All-Russian Scientific and Social Program
for youth and schoolchildren "Step into the future"
IV district competition research work
students of grades 2-7 "JUNIOR"
Passport of the word "patriotism"
Nikiforova Ksenia,
MBOU "Lyantorskaya secondary school No. 5",
6 a class
Scientific adviser:
Bayramgulova Gulfiya Shakiryanovna,
teacher of Russian language and literature,
MBOU "Lyantorskaya secondary school No. 5"
Surgutsky district
year 2014
I.Introduction:
topic, relevance, problem, object and subject of research 4
Goals and objectives, methods, hypothesis
II. Theoretical review.
Section 1. Etymology of the word 5 Section 2. The meaning of the word "patriot" 6
Section 3. Advantages of patriotism, how to develop patriotism in yourself,
popular expressions about patriotism 6
Section 4. Patriotism in the lyrics of M.Yu. Lermontov,
patriotism in the lyrics of A.S. Pushkin. 7
III. Practical part:
Proper study 7
Study results 8
Study Analysis 8
VI. Conclusions.
V. List of used literature.
I . Introduction
Have you ever looked at a person's passport? It contains a lot of information: where and when its owner was born, what his name is, whether he has a family, where he lives. A passport is the main document of a Russian citizen.
Not only people have a passport. For example, cars have passports - they indicate the most important specifications cars. Attached are passports and household appliances, audio and video equipment: they tell what this or that device is intended for, how to use it correctly.
Each word of the language can also be given its own passport. What will be written in it? First, you can specify the origin of the word. Some words have been living in the language for a long time, they were born in it and belong to it (they are called primordial), some came from other languages (these are words borrowed).
Secondly, the word has an age. There are words - pensioners ( obsolete words), but there are only recently born words - youngsters (they are called neologisms).
Thirdly, words can have various areas use. Some words are known to everyone, they are understood by everyone (they are called commonly used
words). Others are known only to the inhabitants of a certain territory ( dialectisms) or people of one particular profession ( terms and professionalisms
).
Finally, words can have a certain stylistic coloring. Some words are found only in colloquial speech(that's what they're called colloquial words), some can rarely be heard, since they are used mainly in books ( bookstores the words).
If we summarize all the information about the word, then we will get its passport. However, in order to correctly indicate one or another attribute of a word, it is necessary to carry out a lot of preliminary work. Each word is unique. Even the words of the service parts of speech have many meanings and shades. AT everyday life we do not think about each individual word, but perceive them as a whole. There are words in the language that hurt, offend. There are words in speech that support us in Hard time, there are words that inspire to noble deeds and even feats.
There are words - like wounds, words - like a court, -
They do not surrender with them and do not take prisoners.
Words can kill, words can save
In a word, you can lead the shelves behind you.
I will explore the word patriotism
Relevance. At present, there is a need to understand society in relation to the attitude of each of us to patriotism, to the Motherland, to the country.
Problem: attitude to patriotic education in schools.
Object of study: students of the 6th grade of the school, teachers, parents.
Subject of study: study of understanding and attitude towards patriotism
Target project: draw up a passport for the word "patriotism", that is, consider it with different sides.
Tasks:
1. Determine the origin of the word "patriotism".
2. Analyze semantic properties given word.
3. The meaning of the word patriotism in dictionaries.
4. Identify words related to the word "patriotism", synonyms for the word "patriotism".
5. Check how the word is used in literature.
6.Spend sociological research(questionnaire) among students. middle school in order to determine: the attitude of students to patriotism.Research methods:
Questioning students, teachers, parents of the school.
Hypothesis:
I assume that the word patriotism is not familiar enough to students, they will find it difficult to understand this word. Thesis: each word can be given a passport. This can only be done after careful linguistic analysis.
Theoretical review
Section I.
Etymology of the word
Word borrowed directly from French or through the German language in the meaning of a person who is devoted and loves his homeland. The time of borrowing is determined in different ways. According to some sources - the XVI century. According to others - much later - with Peter I, during whose time the idea of serving the fatherland and, above all, the military was especially strong. Therefore, at the very beginning, patriotism as a trait of a patriot hadthe meaning of military patriotism.
Origins - in the Latin word patriota. It goes back to the Greek patriōtēs - patria descendants, relatives, land of fathers. Therefore, the starting point of the entire etymological chain is pater- father. In other sources, it is noted that, having got into Latin from ancient Greek, it also had the meaning of "countryman".
The main derivative of the word "patriot" - patriotism. In our time, it means love for one's Fatherland, devotion to it and the people, readiness for sacrifices and deeds in the name of the interests of the Fatherland. Appeared and figurative meanings- devotion to something, hot to anything.
Section 2. The meaning of the word patriot
Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language, Vladimir Dal
patriot
a patriot, a lover of the fatherland, a zealot for its good, a father-lover, a father-in-law or father-in-law. Patriotism m. love for the motherland. Patriotic, domestic, domestic, full of love to the fatherland. Patrimonial, paternal, otny, paternal, paternal.
Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language. D.N. Ushakov
patriot
patriot, m. (Greek patriotes - countryman). a person devoted to his people, loving his fatherland, ready for sacrifices and performing feats in the name of the interests of his homeland. Soviet patriots vigilantly guard the borders of their native country. The Bolsheviks, exposing the role of the social patriots in the war of 1914-1918, pointed out that they, the social patriots, were socialists in word and patriots of the imperialist fatherland in deed. A leavened patriot is a person full of leavened (see) patriotism.
Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova.
patriot
1. A person imbued with patriotism. true p.
2.trans., what. Man, devoted interests of some. affairs, deeply attached to smth. P. of his factory.
and. patriot, and
New explanatory and derivational dictionary of the Russian language, T. F. Efremova.
patriot
He who loves his fatherland, is devoted to his people, is ready for sacrifices and deeds in the name of the interests of his Motherland.
unfold One who is devoted to smth., passionately loves smth.
Encyclopedic Dictionary, 1998
volunteer organization of patriots
underground Komsomol youth group during the Great Patriotic War in the village. Alekseevka, Zaporozhye region in 1942 (about 40 people). Most of the participants were executed by the Nazis.
Union of Polish Patriots
UNION OF POLISH PATRIOTS (SPP) mass anti-fascist organization in 1943-46. Founded by V. Vasilevskaya, A. Lyampe, A. Zavadsky and others. Organizer (1943) of the Polish Army. In 1944 members of the SPP joined the Polish Committee national liberation.
Union of Russian Patriots
in 1943-48 (after 1946 - Soviet patriots), created by Russian emigrants and their children in France (one of the leaders is G. V. Shibanov); members of the resistance movement. After 1945 they played active role in remigration.
Synonyms
Loyalty, allegiance, allegiance, allegiance.
Patriot, patriot, patriotism, patriotic, patriotic, patriotic, patriotic, patriotic, patriotic, patriotic,
Section 3
Benefits of Patriotism
Patriotism gives strength - from the realization that hundreds of generations of his ancestors stand invisibly behind a person's back.
Patriotism gives joy - from the realization of the merits and successes of one's country.
Patriotism gives responsibility - for the family, the people and the Motherland.
Patriotism gives confidence - due to a sense of belonging to the fate of the country.
Patriotism gives freedom - to act for the good of one's country.
Patriotism gives respect - to the history, traditions and culture of the country.
Manifestations of patriotism in everyday life.
1.Liberation Wars. It was patriotism, as the basis of solidarity in the face of the enemy, that helped peoples win the most terrible wars unless they were aggressive.
2. Military service. Willingness to defend the Motherland from an external enemy is an essential sign of patriotism; a person who chooses military service shows patriotism.
3. National customs, traditions. An example of a “everyday” manifestation of patriotism is the unique national costumes of different peoples.
How to develop patriotism in yourself
1. Family education. Parents who show love and respect for their country, and instill these feelings in their children, raise their children as patriots.
2. Interest in national culture and traditions. In order to love your people, you need to know them; consciously studying the history of his people, a person cultivates patriotism in himself.
3. Awareness. Patriotism involves pride in one's country's achievements; interest in information associated with all aspects of the life of society and the country creates the basis for the development and manifestation of patriotism.
4. Travel in your own country. The best remedy to know and love your homeland.
Winged expressions about patriotism
Don't ask what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country.
John Kennedy -
It seems to me that the feeling of love for one's own people is as natural to a person as the feeling of love for God.
Patriarch Alexy II -
A patriot is a person who serves the motherland, and the motherland is, first of all, the people.
Nikolay Chernyshevsky -
My friend, let us dedicate beautiful souls to the Fatherland
Alexander Pushkin -
It is important that you are ready to die for your country; but more importantly, you must be willing to live your life for her. - Theodore Roosevelt
–Russia can do without each of us, but none of us can do without it; woe to the one who thinks this double that who really does without it.
There is no happiness outside the homeland, everyone take root in their native land .
A foreign land will not become a homeland.
The highest patriotism is a passionate boundless desire for the good .
Love for the motherland is not an abstract concept, but a real spiritual strength that requires organization, development and culture.
In a decent person is nothing else but the desire to work for the good of one's country, and comes from nothing else but the desire to do good, as much as possible more and as much as possible better.
Section 4
Patriotism in the lyrics of M.Yu. Lermontov
One of the main works of Lermontov, where patriotism is manifested, is the poem "Motherland".
"I love my homeland, but strange love!
My mind won't defeat her."
In these lines, the author writes about true patriotism for his homeland. It is under the words “but with strange love” that the hidden patriotism that should be in every person is understood.
The poem "Motherland" has become one of the masterpieces not only of the lyrics of M.Yu. Lermontov, but also of all Russian poetry. Nothing seems to give such peace, such a feeling of peace, even joy, as this communication with rural Russia. This is where the feeling of loneliness recedes. M.Yu. Lermontov draws Russia folk, bright, solemn, majestic, but despite the general life-affirming background. Why love for your home country worn by the poet so controversial character? First of all, on the one hand, for him Russia is his Motherland, where he was born and raised. Such Russia M.Yu. Lermontov loved and glorified. On the other hand, he saw Russia as a country ruled by a rude, cruel power that suppresses all human aspirations, and most importantly, the people's will, and hence patriotism, because popular will this is patriotism. M.Yu. Lermontov puts forward something so unusual for those times that one has to emphasize this unusualness several times: “I love the Fatherland, but with a strange love”, “but I love - for what, I don’t know myself”, “with joy, unfamiliar to many”. This is some kind of exceptional love for Russia, which, as it were, was not fully understood even by the poet himself. It is clear, however, that this love is manifested in relation to popular, peasant Russia, to its expanses and nature.
