the admission of young Russian specialists for internships, later proceeding to practical implementation this cooperation. Third, the summit raised the issue of expanding Japanese investment in Russian industry. The "Yeltsin-Hashimoto Plan" was expanded with a space theme. In addition, both leaders raised the issue of concluding a peace treaty, as a result of which the date for the conclusion of the peace treaty was set - 2000. Saplin V. In Cavannah, President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Hashimoto achieved significant results // International Affairs. 1998, No. 5, p.10.
Analyzing the results of the meeting between Yeltsin and Hashimoto, we can conclude that it did not entail profound changes in solving the territorial problem. In connection with the resignation of B.N. Yeltsin from the presidency of the Russian Federation, the treaty of 2000 was not signed.
Realizing the unrealistic implementation of the "Yeltsin-Hashimoto plan", on May 12, 2000, an international symposium "A New Era in Russian-Japanese Relations" was convened in Sapporo. The Russian side was represented by B. Nemtsov, Vice Speaker of the State Duma, deputies M. Zadornov and V. Tretyakov. In Tokyo they were joined by Russian Ambassador to Japan A. Popov. The Japanese side was represented by the governor of Hokkaido, H. Tatsuge, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Komura. At the symposium, B. Nemtsov proposed the creation of a joint administration of the disputed territories: “In my opinion, it is necessary to jointly develop the South Kuriles and the Far East as a whole. I propose to create a joint administration for the development of the South Kuriles. An agreement on this should be fixed at the level of an international treaty, which, in turn, should be considered as part of the implementation of the program for concluding a peace treaty "Tretyakov V. Russia - Japan: new era? //Independent newspaper. 2000, June 1, p. 10.. It was supposed to develop new ideology Russian-Japanese relations, which was supposed to influence the conduct of foreign and domestic policies of both states. The essence of the ideology was the recognition of Russia and Japan as strategic partners in the Far East. Thus, the symposium raised the relationship between Russia and Japan to a new level, because in addition to discussing economic and political spheres, a really new proposal was made on the joint management of the islands, the question was raised about the ideology of relations between Russia and Japan, but at the same time it was found out that the development of a way to solve the problem was hindered by the fixation of the two countries on resolving contentious issues on the requirements of each of the parties.
The development of Russian-Japanese relations did not stop even with the coming to power on March 26, 2000 of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin. At a welcoming summer meeting in 2000, President V.V. Putin and Japanese Prime Minister I. Mori stated that, with the exception of the territorial problem, at the present stage the development of relations in none of the most important areas for national interests: politics, economics, defense, ideology - there are no disagreements. Popov A. Success or dead end. //Independent newspaper. 2000, May 18, p.14. Thus, with the change of leading political figures in both countries, there appeared real chance successful development of relations between Russia and Japan.
However, the issue of changing the public opinion of the population of both states on the modern relations between Russia and Japan is acute. Here is what Russian Ambassador to Japan A. Panov writes about this: “Now in Japan there is a certain criticism of the Russian side: the Japanese side did its best to move towards a peace treaty and improve relations, while the Russian side “behaved passively, including among them did not work with public opinion.” Panov A. “Success or dead end?” // Independent newspaper. 2000, May 18, p. 14 Ex-Prime Minister of Japan R. Hashimoto proposes a solution to this problem: “Politicians should have a constant dialogue with the media” Boikov V. We have no way back. //Work. 2000, July 2, p.4 In addition, the analysis of the literature revealed a variety of opinions of modern historians, journalists, political figures, the most characteristic of which are illustrated by the statements of the historian L.N. Kutakov and journalist V. Golovin. L.N. Kutakov believes that modern days there are more opportunities and there are real grounds for hope for progress, and even better for a breakthrough in Russian-Japanese good-neighbourliness” Kutakov L.N. History testifies in favor of Russian-Japanese good neighborliness. //International life. 1998, No. 8, p. 85., on the other hand, journalist V. Golovin notes that “even with maximum diplomatic flexibility, there are no hopes for grandiose breakthroughs in our relations yet.”
The fate of Russian-Japanese relations worries not only researchers of this problem, but also ordinary citizens of the Russian Federation. So, as an assessment of the opinions of students of the Russian-American Experimental vocational school the city of Barnaul this issue A survey of 53 students was conducted in order to identify their views on the solution of the territorial problem. The study resulted in a number of conclusions: 72% of students are categorically against the transfer of disputed territories to Japan, although they acknowledge insufficient awareness of the history of the development of relations between states, 16% believe that the conclusion of a peace treaty and the solution of territorial problems are necessary to inject Japanese investments into the Russian economy, and historical affiliation Islands are not taken into account by them, 12% find it difficult to answer the questions posed.
Based on the analysis of the studied literature, as well as the study, the author research work made his own conclusions. If Russia now cedes the disputed islands to Japan, that would be more like a sign of weakness on the Russian side. In addition, the assistance of the International Court of Justice also cannot be a solution to the territorial problem, since, whatever the solution, one of the parties will still remain the “loser”. Therefore, the conclusion of a peace treaty should be carried out thanks to the own efforts of both countries, and the document should take into account such factors as historical belonging, natural and climatic similarity and similarity of the economic structure of the economies of states and disputed territories, public opinion the population of both sides, as well as the opinion of the inhabitants of the islands. But the normalization of Russian-Japanese relations can be achieved if Russia and Japan are able to abandon the territorial issue. This can be facilitated by the development of a new ideology of relations, where the problems of the two states would be solved in a new coordinate system, that is, in any outcome, neither side should turn out to be a “loser”. In addition, Russia and Japan should develop various areas joint activities despite the problem of the absence of a peace treaty.