Patriotism in the lyrics of A.S. Pushkin.
Many works of A.S. Pushkin are “filled” with great patriotism for their homeland.
So what does it teach us great poet? I think that in the first place - love for their homeland, big and small. One of the main features of Pushkin's work was patriotism. Each line of his poems is imbued with ardent love for Russia, for the Motherland. Here are Pushkin's lines dedicated to Moscow:
Moscow! How much in this sound
Merged for the Russian heart
How much resonated with him.
The homeland for Pushkin is both inconspicuous mountain ash growing near the house and a rickety fence:
I love the sad slope
In front of the hut are two mountain ash,
Wicket, broken fence.
Paintings native nature are present in almost all chapters of "Eugene Onegin". These are groves, meadows and fields, among which the life of Tatyana Larina flows. It amazes me how he understands how the nobleman Pushkin feels Russian folk songs, how their sad melodies penetrate the soul of a merry fellow and an optimist: “Something dear is heard in the long songs of the coachman.” For Pushkin, the role of impressions connected with Patriotic War 1812.
In 1814, he wrote one of the most remarkable poems of the lyceum period, "Memories in Tsarskoe Selo." Its main theme is Russia's recent victory over Napoleon. Oh, how proud the young Pushkin is of his homeland, of his people!
Practical part.
Research methods:
1. Questioning of 6th grade students in October.
In order to study the understanding and attitude to patriotism, we conducted a survey. A questionnaire was developed containing eleven questions, seven of which assumed a simple answer "yes" or "no", the remaining four questions required a thoughtful attitude.
The text of the questionnaire is given below.
12. Do national customs, traditions of the peoples of Russia influence the formation of a patriotic attitude?
Results of work:
The survey was conducted with 71 students.
1. Do you know the word "patriotism"?
2. What does the word "patriotism" mean?
Often repeated answers were: “love for the motherland”, “a person is proud of his country”, “serves his interests”, “loves the country”, “makes the country better”, “works for his country”.
3. Do you think patriotism is a mandatory quality for every person or does it need to be educated?
50 students answered “yes”, 15 students answered “no”, 6 students answered “I don't know”.
4. If you think that patriotism needs to be educated, in what ways, in your opinion, should this be done?
“yes” - 40 students answered, “no” - 5 students answered, “I don’t know” - 26 students
The answers were as follows: “talk about Russia”, “accustom responsibility”, tell children “ Russia is the best country in the world”, “help others”, “serve the motherland”, “join the army”…
There were no other answers.
5. What do you think is the role of the school in the education of patriotism?
“yes” - 49 students answered, “no” - 22 students answered.
6. Do you consider yourself a patriot?
“yes” - 41 students answered, “no” - 30 students answered.
7. Is it necessary patriotic education at school?
43 students answered “yes”, 21 students answered “no”, 7 students answered “I don't know”.
8. Would you like to leave Russia?
“yes” - 11 students answered, “no” - 60 students answered.
9. Are you proud to live in Russia?
“yes” - 67 students answered, “no” - 4 students answered.
10. Do you believe in the revival of Russia?
“yes” - 63 students answered, “no” - 8 students answered
11. Are you ready to dedicate your life to the prosperity of the Motherland?
12. Do the national customs and traditions of the peoples of Russia influence the formation of a patriotic attitude towards their country?
“yes” - 61 students answered, “no” - 10 students answered.
There are students who take part in the organization of national concerts and holidays and are proud of it: Sengepova Lyudmila, the national ensemble "Pimochki"
VI.Conclusions.
In the course of the work done, I was able to collect a lot of information about theoretical meaning the word "patriot".
Of course, the lack of resources, and most importantly, experience, did not allow me to do all the work on my own: I had to turn to the works of linguists, as well as resort to the help of Internet resources. As a result, I managed to draw up a passport for the word “patriotism”. This isn't all the information about the word, but like any passport, this one will have blank pages that I hope to fill out over time.
Conclusions:
Most students understand the meaning of the word "patriotism", are proud that they live in Russia, honor national traditions, believe in the revival and prosperity of Russia. Our hypothesis was not confirmed.
PATRIOT stress, word forms
patriot
patriot,
patriots,
patriot
patriots
patriot
patriots
patriot
patriots
patriot
patriots
patriot,
patriots
+ PATRIOT- T.F. Efremova New Dictionary of the Russian Language. Explanatory- derivational
PATRIOT is
patriot
patri about t
m.1) He who loves his fatherland, is devoted to his people, is ready for sacrifices and deeds in the name of the interests of his Motherland.
2) unfold One who is devoted to smth., passionately loves smth.
+ PATRIOT- S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language
PATRIOT is
patriot
PATRIOT, -a, m.
1. A person imbued with ~ism. true p.
2. trans. , what. A person devoted to the interests of a affairs, deeply attached to smth. P. of his factory.
| and. ~ka, -and.
+ PATRIOT- Dictionary of foreign words
PATRIOT is
PATRIOT
a, m., odush
1. A man inspired by patriotism. Genuine p.
2. trans., what. A person devoted to the interests of some business, passionately loving something P. city. P. plant. Patriot - female p..
+ PATRIOT- Small academic dictionary Russian language
PATRIOT is
patriot
BUT, m.
The one who loves his fatherland is devoted to his people, his homeland.
Gemma exclaimed that if Emil felt himself a patriot and wished to devote
all one's strength for the liberation of Italy - then, of course, for such a lofty and sacred cause one can sacrifice a secure future. Turgenev, Spring Waters.
The word "patriot" first appeared in the period french revolution 1789-1793 Patriots then called themselves fighters for the cause of the people, defenders of the republic, as opposed to traitors, traitors to the motherland from the camp of monarchists. M. Kalinin, On communist education.
|| trans.; what.
One who is devoted to smth., passionately loves smth.
Patriot of Leningrad. Patriot of his factory.
Patriots of native ships, With lion's courage in the chest - Guardsmen of the Soviet fleet Always and everywhere ahead! Lebedev-Kumach, Marine Guard.
By the second month of combat work, they (pilots) all --- became patriots of their cause. Simonov, From the Black to the Barents Sea.
(From Greek πατριώτης - countryman, compatriot)
+ PATRIOT- Compiled dictionary of foreign words of the Russian language
PATRIOT is
patriot
PATRIOT
(Greek). A man who passionately loves his fatherland and people, trying to be useful to them.
Political terms cannot be called ideologically neutral; on the contrary, they are most often an instrument of actual political struggle or an expression of the system of power relations existing in society. T&P studied the work of the largest modern researchers political history to find out what certain terms meant at different times and what is behind them now.
The word "patriot" comes from the Roman patriota ("compatriot"), which in turn comes from the Greek πατρίς ("fatherland").
From the 1720s, the term “patriotism” appeared in English political rhetoric, which from the very beginning was associated with the “common good”, but at the same time had the character of opposition to the government. Throughout the second half of the 18th century, radicals and conservatives in the British Parliament fought for the right to use patriotic rhetoric. The political context of the concept of "patriot" has been constantly changing throughout XVIII century, and with it the meaning of the term. So in policy article British conservatism "The Patriot" of 1774, literary critic and publicist Samuel Johnson comes out with sharp criticism of the patriots.
Hugh Cunningham analyzes in detail the semantic leaps that the concept of "patriot" underwent in England in the 18th century. In 1725, an opposition group emerged within the Whig party, calling itself the Patriot Party, which subsequently united a number of deputies from both parties - the Liberal and the Conservative. Her activities were directed against the corrupt head of government, unofficially named the first prime minister, Robert Walpole. Representatives of the non-factional party called themselves "patriots" to show that they cared about the common good, thus trying to legitimize their opposition.
The argument in favor of the opposition was a large number of court proteges in parliament, who, in their opinion, threatened the freedoms of the country's citizens, transferring power from parliament to ministries. The ideology of the party in the 1720-30s, the philosopher and statesman Henry St. John Bolingbroke in a number of journalistic works, in particular, in the message "The Patriot King", addressed to the Prince of Wales.
"Love for the Fatherland" was one of the key concepts for the thinkers of the Enlightenment. Philosophers have contrasted loyalty to a country with loyalty to a church or monarch."
As Cunningham points out, Bolingbroke's idea, which comes from ancient Greek notions of the common good learned through the writings of Machiavelli, is that degradation and corruption can only be avoided by maintaining a balance between democracy, aristocracy and tyranny (in the British context, between the king, the House of Lords and the House of Commons). The king had to play a special role, because he stands above the parties, and is also the guarantor of the country's prosperity, supporting the commercial class. Bolingbroke was a well-known conservative and Jacobite, but many of his ideas later influenced enlightenment thinkers and the ideologues of the American Revolution. He argued for the existence of systematic opposition to the government in order to avoid a court oligarchy. The Patriot Party fought against tyranny, so the concept of "patriot" is beginning to be associated with opposition to the government, to the court, and also to the monarch, who attacks civil liberties. Subsequently, it was this idea of patriotism that was used by the American colonists in the struggle for independence.
"Love of the fatherland" was one of the key concepts for Enlightenment thinkers. Philosophers have contrasted loyalty to a country with loyalty to a church or monarch. They believed that clerics should not teach in public schools because their "homeland" is in heaven. Back in the 17th century, Jean de La Bruère wrote that there is no fatherland with despotism. This idea was continued in the famous Encyclopedia of 1765 by Louis de Jaucourt. Fatherland cannot be combined with despotism, because the moral good is based on love for the fatherland. Thanks to this feeling, the citizen prefers the common good to the private interest. Under the condition of a state free from tyranny, a citizen feels himself part of a community of equal compatriots.
Patriotism was considered by philosophers mainly as one of the benefactors. Montesquieu wrote in The Spirit of the Laws that the common good is based on love for the law and love for the fatherland. In the preface to The Spirit of the Laws in 1757, he makes it clear: love for the fatherland is love for equality, that is, not a Christian and not a moral virtue, but a political one. While the engine of the monarchy is honor, the engine of the republic is the political (civil) benefactor.
In 1774, Samuel Johnson published The Patriot, an essay in which he describes and criticizes the current ideas of the time about what a patriot is. The first feature he highlights is opposition to the court. Also, a patriot often expresses his love for the people as a single homogeneous community, which, according to Johnson, is wrong, since there is a heterogeneous mass of rich and poor, privileged and lower classes, and it is necessary to clearly understand which part of the people the patriot is addressing. If he addresses not the upper classes, who are obliged to regulate the lower ones, but directly to the poor and unenlightened, who are easily deceived, then such patriotism cannot be called love for one's country. The patriot cares about the rights and constantly reminds the people of the right to protect against encroachments on what is rightfully theirs. Johnson denounces wasteful promises of rights and freedoms for the sake of momentary political goals - for example, to get into Parliament. A true patriot understands that one cannot unconditionally obey the will of the voter, because the opinion of the crowd is changeable.
Johnson's article was written before the 1774 Parliamentary elections. It can be seen from the article that Johnson's reasoning is not of an abstract theoretical nature, but is directly related to the actual political context. Johnson mentions in the text the radical John Wilkes, who spoke out with sharp criticism of the government and George III, as well as fighting for a more democratic representation in Parliament. In 1774, the first attempts by the American colonists to fight for independence began. Wilkes advocated the independence of the American colonies, which is also mentioned in the text of Johnson, who speaks contemptuously of patriots who question the authority of the state over the territory.
Thus, by the 1770s in England, a new connotation of the concept of "patriot" was being formed. A patriot is a politician or journalist who fights for democratic reform, against the tyranny of the monarch and for the independence of the American colonies. Important role here belongs to John Wilkes, who in his political struggle actively used the rhetoric of "love of the fatherland" and justified democratic reforms with the ancient liberal tradition in England.
Johnson nevertheless tries to "clear" the meaning of the term "patriot" from undesirable associations with radicals, noting that there are still "true patriots." Already in 1775, after Wilkes' victory in the election, Johnson makes his famous dictum, perhaps the most famous English-language saying about patriotism: "Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel." The scoundrel meant John Wilkes and his supporters. Johnson himself was best known as the compiler of the Dictionary of English language". In the 1775 edition, he added a new context to the definition of patriot in the dictionary: "An ironic nickname for one who seeks to sow discord within Parliament." By 1775, the conservatives lost the linguistic war to the radical liberals, it was easier for them to abandon this concept altogether. Reformist John Cartwright wrote in 1782 that a true patriot should not be one who opposes a corrupt ministry, but one who seeks the restoration of outraged rights and a radical transformation of the state system, after which the tyranny of George III will be eliminated.
In the early 1790s, The Patriot, a radical newspaper, spoke out against the despotic arbitrariness of royalty. If tyranny threatens the liberties of the citizens, then free Englishmen must rise up in opposition under the banner of that liberal tradition which was to the English state With ancient times. All over the country, "patriotic societies" and "patriotic clubs" are springing up against attacks on rights and freedoms. During the struggle of the American colonists for independence, radical patriotic rhetoric was used in the fight against the British monarch. The ideologues of the independence movement and the Founding Fathers of the United States called themselves "patriots".
During the French Revolution, patriotic rhetoric was one of the key tools of political propaganda. One of the most famous slogans of the revolution is "The Fatherland is in danger!"
Contemporary scholar Peter Campbell distinguishes between ideology and rhetoric. An ideology is a set of principles that can motivate people to do something. Rhetoric is a speech construction strategy aimed at achieving the desired goals. According to Campbell, patriotism of the 1750s and 1760s had not yet taken shape as an opposition ideology in France, so people with diametrically opposed views on the state structure could be called patriots. By the 1770s, it becomes obvious that the ancient republican ideal, when representative power is in the hands of the privileged class, is impossible. During the French Revolution, patriotic rhetoric was one of the key tools of political propaganda (one of the most famous slogans of the revolution is "The Fatherland is in danger!"). "Love for the fatherland" was interpreted as a struggle for a non-caste nation with equal rights. In 1892, the Parisian battalion of "Patriots of 1789" was formed. To prove the difference in the political rhetoric of France before the revolution and after, Campbell cites an example from the Abbé de Very: after the revolution it was no longer possible to say "I serve the king" - they said "I serve the state."
During the twenty-two years of the war with France, from 1793 to 1815, liberal patriotic language was actively used by official English propaganda to achieve necessary tasks. After Napoleon came to power English government urged society to defend the freedom of the nation (a nation of free people), which is threatened by an unauthorized tyrant (a word that is especially unpleasant for the English ear). Thus, the government simultaneously played on the connection between liberalism and patriotism and, at the same time, tried to instill a loyalist use of the term, when being a patriot meant defending the state in the face of an invader. Fear of a foreign invader becomes an important tool accumulation of the official patriotic language. Main result war years - a shift towards loyalist use of the word "patriotism" in England.
M. Odessky and D. Feldman note that until the end of the 18th century, the term "patriot" was not common in Russia. His consumption marked his acquaintance with enlightenment literature. However, in the reign of Paul I, this term is already being avoided due to associations with the Jacobin terror of the time of the French Revolution. For the Decembrists, patriotism was not only part of revolutionary rhetoric, but also part of nationalist discourse. In other words, both loyalty as opposed to serving the fatherland, and the betrayal of the court elite in relation to the national identity of Russian culture were condemned.
Under Nicholas I, write M. Odessky and D. Feldman, the concept of "patriotism" with the help of the theory of official nationality is equated with the concept of allegiance. To serve the fatherland meant to serve the sovereign-autocrat. The liberal political thought of Europe was opposed by the national identity of Russia, expressed through the concept of "nationality". Obsolete by that time in a European context religious concept power, justifying absolutism, receives a new justification in the "true faith" - Orthodoxy. The ideology of official patriotism soon begins to cause rejection among the intellectual elite Russian society. To characterize the superficial, ostentatious glorification of national identity, the term "leavened patriotism" is coined. The concept of "patriotism" almost completely loses its liberal and revolutionary connotations and becomes negatively colored for liberal intellectuals.
The appearance of the term "intelligentsia", according to M.P. Odessa and D.M. Feldman, from the very beginning was associated with opposition to official patriotism"
Cunningham believes that, contrary to popular belief, patriotism in the radical democratic sense continued to exist in the language well into the 19th century. Another context for this concept comes in the 1830s during the Charstist movement of the working class. Now the radicals consider those who oppose social slavery to be true patriots. At the center of this context is the fundamental idea that, after the English Industrial Revolution, Parliament ceased to speak for the people and therefore represent their interests, as mandated by the constitution. However, this context also quickly disappeared from political language radicals of Great Britain, and since the second half of the 1840s, patriotism is less and less associated with opposition to the government.
In France, however, the situation was different, as revolutionary traditions and revolutionary rhetoric were constantly updated there throughout the 19th century. So in 1868, Gustave Flaubert wrote to George Sand: "The patriots will not forgive me this book, nor will the reactionaries!" In 1871, during Paris Commune, he wrote to his niece Carolina: “Communard and communist Kordom alone. His wife is petitioning for his release and promises that he will emigrate to America. On the third day they also took other patriots.
Since the 1870s, patriotism in Britain has shifted sharply to the side of right-wing conservative imperialist rhetoric. One of the most important features democratic patriotic discourse was its internationalism - patriots different countries considered each other like-minded people in the struggle against the reactionary despotic government. In the second half of the 19th century, the patriotism of the radicals was embodied in the international labor movement, as well as in support of the North in the American Civil War. At the same time, the patriotism of the radicals shifted the focus from domestic policy to the outside.
In 1877-78, a completely new kind of patriotism appeared in British political rhetoric - "jingoism". The name comes from one of the patriotic songs of those years, sung in London pubs, with negative statements about Russia. key point here served the so-called " Eastern question»: is it worth supporting Ottoman Empire for the sake of national interests to the detriment of the interests Russian Empire. From the very beginning, jingoism was associated with the so-called "conservative Russophobia" (there was also a "left Russophobia", characterized by anxiety about reactionary politics Russian Empire).
Through the efforts of the Worksmen's Peace Association and the Peace Society, British military intervention was prevented. Nevertheless, a wave of jingoism took hold of British public policy for some time, causing concern in liberal and democratic circles. Patriotism was now associated with the militaristic policies implemented by Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, and liberals and socialists were defeated in the fight for patriotic rhetoric. Since that time - not only in England - conservative patriotism has been established, which has become an important instrument of imperialist policy.
In Russia in the era Alexander III the negative connotation of the term "patriotism" only intensifies. The appearance of the term "intelligentsia", according to M.P. Odessa and D.M. Feldman, from the very beginning was associated with opposition to official patriotism. Ironically referred to by the liberal intelligentsia as “official patriotism,” this kind of patriotism from the last third of the 19th century meant extremely aggressive, xenophobic rhetoric directed against any dissent. While the government harassed hostile groups through legislation and repression, the government-sponsored "patriotic" intelligentsia came out with extremely aggressive rhetoric in the press. Thus, the religious inequality fixed by law, mainly in relation to Russian Jews, among the “official patriots” resulted in aggressive anti-Semitism, initiating pogroms.
The term "patriotism" in the context of Soviet journalism in the 1970s and 80s acquires a pronounced chauvinistic, ethno-nationalist connotation
M.P. Odessa and D.M. Feldman also examine in detail the ideologeme "patriot" in the history of the Soviet state. During the Civil War, Bolshevik propaganda used a modified slogan of the French Revolution: "The socialist fatherland is in danger!" The addition of the word "socialist" meant a hidden rhetorical maneuver: the "fatherland" of the world socialist movement, born of the October Revolution, is in direct danger of military intervention. This is how the conservative and left-radical concepts of patriotism were combined.
In the 1930s, along with the concept of "building socialism in a single country," this combination of national and international only intensified. The culmination of this ideological construct was the nationalization of Stalinist policies in post-war period. May 24, 1945 Stalin announces " leadership»of the Russian people in the USSR. In this way, Soviet state returned to the concept of conservative patriotism of the era pre-revolutionary Russia with bright pronounced features ethnic nationalism and aggressive militaristic rhetoric. This is precisely what George Orwell means in his famous essay "Notes on Nationalism" modern form He calls nationalism "communism", comparing it with the British "jingoism" of the 19th century. In the sense in which "Russophiles" and "fellow travelers" consider the USSR the birthplace of all socialists and, therefore, must unconditionally support any foreign policy steps Soviet Union, no matter what they cost to other states.
The return of the liberal patriotic discourse of the 19th century can be traced among the Soviet intelligentsia of the “thaw” era. Again there is a contrast between the "loyal" model of patriotism and the idea of serving the fatherland, not the state. When the era of the "thaw" was replaced by the era of "stagnation", the intelligentsia developed two camps: "national-patriotic" and "liberal". Their confrontation sharply intensified in the era of "perestroika".
The term "patriotism" in the context of Soviet journalism in the 1970s and 80s acquires a pronounced chauvinistic, ethno-nationalist connotation. At the same time, M.P. Odessky and D.M. Feldman note that the “loyal” and xenophobic traditions that were ridiculed by the liberal intelligentsia of the era of “perestroika” were by no means obvious, and the majority perceived the term patriotism primarily from the point of view of love for the fatherland and readiness to defend one’s country before a foreign invader. Just as the radical opposition in England once lost the struggle for the use of patriotic rhetoric to conservatism, the perestroika liberal intelligentsia lost on their own to abandon another patriotic discourse, using the term "patriotism" in its most familiar meaning - chauvinistic.
An example of modern usage:
“Linguistic and Regional Observations. I have long noticed that local fascists like to call themselves patriots, and foreign patriots - fascists.
Recently, patriotism has become increasingly important in our country. It pops up in almost any debate about politics, and opponents inevitably blame each other for not having this feeling. But what, in essence, is patriotism, and have people always loved their homeland?
Ancient Greece: Country of the Fathers
The word "patriotism" comes from the Greek "πατρίς" ("patris") - patronymic, or "country of the fathers." However, Greek patriotism was built on somewhat different foundations than modern. The ancient Greeks perceived as their homeland, which must be loved and protected, only their small commune-polis, where people for the most part were relatives to each other. Such a "patriotic" feeling based on kinship is often found even among animals.
But the Greeks had another reason for love for the Motherland. The fact is that only the indigenous inhabitants of the Greek policy could have the rights of a full-fledged citizen, and then only those who owned land on its territory. These rights implied that citizens could (and more often were obliged) to participate in public life: sit in court, make laws and political decisions, engage in religious worship, and so on. In return, they had to participate in the wars waged by the policy, and provide themselves with ammunition. This function, in principle, also belonged to the sphere of public life of the city-state.
The source of patriotism was the fact that citizens own the land (by and large, the policy itself) and protect it from foreign invaders. So their patriotic self-sacrifice was directly related to their own interests and the interests of their families. The ancient Greeks, although they had an idea of themselves as Hellenes and opposed the Hellenes to the barbarians, still did not perceive the whole of Hellas as their homeland and treated Greeks from other policies basically in the same way as representatives of other peoples.
Ancient Rome: Citizenship of War and Peace
Xuan Che / flickr.com
Approximately the same system worked in ancient rome. The Roman Senate, the main political body of the Roman Republic, was an assembly of householders, each of whom represented the interests of himself and his family, over which he had almost absolute power.
It should be noted that this method of management and, accordingly, the model of patriotism played huge role at sunset in Rome. The fact is that as the borders expanded and included more and more people in the area of influence of Rome, the republic became more and more difficult to manage, since the conquered peoples had an ambiguous status in this system. On the one hand, they were obliged to provide troops and resources to support wars, and on the other hand, they did not have the right to accept government decisions. In this regard, in Rome there was a constant struggle between the patricians (the nobility, leading their ancestry from the founders of the city), the plebeians (the inhabitants of Rome who did not belong to the families of the founders) and the allies (the conquered peoples), because all of them were obliged to participate in wars, but only patricians had the rights of full-fledged citizens.
Therefore, over time, as the territory of the Republic increased, the inclusion of new peoples in its area of influence and, as a result, the complexity of the control system, the army began to acquire more and more importance - people who performed the main civic duty in the Republic. The army, on the other hand, was directly connected with its commander, whom it could support or not support in the struggle for power. As a result, a struggle began between the Senate and civil institutions - on the one hand, and military leaders - on the other. A successful military campaign was one of better ways to gain popularity with the people and win them over to their side, as it provided the city with a flow of wealth and slaves. This means that it contributed to the improvement of the situation of its citizens.
It is no coincidence that the strengthening of popular military leaders was feared. Moreover, the Senate itself, as the population of the Republic increased, was separated from an increasing number of citizens, and therefore no longer represented their interests. Actually, that's why the senators at one time killed Caesar, who became incredibly popular after the conquest of Gaul and Egypt. However, this did not prevent, but, on the contrary, even accelerated the process of transfer of power from the people and the Senate to the brilliant military leader (primarily Caesar's heir Octavian). Gradually, the Republic, in which the Senate and the people ruled, turned into an Empire with an emperor at the head. Rome actually became imperial property, passed down by inheritance, and citizenship lost its meaning. And if before that citizenship could be obtained almost in exceptional cases and only for special merits, then after that they began to issue him to entire provinces.
As a consequence, Rome's highly developed urban civic culture began to decline as participation in public life no longer helped lobby, advance, or gain status and respect, so the wealthy began to move into the countryside and freely arrange their lives. there, in their domain. This is how feudalism began to emerge, which subsequently divided Europe into thousands of small patches.
Middle Ages: Patriarchy instead of patriotism
The feudal system that was established in Europe, like the polis system that preceded it, was based on personal relationships. Only in the policy these relations were horizontal relations of neighborhood and kinship - there all citizens took part in the management social life. Feudal relations are vertical, i.e. a vassal to his lord, who makes decisions for both of them in exchange for the promise of protection and support.
However, the lord could not make decisions for the vassal of his vassal - this is one of the basic political rules of feudal Europe. This was due to the fact that there is no personal relationship between them, they are mediated by a third person. But with this third person, both his vassal and his liege have mutual obligations, but at the same time they do not have mutual obligations towards each other.
Thus, with the help of a hierarchy of personal relationships between vassals and lords, the entire feudal system is built, culminating in and uniting God as the highest lord, whose immediate vassals are kings. All the rest are subjects of kings, doing their will, as well as the will of God. And this citizenship was completely independent of nationality or language. In this regard, the divided Europe realized itself as a single cultural space. The main line of division into friends and foes was not a nation and not citizenship, but religion, because the Gentiles do not obey that God, who is the highest sovereign for all Europeans, so they cannot be trusted.
Modern Times: Birth of a Nation
As you can see, in the eras described above, love for one’s place of birth or for one’s country (although it would be more correct to call it a community) had purely pragmatic grounds and grew on personal connections and trust in one’s compatriots, who were also neighbors, friends or relatives. This situation began to change for reasons similar to those that led to the decline and collapse of the Roman Empire. It's about about the excessive increase in the number of subjects in the states and the impossibility of controlling them through minimal amount intermediaries.
Sooner or later, the larger, richer and more successful proto-state formations absorbed the smaller ones, turning into large and clumsy bureaucratic systems in which there was too much distance between its lower and upper layers. Know, being close to the king, had much greater influence that allowed her to lobby own interests at the expense of the interests of the people, gradually abandoning their main civil tasks - military service and administrative work. As a result, the king and the nobility lost contact with the people.
The people became more and more aware of their national unity based primarily on the use common language, which in turn was built in the language used by the bureaucratic system. The participation of people of humble origin in this bureaucratic system also allowed to realize itself as a part of the state.
On the one hand, people from the lower strata were now able to change their position on the social ladder through participation in this system. And on the other hand, this change of position was limited precisely by the borders of the state or, as in the case of the colonies, by the borders of the colony. At the same time, a restriction was imposed in the form of knowledge of the language that all other bureaucrats use, so that it was easier for representatives of the dominant nationality to build a career than for representatives of subordinate language groups. In addition, a unified education and cartography contributed to the formation of national self-identification, broadcasting to all citizens a certain image of the state, about which they had a very vague idea before, since their world was limited to the nearest villages.
It turned out that the power was isolated from the people, but the people, who had no influence on power and politics, at the same time carried out almost all the main state functions, which used to belong to the authorities: first of all, administrative management and military service.
At the same time, the people, who are in vassal relations with the aristocracy, realizing themselves as one, also felt themselves to be a source of power. In contrast to the prevailing before submission that the monarch is the source of power. Accordingly, if the people are the source of power, they can overthrow their rulers, as long as they do not satisfy them. However, for this, he must first realize himself as a single people.
Long XIX century: Society against the state
Pieter Brueghel the Younger, via Wikimedia Commons
This is exactly what happened during the French Revolution, when the people went against the king, the country rebelled against the state. If before the French fought for God and the king, now they fought for France. And it should be noted that this nascent patriotism had an extremely critical attitude towards the existing system.
Realizing themselves as a nation, the French, invading more and more new states during Napoleonic Wars, carried nationalist ideas throughout Europe like an infection. The Germans, in response, recognized themselves as Germans, the Spaniards recognized themselves as Spaniards, and the Italians as Italians. And all these peoples began to consider themselves sources of power in their states. Nationalism was originally an exclusively revolutionary and liberal idea, and European monarchs, by that time already connected by strong family ties with each other and still, following the Roman emperors, perceived their countries as their own, feared him.
It is no coincidence, for example, that in Germany, fragmented into hundreds of small principalities, princes, barons and kings suppressed nationalist uprisings aimed at uniting the country. Or we can remember how Russia crushed the Hungarian uprising for national independence in Austria-Hungary.
However, the process of occurrence national identity was already launched, and European monarchs partly used it for their own purposes during the Napoleonic Wars. Paradoxically, the royal houses of all Europe, mainly descended from German or French princes and kings and ruled giant multinational empires, were forced to somehow write themselves into the emerging national myths.
Ultimately, the monarchs of multinational empires, in order to retain power, themselves began to reproduce national myths that reinforce the dominance of the titular nation over all the others. Thus, for example, the formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” appeared, which was intended to connect the Russian national myth with the idea of autocracy, which, in turn, protects state religion. This gave rise to internal, hitherto non-existent, inter-ethnic contradictions within states. Which eventually led to regular national uprisings and the collapse of all European empires.
Modern Times: From Love to Hate
rolffimages / bigstock.com
The national idea, originally critical and progressive, quickly (somewhere in a century) turned into its complete opposite. Patriotism has turned into chauvinism. Love for one's homeland and for one's people has become hatred for others. Ultimately, this transformation resulted in the main tragedy of the twentieth century - the Second world war, Nazism and the Holocaust - because the patriotic feeling of the Germans and their allies, offended by the results of the First World War, got out of control and turned into an idea of national superiority.
Therefore, when we talk about patriotism, it is worth remembering the origins of this concept: the good-neighbourly, almost family relations of people living together who cared for their homeland and each other. Patriotism is a concept that at its root contains a critical attitude towards the surrounding reality and the desire to transform it into better side to make your community better. Moreover, it does not matter at all who the members of this community are, as well as their nation, language, culture, religion, etc. The main thing is an attempt to jointly create better society, and not a blind belief in our own superiority on the sole basis that we belong to one group or another and have one or another set of characteristics. Patriotism is what unites people, but there is always a danger of turning it into one's own. complete opposite which, on the contrary, splits the society. This is not a blind belief that your country or nation is the best, but the desire to make it the best, so that you can be proud of it.
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